CHAPTER I. THE VIRGIN BIRTH AND THE NEW TESTAMENT OUTSIDE THE FIRST AND

The Historical Evidence for the Virgin Birth

by Vincent Taylor, B.D. (Lond.)

Clarendon Press

Oxford

1920

CONTENTS

Preface

Abbreviations

Chapter I. The Virgin Birth And The New Testament Outside The First And

Third Gospels

I. St. Paul

II. Q

III. St. Mark’s Gospel

IV. Acts

V. The Epistle to the Hebrews

VI. The Fourth Gospel

VII. The Pastoral and the Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse

VIII. Summary

Chapter II. The Virgin Birth And The Third Gospel

I. Narratives and Passages Said to be Inconsistent With the View

(a) Lk. iii. 22, according to the “Western Text”

(b) The Lukan Genealogy and Lk. iii. 23

(c) The Narratives of Lk. ii

(d) The References to Joseph and Mary in Lk. ii

(e) Lk. ii. 5

II. The Passage Lk. i. 34 f

(a) The Interpretation of Lk. i. 34 f

(b) The Purport of the Angelic Announcement in Lk. i. 30‐3

(c) Reasons for regarding Lk. i. 34 f. as a Later Insertion

III. Summary and Conclusion

Chapter III. St. Luke and the Virgin Birth

I. Lk. i. 34 f. and the Textual Question

II. Linguistic and Stylistic Examination of Lk. i. 34 f

III. Summary and Conclusion

Chapter IV. The Place Of The Virgin Birth In The Third Gospel

I. A Suggested Theory

II. Literary Conditions Under Which the Gospels Were Written

III. The Objections to Which the Above Theory is Exposed

IV. Certain Consequences

Chapter V. The Virgin Birth And The First Gospel

I. The Characteristics of the Genealogy

II. The Genuineness of Mt. i, ii

III. The Unity of Mt. i, ii

1. The Genealogy

2. The Passage Mt. i. 18‐25

IV. Implications, Sources, and Results

Appendix To Chapter V. The Textual Problem of Mt. i. 16

Chapter VI. The Historical Question: Its Limits And Bearings

I. The Virgin Birth in the First and Third Gospels

II. The Date of the Gospels in Relation to the Virgin Birth Tradition

III. The Relation of the Question of the Historical Value of the

Gospels to the Problem

IV. The Question of Alternative Theories

V. Doctrinal Considerations

Index

Footnotes

[Cover Art]

PREFACE

This book is intended to be a literary and critical examination of the

historical evidence for the Virgin Birth. It is not the writer’s desire to

discuss the evidence from the point of view of an advocate; with a view,

that is to say, of obtaining an uncompromising verdict. His aim is rather

to trace and to define the earliest Christian tradition upon the subject,

and to show the limits and the bearings of the historical question.

A limited aim such as this ought not to require much justification. If,

however, justification is needed, it is not far to seek.

Much of the literature which treats of the Virgin Birth is controversial

in point of origin if not in form, and, in the nature of the case, it

could not have been otherwise. Controversial literature has, of course, a

necessary place in the search for truth. Nevertheless, it is exposed to

serious perils, especially when such a subject as that of the Virgin Birth

is discussed. It is not always easy, for example, to avoid an arbitrary

treatment of the New Testament, and to prevent philosophic or dogmatic

presuppositions from determining purely critical questions. Few will deny

that the discussion of the Virgin Birth has suffered in these directions,

and that, as a consequence, the problem remains in considerable confusion.

Not only has the evidence been variously estimated, but there are the

widest differences of opinion as to what the evidence really is. Neither

side has succeeded in convincing the other, and very many students of the

question preserve an attitude of suspended judgement.

The point which it is important to make is that, if any escape is to be

made from the present impasse, the problem must be approached in another

way. Doctrinal presuppositions must be resolutely laid aside; there must

be a common desire to ascertain the true facts of the evidence, whatever

the results may be. Not that dogmatic considerations have no place in the

problem! It is part of the conclusion reached in this book that in the end

dogmatic considerations do determine the issue. But it must be “in the

end”; not at the beginning, nor in the middle.

It may be that the writer has not himself escaped the perils to which he

has referred. He can only say that no pains have been spared to achieve

this purpose. It is true that the problem has been faced with a conviction

that, while truly man, Jesus was much more than man as we know him to be.

