Leave Nehīm — Arrive at Boosaida — Shekh Hamed Shakshak —
Return of Shekh Mahommed — Revival of the Report above mentioned
— Motive for renewing it — Discharge our Mesurata Camel-drivers
— Treaty with the Dúbbah for others — Interested Conduct of
Shekh Mahommed — Commencement of another Salt-Lake at Sharfa —
Easy mode of shifting Quarters practised by the Arabs — Their
manner of travelling — Termination of the Lake — Arrive at
Shegga — Remains of Forts observed there — Other Remains in
its Neighbourhood — Abundant Pasturage at Shegga — Fortress
of Bengerwàd — Peculiarities of its Position — Bengerwàd
considered as the Castle of Euphrantas — Objections to this
Supposition — Reasons in favour of it — Leave Wady Shegga
— Cross a Tract of Red Sand — Spacious Bay at Ras Howeijah
— Good Anchorage probably found there — Remains of an ancient
Town near Ras Howeijah considered as those of Charax — Trade of
Charax alluded to, as mentioned by Strabo — Further Reasons for
placing the Tower of Euphrantas at Bengerwàd — Allusion to the
Barter of Silphium at Charax — Emendation of Strabo’s Text
proposed by Signor Della Cella — Arrive at Hudīa — Alleged
Origin of this Name as applied to the Place in question — Hudīa
lately infested by a formidable Band of Robbers — Precautions
of our Arab Escort to prevent any Attack — Rigorous Measures of
Mahommed Bey apparently very necessary — Remarkable Hill of Gypsum
at Hudīa — Celebration of Christmas-day by our Party at Hudīa
— Fortress at Mahirīga — Arrival of a Party of Pilgrims from
the Westward — Disturbance at Linoof — Apparent Causes of it
— Ill-behaviour of the Dúbbah — His sudden change of Conduct,
and artful Manœuvres — Remarks on Arab Character — Satisfactory
Termination of the Disturbance — Arrival at Mukhtàr, the Boundary
of the Districts of Syrt and Barka.
On quitting Nehīm we proceeded along the edge of a marsh which
commences there, extending itself for several miles parallel with
the beach, from which it is separated by sand-hills, and in the
evening arrived at Boosaida. The whole of this tract (from Nehīm
to Boosaida) is very flat and uninteresting, and we could perceive
no remains there of any kind. At Boosaida may be observed the
ground-plans of small walls, apparently those of dwelling-houses,
between where our tents the spot were pitched and the sea; the
remains are however so few and inconsiderable, and so much mixed with
stones belonging to the soil, as to be wholly without any interest.
The country at Boosaida is somewhat hilly, and overrun with grass
and brushwood, a small part only being planted with barley. The
few Bedouins who inhabit it appear to have no other occupation than
that of tending their camels, sheep, and goats; and the women are
chiefly occupied in curing skins for containing water and manteca,
which is done by means of certain roots found in great quantities
in the neighbourhood. The Shekh, or principal man of the place,
was named Hamed Shakshak, who, in order to ensure our being well
supplied, for we ought not to suspect so obliging a personage of
any less praiseworthy motive, took care to usurp the sole right
and privilege of furnishing us himself with whatever we wished to
purchase; never forgetting, however, in the excess of his zeal,
to put a most unconscionable price upon everything. So careful had
this considerate person been in his manœuvres, that we could not
get even a draught of milk from the women in other tents, without
promising to keep it secret from Hamed Shakshak. As we had no wish
to embroil the honest inhabitants with their Shekh, we thought it
better to take no notice of this proceeding, especially as the time
we had to remain at Boosaida was short, and our demands were not
likely to be very great.
It was here that our agreement with the Mesurata camel-drivers
finished; and the day after our arrival we were rejoined by our
friend the Dúbbah, who had left us, as before stated, to make
arrangements for furnishing us with others. He entered our tent with
three large ostrich eggs wrapped up very carefully in the folds
of his baracan, (for this garment may be considered as a general
envelope for everything which an Arab thinks worthy of a cover,) and
having unfolded them, one by one, laid them down very solemnly and
ceremoniously, and with the greatest air of consequence imaginable,
on the mat upon which we were sitting. All this was of course
intended to enhance the value of the present, and we received it
accordingly with all due acknowledgments. The prelude being over,
Shekh Mahommed assumed a very mysterious air, and drew a little
closer towards us; then lowering his voice, which was not usually
one of the most gentle, he began to inform us (looking occasionally
round the tent, as if he feared to be overheard from without)
that a large troop of marauding Arabs were then at Kebrīt, having
recently arrived there from the neighbourhood of Cairo, and that
they were lying in wait for our party. There could be no doubt, he
added, of the truth of this statement, for one of his own sons had
just arrived from Cairo himself! On our asking him whether this son
had actually seen the Arabs in question, he replied that, as yet,
no person had seen them, but that the prints of horses’ feet, to
the number of sixty, had been observed about the wells near Kebrīt,
and that there could be no doubt whatever of the sinister intentions
of the party. “But fear nothing,” continued the Shekh, with
an air of greater importance, “while the Dúbbah is your friend
and conductor; for I will myself,” said he, “go on in advance,
and if I find the tracks of hostile horses about the wells, woe be
to the rascals upon their backs!” We had been trying very hard,
during this important communication, to keep as solemn a face as we
could, but the concluding bravado of old Shekh Mahommed rendered all
our best efforts unavailing; and we fairly laughed out, in spite of
ourselves, to the great discomposure of our valiant protector. The
old Shekh had often talked of similar interruptions which were to
be expected upon the road, but we could not, at first, upon the
present occasion, perceive his actual motive for introducing the
subject so formally and circumstantially. The next day, however,
we found there had been a competition between the Dúbbah and
our Mesurata camel-drivers, who were desirous of accompanying us
to Bengazi, and whom for their good conduct on most occasions we
should have been very willing to retain in our service. At any
rate, we wished the competition to continue till we had concluded
our bargain with one of the parties, as we knew that we should
otherwise be exposed to the extortion which is almost invariably
practised by an Arab when he knows there is no alternative but to
accept his proposals. Both parties, however, knew that we must,
under any circumstances, continue our route; and that it would not
be possible for us to do so without camels, whether we advanced or
returned. For this reason we had never made any positive promise
that we would take the Dúbbah’s camels at Boosaida, and we had
never given any notice to the camel-drivers of Mesurata that we
should not continue them if they wished to proceed with us farther.
Having reason to believe that his Mesurata rivals were willing
to go on with us to Bengazi, Shekh Mahommed now brought forward
his story of the robbers to deter them from accompanying us any
farther; for in the event of our being surprised and overpowered,
they would themselves have lost their camels as well as all they had
with them. Whether this story, which the Dúbbah had taken care to
have generally circulated, really frightened the men of Mesurata,
or whether they thought it imprudent to make an enemy of the old
Shekh at a distance from their own country, and in a part of his
own, did not very clearly appear; but they soon after came to us,
and declined proceeding any farther, alleging, at the same time, that
Shekh Mahommed had already engaged camels for us from his own people
in the neighbourhood, and that we should therefore have no occasion
for theirs. We told them that we had as yet made no bargain with the
Dúbbah, and that although we might wish to give him an opportunity,
as our friend and conductor, of making a fair profit of his camels,
we should certainly not accept them if we found that his demands were
unreasonable. Finding, however, that the men were really unwilling to
go on, under any circumstances, though they would not state precisely
the grounds of their objection, we settled our accounts with them,
giving each a few piastres in addition to what had been agreed for,
as an acknowledgment of their good behaviour, and they shortly after
set out on their return to Mesurata. Before their departure, however,
we sent for Shekh Mahommed, and told him the number of camels we
should have occasion for; stating, at the same time, the sum we
intended to pay him for them, to which, after some little parley,
he consented. The next morning he made his appearance in our tent,
and said that the camels would be brought to us immediately, but
that the men whom they belonged to, on estimating the weight of
our baggage, had refused to carry it so long a journey, unless
we would consent to take twenty-five instead of eighteen camels,
(the number we had mentioned to him on the preceding evening,)
and which was fully sufficient for the whole of our baggage. To
this proposal, however, we gave a very decided negative, and a long
parley, ensued in which the Dúbbah went through the whole gamut
of Arab vociferation, accompanying each tone with its appropriate
gestures, and expressing himself with an energy which almost amounted
to frenzy. The whole strength of the Dúbbah’s lungs, with all his
powers of gesticulation, were, however, unable to convince us that
his proposal was a reasonable one; although it must be confessed,
in justice to his logic, that no poissard ever screamed louder,
and that the most accomplished Neapolitan buffoon could not have
surpassed him in vehemence and variety of gesture.
The result was that we could come to no satisfactory terms; for
the Dúbbah was aware that our old camel-drivers were gone, and
thought we had no alternative but to comply with his demands: he
concluded by declaring, in the name of the Prophet, that we should
either have none at all, or else take the whole number of camels
which he had proposed, and went out of the tent as he delivered
his final resolve, fully satisfied that we should soon call him
back and agree to his unreasonable terms.
Had we done so he would soon have found some excuse for increasing
the number still further, and we should in all probability not have
been able to get away without twice as many camels as we had any
occasion for.
We were, however, determined not to submit to this imposition while
any means remained of avoiding it; and Shekh Mahommed had no sooner
left the tent than we ordered two horses to be saddled immediately,
and despatched one of our party, accompanied by the Chaous, to bring
back the Mesurata camel-drivers, who we knew could not have been far
advanced on their journey. The old Shekh now imagined that we were
going to send express to Tripoly to complain of his conduct to the
Bashaw; although such an embassy, had we waited for the reply, must
have detained us much longer than it would have been advisable to
delay the expedition for any point so comparatively trifling. As he
had however fallen into this error, and was evidently much disturbed
at the idea, we did not of course undeceive him; and when he had most
solemnly promised to abide by our decision on the subject in dispute,
he begged that we would allow him to recall the two horsemen, who
had already made some little progress: no sooner had he obtained
our permission to do so than he mounted his mare in all speed, which
he had contrived to have saddled in the interval, and riding after
the envoys as fast as he could gallop, overtook them as they were
nearly out of sight. By this time the day was half gone, and our
departure was consequently deferred till the following one, which,
as the weather turned out, saved us a good wetting. We left Boosaida
on the morning of the 22nd, and passing through Sharfa, stopped
for the night at Shedgane, having only made good twelve miles,
in consequence of the delays occasioned by the young camels which
the Dúbbah had provided for us, which were continually throwing
off their loads. The ground was besides so full of holes, made by
the Jerboa, that both horses and camels were continually tripping.