But this is not a presupposition which colours the evidence. On the

contrary, it is the one point of view which recognizes that there is a

problem to be solved. If our Lord was a prophet, and no more, there is no

real difficulty; no one would defend the Virgin Birth upon such terms. The

question becomes a living issue only when Jesus is believed to be more

than man.

In Chapter I the New Testament evidence outside the First and Third

Gospels is discussed. On the question of the attitude of the Fourth

Evangelist to the Virgin Birth—a question as difficult as it is

interesting—the writer has been glad to accept and to work out a striking

suggestion made by Dr. E. F. Scott (_The Fourth Gospel, its Purpose and

Theology_).

One reason for allotting three chapters to the Third Gospel is the

complexity of the Lukan problem. The theory which is outlined in Chapter

IV is one which has not yet received sufficient consideration. The

alternative, in the opinion of the writer, is to regard the Miraculous

Conception as a “necessary stone in the structure” of Lk. i, ii. It is the

difficulties mentioned in Chapter II which have prevented him from taking

this view. The writer is convinced that St. Luke believed and taught the

Virgin Birth. Nevertheless, the critical difficulties are such that it has

not been found possible to accept this view in the form in which it is

generally held.

It is well to remember that he who states a theory in connexion with such

problems contributes to their solution, whether his theory stands the test

of time or not. Even in the case of failure the possibilities are reduced

and a by‐path is revealed as such. As an illustration of this, reference

may be made to the view which ascribes the Virgin Birth tradition in Lk.

i, ii to an unknown and later writer.

One chapter (Chapter V) has been assigned to the First Gospel. The

exposition there given is one which is widely held in this country, but an

attempt has been made to emphasize the unique character of the

Evangelist’s standpoint, which, it is believed, is the key to the textual

problem of Mt. i. 16. The textual problem is treated in an Appendix to the

chapter.

It may seem strange that in Chapter VI no decided opinion is expressed for

or against the Virgin Birth. The justification for this position is the

fact that, in the end, the question becomes one of Theology, and that to

attack the theological problem would be to go beyond the limited aim which

the present work has in view.

One result of the investigation is that the documentary evidence for the

Virgin Birth is found to be earlier than “negative” criticism has allowed.

But to accept this conclusion is only to be brought face to face with the

question which the modern New Testament student cannot escape. “Whence

come the sources upon which the Evangelists drew?” At first sight the

problem seems hopeless. To recover and to describe with objectivity of

statement the several sources which the Evangelists employed is a task

beset with difficulties: to penetrate still further might well seem

impossible. If, however, the problem is faced bravely, with an open mind

and an eagerness to learn, it may be that as time passes there will be

cause to rejoice over real progress made. The journey is not the plunge

into the dark which it might be thought to be. If, indeed, it will bring

men nearer to the Jesus of history, it is a quest which cannot be refused,

however great the difficulties may be.

In a subject such as this, certain things have necessarily to be taken for

granted. The author of the First Gospel is regarded as unknown;

accordingly, he is spoken of as the First Evangelist or as St. “Matthew”.

The writer of the Fourth Gospel is also referred to as the Fourth

Evangelist, the question of authorship being left open. St. Mark and St.

Luke, the companions of St. Paul, are assumed to be the authors of the

Second and Third Gospels respectively; St. Luke is also believed to be the

author of the Acts. The reader who does not accept these views may

mentally substitute such phrases as the Second and Third Evangelists

wherever St. Mark and St. Luke are mentioned. Such abbreviations as Mt.,

Mk., Lk., Jn. are always meant to refer to the Gospels, not to their

authors.

It only remains for the writer to express his deep sense of gratitude to

those to whose knowledge and help he is debtor. How much he owes to

earlier workers in the field will be sufficiently evident. It has proved

by no means an easy task to weigh and to differentiate between opposing

views, and the writer is not unmindful of his temerity, in certain places,

in dissenting from opinions supported by justly honoured names.

He desires particularly to speak of the generous encouragement he received

in his task from the late Dr. Sanday. Dr. Sanday had made a provisional

promise to write a brief introduction to the present work. His lamented

death has prevented the carrying out of this promise, and for the lack of

such an introduction the book is so much the poorer.

The writer further wishes to express his gratitude to his former tutor,

the Rev. Prof. A. S. Geden, M.A., D.D., and to the Rev. J. Walthew

Simister, for their kindness in reading the typescript, and in suggesting

improvements, and also to the Rev. Prof. F. Bertram Clogg, M.A., for his

valued assistance in the reading of the proof‐sheets.