At Sharfa commences another salt lake which extends to Houeijah,
a remarkable promontory, taking the appearance at a distance
of a castle in ruins, and which may possibly be the cape called
Liconda. Between the lake and the sea is a narrow slip of land
occupied by a party of Arabs, who were so completely concealed among
the hills, that we were close upon them before we were aware that any
living soul was in the neighbourhood. The cattle of this place were
closely attended by the men, to prevent their ranging on the heights,
and, consequently, becoming visible to those who might be passing;
a manœuvre which they probably had adopted from supposing us to be
some of the Bashaw’s people, whose observation they hoped by such
means to elude, and thus escape the payment of the tribute which
in the event of their discovery would have been exacted from them
by the soldiers of His Highness. We were however received by these
people very kindly, and they brought us out milk and dried dates,
unasked for; in return for these attentions, we gave the men some
gunpowder, with which they were highly delighted, and presented
the women with some strings of beads of different colours, which
were accepted with many smiles of acknowledgment.
So well practised are the Arabs in eluding observation, from
the nature of the wandering life which they lead, and the little
security which there is for property in the country they inhabit,
that even those who are well acquainted with their usual haunts are
often unable to find them; and strangers might often pass within a
hundred yards of their tents, without suspecting there was a soul
in the neighbourhood. As the whole property of a wandering Arab
consists in his flocks and cattle, and the few little articles
contained in his tent, he has very little trouble in moving, and
half an hour after he has determined to leave the place of his
residence, no traces will remain of his late habitation, but the
ashes scattered about the hole in the earth which served his whole
family for a fire-place. His sheep and cattle are collected without
difficulty at the sound of his voice, or that of some part of his
family, while his tent, in the mean time, with all its contents,
the chief of which are his wives and his children, are packed up
in a few minutes on the backs of his camels, and ready to move
on with the rest. If he is not pressed for time, the women often
walk with the older children, and assist in driving the cattle;
and should he have no camels, which is very often the case, both
women and children are loaded to the utmost of their strength with
such articles as cannot be transported in other ways. But neither
women nor children on these fatiguing occasions exhibit any signs
of discontent or uneasiness; the length of their journey and the
weight of their burdens are borne with the greatest cheerfulness;
and the whole is considered as a matter of course, which their habits
of life have accustomed them to expect, and to support without any
other effects than the temporary fatigue of the exertion. If the
journey should be long, the tent is seldom unpacked till they have
arrived at the place of their destination, and the whole party sleep
very soundly on the ground, in the midst of their sheep and cattle,
till the first appearance of day-light summons them to rise and
take up their burdens, which have probably in the mean time been
usefully employed in affording them the luxury of a pillow.
On quitting the hills among which our late acquaintance were
encamped, we passed along the track of Ras Houeijah (the promontory
above mentioned), and were detained some time in consequence of
the lake having terminated in a swamp, which extended to the sea,
and in which our horses sank so deep as to render great caution
necessary. The land at the back of the marsh rises tolerably high,
and was better peopled than any part we had yet seen in the district
of Syrt. At about one o’clock we reached Wady Shegga, a large
fiumara so called, and having procured some brackish water a little
way up it, continued our route till we reached some Arab tents,
where we halted for the night. At Shegga we found the remains of some
forts, strongly and regularly built, and of the same quadrangular
form with those which we have already described. On a large mound of
rubbish we also observed a Marábut, rudely built with the stones
of fallen structures about it. In a valley belonging to the chain
of hills which runs at the back of Shegga are considerable traces
of small buildings, rudely put together with the unshaped stones
of the soil. They consist principally of strait lines and parts of
squares, built with very little regularity, and occupying both sides
of the valley. Traces of walls may also be still observed across
the valley, which is furrowed and torn up by the passage of torrents
rushing down in the rainy season from the hills, but which seems to
have formerly contained much more building than can be perceived in
it at present. The rain seems to have been also a principal agent
in destroying the buildings on the sides of the valley; but the
loss which has been sustained is scarcely to be regretted; since
neither these structures, nor those which occupied the centre of the
valley, could ever have been of any importance, although they have
certainly been very numerous. Before the entrance of the valley,
near the forts which have been mentioned, are also seen traces of
building, but which do not seem to have been much more important
than those which we have just alluded to. On the whole, nothing
more can well be collected from these remains, than that the place
has been formerly the site of a small town, which must always have
been a very miserable one. There is however a good deal of pasturage
in the neighbourhood, occasioned by the plentiful supply of water
from the hills, and we found ourselves surrounded on all sides by
flocks of sheep and goats, among which were also a good many camels.
At about two miles’ distance from the remains above described
(to the eastward) is a very remarkable projection of a high cliff
into the sea, on which has been built a strong and very conspicuous
fortress, constructed with large stones regularly shaped and put
together. The greater part of this building, owing to the cliff
having given way, is tumbled in ruins about the beach, and though
little of the ground plan now remaining can be satisfactorily made
out, yet it may well be inferred, from an inspection of the whole,
that this fortress has been one of considerable strength[1]. It
commands an extensive view, on both sides, over the sea, and
overlooks many remains of building which are scattered about the
plain at the back of it. At the foot of the eminence on which the
fortress has been built, is a ravine, which must at times be the
bed of a considerable torrent, and which, crossing the plain from
the mountains by which it is bounded, empties itself into the sea
at the base of the fort. The mountains, which here run parallel
with the beach, approach at the same time so closely to the sea,
that the plain which intervenes might be easily defended by means of
the ravine just described. Along this ravine are traces of strong
walls which have been constructed on both sides of it, and have
formerly extended from the sea to the foot of the hills; and which
must in their perfect state have formed, together with the ravine,
a very effectual barrier to the pass.
Such advantages of situation could not well have been overlooked
by the ancients; and there is little doubt that this position
was originally one of importance. It appears so well calculated,
both by nature and art, for the establishment of a boundary line,
that we have little hesitation in supposing the remains above
mentioned to have at some period defended the limits of the states
of Cyrene and Carthage; and it is accordingly here that we should
feel most inclined to fix the site of the Castle of Euphrantes. The
distance of this fort from Zaffràn, considered as Aspis, does
indeed seem too great for the literal meaning of Strabo’s term
συνεχης: but then the circumstance of its uniting a strong
boundary line with a very conspicuous position, seems to make
this place so very eligible a site for the castle in question,
that we cannot refrain from pointing it out to our readers as the
spot of all others which we could most wish should prove to be
really such. We know the πυργος Ευφραντας to have been a boundary
tower, since it is expressly said by Strabo to have been the limits
of Carthage and Cyrene under the Ptolemies; so far therefore the
resemblance between this fort and that of Strabo appears to be
sufficiently complete. Again, amongst all the fortresses with which the
Syrtis is filled, two only are mentioned in ancient history _by name_,
those of Euphrantas and Automala; and it would seem probable, from this
circumstance (at least it appears so to us), that these castles should
have been distinguished from others by conspicuous positions. Of all
the positions occupied by forts between Zaffràn and the point to which
we are arrived, there is no one which can be materially distinguished
from another but that of Bengerwàd, which we have just been describing;
and this is so remarkably conspicuous a position, from the height of
the eminence and its almost insulated situation on the beach, that it
must have been at all times an object of importance from the sea,
and could not fail to have been noticed by Strabo in his passage
along this part of the coast. It is probable that the position
of the Philænean Altars was not sufficiently well calculated by
nature for a boundary; and that this circumstance, rather than the
desire of increasing his territory in so unprofitable a district,
induced one of the Ptolemies to remove the line of separation further
westward to the castle of Euphrantas. In passing along the coast,
in a westerly direction, from the sandy tract where the monuments
of the Philæni[2] might be looked for, had they still been in
existence, the most eligible situation which would present itself
for a boundary post is certainly that of Bengerwàd; and this, as
we have stated, is so extremely well calculated for such a purpose,
that we can scarcely suppose it could have been overlooked by the
king of Egypt when he fixed the new limits of his dominions.
It will be unnecessary to trouble our readers with any protracted
discussion of a point which admits of no positive proof; and we will
leave others to decide, without further remark, how far the meaning
of the term employed by Strabo (συνεχης) may be extended,
in consideration of the reasons which we have alleged.
On leaving Wady Shegga we passed over a tract of red sand collected
in little hillocks about the plain, which were, however, as well as
the spaces between them, occasionally covered with vegetation. We
here saw some gazelles, hares, and jackalls, and a good many jerboas,
and fired at a snake about six feet in length, which the Arabs
told us swelled out when much irritated, and was very venomous;
he however escaped slightly grazed into a hole in the sand. This
was the only snake of any size which we had seen in the Syrtis;
it was of a very dark colour, and about as thick as a man’s
wrist. Immediately behind the promontory which we have mentioned
above, is a small sandy bay which the Arabs call a port, and which
might in former days have served as a landing-place for boats. This
Ràs (or head land), with Ràs Houeijah, forms a spacious bay,
in which good anchorage might probably be found close up under the
western shore. After passing Bengerwàd the coast gets lower, and
the road leads along an uninteresting flat between it and the hills.
Five miles from the Ràs, upon a sandy point, are the remains of
a small fort, and about three-quarters of a mile inland of it are
several large mounds of sand and rubbish, through which appear
occasionally parts of the walls and ground plans of houses. These
are evidently the remains of an ancient town, and the houses have
here been more concentrated than those of any town which we have
observed in the Syrtis; but they are now in so very incumbered a
state, that we could form no correct idea either of their number
or of their plans. It is probable also that excavation would here
be uninteresting, as the hand of time seems to have been fully as
much concerned in the destruction of this place as that of its most
inveterate enemies. Considerable traces of building may be observed
all the way from these remains to the wells at Hudea, and indeed
all the way from Bengerwàd; and immediately about the wells the
ground plans become more regular, as well as more numerous. There
is no doubt that the greater part of this tract has been formerly
inhabited, but the mounds which we have mentioned seem to us more
characteristic of a town than any of the other remains; and we will
venture to suggest them as those of Charax, described by Strabo as a
trading frontier-town, resorted to by the people both of Carthage
and Cyrene. It was at Charax that the Carthaginians exchanged
their wine for the silphium, and the liquor which was extracted
from it, (so we translate the passage, reversing the order)[3];
neither of which, from the value attached to these commodities,
were allowed to be exported from the Cyrenaica by individuals;
and were consequently disposed of with great caution and secrecy
to the traders of Carthage who assembled at Charax to treat for them.