Vincent Taylor.

BATH, _September, 1920_.

ABBREVIATIONS

DCG. Hastings’s _Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels_

(1906‐8).

EB. _Encyclopaedia Biblica_ (1899‐1903).

Evan. Da‐Meph. F. C. Burkitt’s _Evangelion Da‐Mepharreshe_ (1904).

GHD. V. H. Stanton’s _The Gospels as Historical Documents_,

Parts I and II (1903‐9).

GHT. F. C. Burkitt’s _The Gospel History and its Transmission_

(1906).

Gr. ii. J. H. Moulton’s _Grammar of New Testament Greek_, Vol. II

(1919).

HDB. Hastings’s _Dictionary of the Bible_ (1898‐1904).

HJ. _The Hibbert Journal._

HS. _Horae Synopticae_, Sir John C. Hawkins (2nd ed., 1909).

ICC. _The International Critical Commentary._

INT. Jülicher’s _Introduction to the New Testament_, Eng. Tr.

(1904); J. Moffatt’s _An Introduction to the Literature of the New

Testament_ (3rd ed., 1918).

Proleg. Vol. I of J. H. Moulton’s _Grammar of New Testament Greek_

(3rd ed., 1908).

SH. Sanday and Headlam’s Commentary on _The Epistle to the

Romans_ (ICC., 1895).

Th‐Gr. Thayer‐Grimm’s _Greek‐English Lexicon of the New

Testament_ (1905).

VGT. Moulton and Milligan’s _The Vocabulary of the Greek

Testament_, Parts I to III (1914‐18).

CHAPTER I. THE VIRGIN BIRTH AND THE NEW TESTAMENT OUTSIDE THE FIRST AND

THIRD GOSPELS

Outside the First and Third Gospels there is no direct reference to the

Virgin Birth in the New Testament. There are passages which have been said

to imply a knowledge of the doctrine, but, for particularity of statement,

none of them can be compared with Mt. i. 18‐25 and Lk. i. 34 f. This fact

must be our justification in the present chapter for treating together the

New Testament Books outside these two Gospels.

The inquiry is mainly a study in silence; it is for that reason both

difficult and complicated.

Dr. Sanday has expressed considerable distrust in the argument from

silence (cf. _The Criticism, of the Fourth Gospel_, pp. 33‐41). He quotes

a striking passage from Dr. Drummond’s _Character and Authorship of the

Fourth Gospel_ (p. 157 f.), in which reference is made to Theophilus of

Antioch, who, in a defence of Christianity, relates nothing about Christ

Himself, and maintains a remarkable silence concerning the Gospels. The

quotation ends with the words: “We may learn from these curious facts that

it is not correct to say that a writer knows nothing of certain things,

simply because he had not occasion to refer to them in his only extant

writing: or even because he does not mention them when his subject would

seem naturally to lead him to do so.” Dr. Sanday has two main objections

to the way in which the argument from silence is often handled.

“(1) The critic does not ask himself _what_ is silent—what extent of

material.... And (2) experience shows that the argument is often most

fallacious” (op. cit., p. 35).

Nothing can be lost in considering this opinion at the outset of our

inquiry. In the connexion in which it is urged, it has very great

justification. Dr. Sanday is referring to the paucity of references to the

Gospels in the second century previous to 170 A.D. The real question is,

he says, “What is the relation which the extant evidence bears to the

whole body of that which once existed, and how far can we trust the

inferences drawn from it?” The available literature is confessedly small.

“If we take the whole extant Christian literature between the years 130

and 170 A.D., it would not fill more than a thin octavo volume, and by far

the greater part of that is taken up with external controversy” (ib., p.

39).

The caution suggested by these words is distinctly healthy. It may be

questioned, however, whether Dr. Sanday’s point of view would apply quite

so well as regards the alleged silence of so many New Testament Books with

reference to the Virgin Birth. There are good reasons for this opinion.

(1) The existing New Testament Writings represent the best Christian

literature of the period which they cover. No one would compare them in

this respect with the extant works of the first seven decades of the

second century.

(2) While not exhaustive in their treatment, the Gospels are faithful to

the outstanding events in the life of Jesus.

(3) The Epistles are rich in doctrinal teaching. Occasional in point of

origin, they impinge again and again upon the great doctrines of the

Christian Faith. The Incarnation and the Person of Christ especially are

central.