As the identity of the fortress at Bengerwàd with the tower
of Euphrantas may scarcely, perhaps, be considered as decidedly
established; it will probably here appear strange that we should
point out the vicinity of the ruins above mentioned to Bengerwàd
as one of the reasons why we imagine them to be those of Charax.
But whether the tower of Euphrantas be placed at Bengerwàd or
not, we cannot consider that place as any other than a boundary;
and as Charax was evidently a frontier-town, and must be looked
for somewhere in this neighbourhood, we may assume the vicinity
of the remains in question to the only spot which we have met with
which may decidedly be termed a boundary, as a reason why they are
probably those of Charax. This once allowed, it will be the more
readily admitted that the ruin at Bengerwàd is very likely to be
that of the tower of Euphrantas; for Charax, as before stated, is
the first place which is mentioned by Strabo after that fortress,
and may therefore be identified with the first town to be met with
in passing from the tower to the westward. Here is however nothing
_certain_ but the existence of a boundary, and that of a town a
little to the westward of it; and it remains to be determined how
far the facts which we have stated may be received as proofs of the
positions which have been suggested for the tower of Euphrantas
and the trading town of Charax, both of which must be looked for
between Aspis and the bottom of the gulf, and to the westward of
the Philænean altars and the fortress of Automala[4].
In alluding to the sale of the silphium at Charax, which he places as
we have already stated at Zaffràn, Signor Della Cella has indulged
himself in his favourite practice of emendation, and has proposed
a new reading in the passage of Strabo which mentions this town
and its commerce[5].
“I will not speak to you of the silphium (says the Doctor) till
I arrive in the place which produces it . . . but I cannot conceal
from you that I have allowed myself to read, in translating this
passage of Strabo, οπον του σίλφιου, juice of the silphium, instead
of οπον και σίλφιον, juice and silphium.” “We know that from this
plant, peculiar to the soil of the Cyrenaica, the Cyreneans extracted
a most valuable liquid which was particularly celebrated in those
times. The juice of this plant alone was sold on account of the state,
and it was of this liquid only that the contraband trade consisted
which is mentioned by Strabo, and was carried on between the Cyreneans
and Carthaginians. If you will only reflect now (continues Signor
Della Cella, addressing himself as usual to his friend the Professor)
that the Cyrenean liquid is very often used by Strabo, and others
of the ancients, as a synonymous term for the silphium, you will
agree with me in the trifling alteration which is thus effected in
the text of the Grecian geographer.”
We must confess that the substituting the word _of_ for _and_, and
a genitive case for an accusative, appears to us to be hazarding
more than would be ventured upon by critics and commentators in
general; and it is to be feared, at the same time, that there is
scarcely more reason for the changes here proposed than there has
been hesitation in suggesting them. For the plant called silphium
was as much an article of commerce as the liquid which was extracted
from it, and we find them again mentioned as two distinct things
in the very next page to the passage of Strabo which Signor Della
Cella is so desirous of emending[6]. Pliny also distinguishes them
by separate names, calling the extract “laser,” and the plant
“laserpitium;” and many other authorities might be adduced to
the same effect: so that we may perhaps allow the passage of Strabo
to remain in the state in which it usually appears, without any
detriment to its genuine and proper signification.
For ourselves, we are content to believe that the plant laserpitium,
or silphium, was really sold, or rather bartered, at Charax, as
well as the liquor which was extracted from it. We will however
agree with Signor Della Cella in deferring any further remarks on
the silphium till we find ourselves in the country which produced
it; and will in the mean time proceed with our journey along the
shores of the Syrtis.
Soon after passing the several mounds which we have suggested as
the probable remains of Charax, we arrived at the wells of Hudīa;
a name which the Arabs suppose to have been given to this place in
consequence of the bad water usually found there, and which they
consider to be only fit for Jews; the Arab term for a Jew being Hudi,
and the Jews themselves little esteemed by Mahometans.
We will not however venture to attribute this origin to the term
by which the place is distinguished, although it is by no means
improbable that the name may have a reference to the persecuted
people who are here so contemptuously alluded to. We know that the
Jews were formerly very numerous in the Pentapolis, and we find
them described by Procopius as having once inhabited the country
on its western extremity[7]. Hudīa may in such case be the last
settlement they possessed in this neighbourhood, and the place may
very probably have received its appellation from that circumstance.
There being no other resting-place at less than a whole day’s
journey from Hudia, we pitched our tents for the night near the wells
above mentioned; about which we observed considerable remains of
building, of which nothing however now remains but the ground-plans.
Hudīa was a few years ago so much infested by parties of marauding
Arabs, that although they had been completely destroyed or dispersed
by the vigorous measures of the Bashaw, yet the dread which had
been created by their former depredations still continued to be
felt in the place which was once the scene of them. Decoy-fires
were carefully placed by our Arab escort, in various directions, at
the suggestion of Shekh Mahommed, and that worthy personage could
not resist from bestowing a few hearty curses on poor Morzouk,
our watch-dog, who he said was too fond of barking. He related
to us, looking round every now and then as he spoke, the massacre
which was made among the robbers by Mahommed Bey, the eldest son
of the reigning Bashaw, and which the number of piles of stones,
which marked the graves of these unfortunate people, too evidently
proved to have been very extensive. It appears, however, to have
been very necessary; and the consequence is, that the route is now
safe which was before its perpetration impassable.
Mahometan policy considers only the end without caring for the
means which may be used for its accomplishment, and the most summary
mode of getting rid of obnoxious persons is usually considered by
Mussulmen as the best. If we did not approve this indiscriminate
slaughter, we certainly experienced the advantages which resulted
from it, and we slept much more quietly among the tombs of the
robbers than we should probably have been allowed to do had they
never been occupied.
At Hudīa there is a remarkable hill, through which gypsum protrudes
itself in almost every part; it terminates in a conical mound of pure
gypsum, so smooth as to have the appearance of ice, the diameter of
the cone, at its base, being about thirty feet. We found the valleys
between the hills very fertile, producing, among other flowers, a
variety of wild geraniums, singularly mixed with a species of leek,
which flourishes there in great abundance. The water was collected in
a hollow between the hills, and having lately received a fresh supply
from the rains, was found to be tolerably sweet. Neither its flavour
nor its clearness were however much improved by the provident cares
of our Arab conductors, who began to wash their caps and baracans
in it before we were aware of their intentions; and it may readily
be supposed that these articles of dress, which were almost the
only ones that our friends possessed, and which had certainly not
been washed since they left Tripoly, could not be particularly clean.
With this water, however, we managed to commemorate Christmas day,
which occurred while we were at Hudīa, in a much better manner
(so far as conviviality was concerned) than we should have been
able to do, had it fallen a few days later, in the barren, rocky
country which ensued, where no water is to be found at all. It may
be imagined by some that conviviality and dirty water are by no
means compatible with each other; but when the necessaries of life
become luxuries they will always be appreciated as such; and there
are many occasions on which they who might think it impossible
to make merry without wine, would feel themselves both able and
willing to do so in a good hearty draught of muddy water.
Our route on the following day lay over a barren and rugged country,
which continues all the way from Hudīa to the confines of Barca,
where the soil begins gradually to assume a better appearance. In
the afternoon, as we passed Mahirīga, we observed the remains of a
quadrangular building occupying the summit of a low range of hills
which lay between our road and the sea. On a closer examination,
we found it to be different in plan from any building which we had
hitherto met with. At each of the angles there is a circular turret,
sloping down from the top, and becoming considerably wider at the
base. The sides of this building are constructed with well-shaped
stones of four and five feet in length, closely fitted together,
and fastened with an excellent cement; but the turrets were found
to be built of much smaller stones, not shaped or put together with
the same attention to regularity, and proved on near inspection
to be built _on_ to the outer walls and not into them. They may
therefore be considered as forming no part of the original plan,
and have probably been added at some early period by the Arabs. No
traces remain of the external roof of this building, but part of
an arched roof is still visible on the ground-floor within, which,
from its inferior workmanship, we should be inclined to attribute
to the same period at which the turrets were added. Traces of walls
are also seen in the inside of the building, which have formerly
divided it into chambers; they are composed of very small stones
and appear to be of later work than the exterior. This fortress,
for such it has originally been, is surrounded by a wall of four
feet in thickness, enclosing an area of twenty five feet between it
and the outer wall of the building, but there is no appearance of
any trench. The enclosed space is entered by a single gate in the
wall which surrounds it, but no appearance whatever of any entrance
is observable in the walls of the building; and we must therefore
conclude that there was some subterranean communication with it from
without, or that they who entered were drawn up with ropes by persons
already stationed in the fortress; as we have already observed to
be the case in other fortified buildings in the Syrtis. There are
traces of other walls about this building in different directions,
and the whole brow of the hill on which it stands appears to have
been formerly enclosed; below this, to the northward, is a well,
built in the soil, of not more than two feet square, which is now
filled up with rubbish to within five feet of the surface, and
near it are traces of another well, and some large building-stones
apparently little out of their places.
The present height of the turrets and outer walls of the fort are
about fifteen feet; and were it not for the dilapidated condition
of the former, the entrance would not be easy without a ladder.
In a ravine at Mahirīga we found some very good water, which was
particularly acceptable to a party of pilgrims from the westward,
by whom we were joined, on their journey to Mecca. They took up
their abode at night near our tents; and after repeating with
great solemnity the proper number of prayers, made themselves very
comfortable round a large fire, which the chilness of the nights
began to render very necessary; and which was the more severely felt
from being contrasted with the sultry heat of the day, occasioned
by a parching southerly wind.
After consuming with excellent appetites whatever they could procure
from our tents, they would lay themselves down in a circle round
the fire, with their feet as close to it as they could bear, and
sleep very soundly without any other covering than their bernusse,
till the next hour appointed for the performance of their customary
devotions. They were not the least discouraged by the length of the
journey before them, or the difficulties and privations which they
would necessarily have to encounter; but we uniformely found them
contented and cheerful, always offering their assistance, unasked
for, to our people, whenever it seemed to be necessary. Some of
them continued with us as far as Bengazi, and appeared to be very
grateful for the few piastres which we gave them there, to assist
in supporting them on the road to the Holy City.
We found a few Arabs who possessed some sheep and goats in the
neighbourhood of Mahiriga; but we could not prevail upon them to
part with a single animal from their flocks, although they knew we
were wholly without meat, and would themselves have been delighted
to obtain the money which they would have had in exchange for
it. We could not at the time account for this obstinate refusal;
but circumstances soon after convinced us that it was owing to the
intrigues of the Dúbbah.
We continued to travel after leaving Mahiriga over a country
equally barren and uninteresting with that to the westward of it,
and arrived at night at Linoof.
Early the next morning, as we were making the customary preparations
for continuing our journey, we perceived that our new camel-drivers
had all assembled together, and on being told to bring the camels
as usual, not one of them stirred from his place, the whole party
exclaming in concert, in no very conciliatory tones, hàt el
flūs, hàt el flūs, give us the money. Here was evidently one
of those concerted manœuvres which Arabs of all classes are so
skilful in practising; but we were at a loss to conjecture its
real cause, which is generally very different from the apparent
one. At Boosaida, where the camels were hired, we had arranged with
the Dúbbah that they should be paid for on arriving at Bengazi;
and the camel-drivers themselves, who (with the exception of one)
were all his own relations, had certainly understood and agreed to
this arrangement. But they were now in a place which was too well
adapted to their views to be passed without inventing some scheme for
extorting money, a practice which is seldom omitted by an Arab when
he thinks there is a proper opportunity for making such an attempt.
A more dreary and barren spot could scarcely have been anywhere
found than that which our friends here selected; it was at least
two days’ journey from any encampment, and wholly without produce
of any kind; if we except the rocks and stones of the soil, and the
jackalls and hyænas which sheltered themselves among them. It was
imagined that being here without any resource, unable to procure
either provisions or water, and far from any inhabited place, we
should necessarily be induced to comply with whatever demands it
might be advisable to make on the occasion. They could not really
have been anxious about their money; for they had seen the former
camel-drivers punctually paid, and well pleased with the additional
gratification which their general good conduct had induced us to
make them. But the opportunity was too tempting, and they could
not find it in their hearts to pass it over. It is true that had we
paid them every day, the supply of money which we had brought with
us from Tripoly, for the expenses of the road, would not certainly
have lasted us to Bengazi; and there were no means of obtaining
any more till our arrival at that place, where we had an order from
the Bashaw on the Governor of the town. Neither the camel-drivers,
however, or their relation the Dúbbah, were at all aware of the
present slenderness of our supply; and it was not because they
doubted our ability to pay them that they got up the scene which was
acted at Linoof, but because they thought the opportunity too good
to be lost, of getting what money from us they could. Whatever may
have been their object, we were determined not to comply with it,
and accordingly told them that although we should not have had the
least objection to comply with their proposal, had they made it
in a more proper manner, yet the insubordination and the insolence
which they had displayed upon the occasion had determined us at all
events to reject it. We reminded them also of the understanding with
which they were hired at Boosaida, to which none of their party could
plead ignorance, and declared that we should certainly abide by it,
whatever they might imagine to the contrary.
In order however to leave open a door for reconciliation, we told
them at the same time that their treatment depended upon themselves;
and that if they brought the camels immediately and conducted
themselves well for the future, we would pass over their conduct
on this occasion, and make them some little present at Bengazi, in
addition to the hire of their camels, as they had seen us do to the
men of Mesurata. All we could with propriety concede was, however,
of no avail; the men positively refused to bring the camels, and we
as positively refusing to be imposed upon, they all began to drive
them away, and then ranging themselves in a row, unslung their
muskets from their shoulders and began hammering their flints,
and priming them afresh; looking all the time as fierce and as
formidable as they could, as if they were resolved to carry their
point at all risks. A very little will convert a quarrel into a
fray, and it was certainly not our interest to begin one; we were
determined, however, not to be bullied, and as fire-arms had now
been brought forward as arguments, we were not long in producing our
own. We told our opponents, at the same time that we had no wish
to hurt any one of them, that we were quite determined we would
not be dictated to; and that if they persisted in not bringing the
camels, we should despatch one of our party, accompanied by the
chaous, to procure others from the Arabs of Barca; and in case they
refused to supply them, to proceed on with all speed to Bengazi,
where the Bey would not fail to provide them with as many as we
had occasion for. In the mean time, we said, we should load our
own horses, and go back to the Arab tents at Mahiriga, where we
should at least procure water, and would subsist on our remaining
stock of rice till the messengers returned with the camels. We now
threatened the Dúbbah with reporting his conduct to the Bashaw, who
he very well knew was our friend; but he appeared not to mind what
we said, and did not offer to interest himself in our behalf. Our
refractory camel-drivers still refused to bring their camels,
although they did not attempt to proceed further on the offensive
than the hammering and priming above mentioned; and nothing seemed
left for us, but to put our proposed plan into execution, however
ill-timed the delay might be to us, and however unpleasant might be
the annoyances which we should probably have been exposed to from the
Arabs to whose encampment we must remove, while at variance with the
Dúbbah and his relations. As there was, however, no alternative but
submission to the mutineers, or the immediate adoption of some plan
like that we have mentioned, we made up our minds at once upon the
occasion; and having concerted arrangements for despatching two of
our party to Bengazi, we were proceeding to put them in execution,
when matters began to assume a different aspect, and our project
very happily was rendered unnecessary.
The Dúbbah was the first who began to relent; he had probably been
reflecting upon our threat of reporting his conduct, and he very
well knew what an unfavourable footing he would stand upon with the
Bashaw, if he ventured so decidedly to disobey the injunctions he had
received from him when he was directed to conduct us to Bengazi. He
now came out of his tent, and going first to one of his party and
then to another, pretended that he was using all the means in his
power to induce them to relinquish their demands, and to bring
their camels to be loaded as usual; whereas one single word from
him would, at any time of the dispute, have been sufficient to put
an end to it altogether.
This farce was kept up, however, with all due solemnity; and as an
opening was now made towards accommodation, we left Shekh Mahommed
to manage matters in his own way, without letting him know we saw
through his manœuvres. It must be allowed, at the same time, that
the acting on both sides was excellent: some pretended they were
weighing the Dúbbah’s arguments very gravely, while others made a
show of not listening to them at all, and walked away towards their
camels as if to drive them away, the old Shekh following closely,
and holding them by the baracan, while he went through all the
manual of pantomimic persuasion. At last he made his appearance
in our servants’ tent, and told them very gravely that he had
succeeded in appeasing the malcontents, who had now agreed to drop
their demands, and to bring their camels to be loaded. He then went
through a long string of arguments which he had been obliged to
use to induce them to make these concessions, but all of which had
proved unavailing; and he promised at last (he majestically asserted)
laying his hand at the same time on his breast, to be answerable for
the money himself! Nothing, however, would do, till he fortunately
bethought himself of offering _in pledge_ the new gold-lace crimson
burnoose, which His Highness the Bashaw had presented him with on
his departure from Tripoly! All eyes, he observed, were fixed on it,
as he drew this precious object out of the bag; and when he unfolded
the eloquent garment, and displayed all the logic contained in its
rich folds, they had not a word more left to say on the subject,
but consented immediately to receive it in pawn, and to abide by
whatever he should decide.
It is scarcely possible for those who have had no dealings with
Arabs, to imagine all the trouble and exertions which they will give
themselves in getting up a performance of this nature; the whole
piece too is in general so naturally acted, that if the spectators
had no cause for suspicion, they would seldom perceive that the
acting was overdone, which is almost invariably the case in some
part or other of the play. We had been much accustomed to scenes of
the kind, but till the time when the Dúbbah began to interfere,
we never suspected that the parties were not in earnest, although
it was clear that they acted in concert. The good-humour with which
an Arab will bear his disappointment, when nothing after all is
gained by his stratagem, is another very prominent feature in his
character. He never appears to regret the trouble he has taken;
though it may have cost him whole days to plan his manœuvre,
and a great deal of personal exertion to put it in execution. He
bears no ill will to the persons who may have detected him; but will
relate the whole thing as an excellent plot, immediately after its
failure, and commend the penetration of those who have baffled his
best efforts to deceive them.
It was not worth our while to undeceive the old Shekh, by letting
him know that we saw through the whole of this manœuvre, and he
continued to give himself great credit for the mode in which he had
terminated it; he really believed that he had greatly ingratiated
himself with our party by having _pawned_ the new gold laced burnoose
above mentioned to extricate us from our _hazardous situation_,
and took every opportunity of making some pompous allusion to the
liberal part which he had acted. The camel-drivers returned to their
duty as usual, and we continued our journey to Muktahr, where we
arrived on the same day at sunset, just as if nothing had happened.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: A great quantity of broken pottery was found at this
place, and red earthen jars were observed protruding through the
sides of the cliff where it had fallen away; the floor and two sides
of a chamber, coated with excellent cement, were also remarked in
the side of the cliff near the sea; the other parts had fallen away
with the rock, and were scattered in ruin on the beach, which was
thickly strewed with remains of the fortress.]
[Footnote 2: We have already stated, on the authority of Pliny, that
the Philænean Altars were of sand; and as they must be looked for in
this neighbourhood, we have supposed them to have been erected in the
sandy tract which we shall shortly mention in our progress eastward
from Bengerwàd. For had they been raised on a spot where other
materials could have been easily obtained, it is not probable that
any so unstable as sand would have been used for the commemoration
of so noble an action as that which occasioned their erection.]
[Footnote 3: Ειτ᾽ αλλος τοπος Χαραξ καλουμενος—ω εμπορειω εχρωντο
Καρχηδονιοι κομιζοντες οινον, αντιφορτιζομενοι δε οπον και
σιλφιον παρα των εκ Κυρηνης λαθρα παρακομιζοντων·—Lib. xvii. p. 688.]
[Footnote 4: For, after mentioning Charax, Strabo adds—ειθ᾽ ὁι φιλαινων
βομοι, και μετα τουτους Αυτομαλα φρουριον, φυλακην εχον, ιδρυμενον
κατα τον μυχον του κολπου παντος· Here we find the fortress of Automala
placed in the innermost recess of the gulf, which is much farther
to the eastward than the point to which we are at present arrived.]
[Footnote 5: Page 79, Italian edition.]
[Footnote 6: Ομορει δε τη Κυρηναια ἡ το σιλφιον φερουσα, και τον οπον
τον Κυρεναιον, ον εκφερει το σιλφιον οπισθεν·—Lib. xvii. p. 837.
Pliny’s words are—Ab his proximum dicetur auctoritate clarissimum
laserpitium, quod Græci vocant silphion, in Cyrenaica provincia
repertum: cujus succum vocant laser, magnificum in usu medicamentisque,
&c.—(Hist. Nat., lib. xix. c. 3.)]
[Footnote 7: De Ædificiis, lib. v. p. 110-11. Par. fol. 1663.]