If, then, very many New Testament Writings are found to be silent as

regards the Virgin Birth, the silence is not one which can be ignored. It

may in part be explained, but it must not be explained away. If it exists,

it is not a silence which can be regarded with equanimity; it must be

significant, and no pains can be spared in trying to understand that

significance.

We believe, then, that the _argumentum ex silentio_ has a valid place in

our inquiry. All the more, therefore, must we consider what the

possibilities of silence are. Obviously, silence may be consistent with

knowledge of a fact or lack of knowledge. But that is not all. If it

implies knowledge, it may mean tacit acceptance of the fact, tacit

rejection, or comparative indifference. Lack of knowledge, on the other

hand, may be explained by special circumstances, or by the view that the

alleged fact is untrue.

In treating the New Testament Books outside the First and Third Gospels,

our first task must be to determine whether their silence is complete.

Where this is the case, we have to try, so far as we can, to interpret the

silence. Each stage is, however, a further step into the unknown, and must

therefore be taken with increasing care and caution.

I. St. Paul

We begin with ST. PAUL, the earliest New Testament writer, and the author

of ten, if not thirteen, Epistles. Several passages have been quoted from

his writings, in support of the view that the Virgin Birth tradition was

known to him. Among these are Gal. iv. 4, Rom. i. 3, and passages in which

St. Paul speaks of Christ as the Second Adam, notably Rom. v. 12‐15 and 1

Cor. xv. 47.

Gal. iv. 4 f. reads as follows: _But when the fulness of the time came,

God sent forth his Son, born of a woman, born under the law, that he might

redeem them which were under the law, that we might receive the adoption

of sons_. It is most improbable that there is here any reference to the

Virgin Birth, or even any indication that the doctrine is known to St.

Paul. The phrase “_born of a woman_” is one that is used naturally of an

ordinary human birth (cf. Job xiv. 1; and Mt. xi. 11 (Lk. vii. 28) “among

them that are born of women”). The determining consideration is, however,

the argument of Gal. iv. 1‐7. St. Paul is there working out the figure of

the heir who is yet a minor (verses 1, 2). While we were children, he

argues, we were in bondage (verse 3). But, when the fulness of the time

came, God sent forth his Son to redeem men from the law. To accomplish

this purpose, the Son must needs make Himself one with those He came to

deliver. Like them He must be “born under the law”; like them He must be

“born of a woman”. The one clause asserts His position as a child of the

Jewish race; the other declares the reality of His humanity. There is not

the slightest suggestion of a miraculous birth.(1) Indeed, the more

natural impression made by the words is that of a birth common to all the

sons of men. If St. Paul had wished to avoid giving that impression, he

could have done so with ease, since he was perfectly familiar with the

distinction between γυνή (woman) and παρθένος (virgin) (cf. 1 Cor. vii.

34).

Rom. i. 3 f. reads: “... _his Son, who was born of the seed of David

according to the flesh, who was declared to be the Son of God with power,

according to the spirit of holiness, by the resurrection of the dead_.”

Here the thought of the Virgin Birth is said to lie implicit in the

opening words of the passage (cf. Orr, _The Virgin Birth of Christ_, pp.

119 ff.; also Knowling, _Testimony of St. Paul to Christ_, p. 313; and

Sweet, _The Birth and Infancy of Jesus Christ_, p. 237 n.). Again, the

exegesis cannot be allowed. St. Paul’s words state an antithesis; they

speak of the Son from two standpoints, that of the body and that of the

spirit (SH., Rom., p. 7). “According to the flesh”, He was “born

(γενομένον) of the seed of David”, but, “according to the spirit of

holiness”, He was designated (ὁρισθέντος) Son of God “by the resurrection

of the dead”. It is very difficult to think that the antithesis would have

been stated in this way, if the Apostle had been thinking of the Virgin

Birth. “Born of the seed of David” contains no reference to the doctrine.

The Divine Sonship, indeed, is not mentioned until the following clause,

and there it is said to be predicated, not in the Virgin Birth, but in the

Resurrection. Without pressing the view that “according to the flesh born

of the seed of David” implies an ordinary human birth, we may certainly

claim that the Miraculous Conception is a thought entirely foreign to the

passage.

A further implication of the doctrine has been found in St. Paul’s thought

of _the Second Adam_ (Rom. v. 12‐21, 1 Cor. xv. 44‐9). In _Dissertations_

(new ed., p. 11), Dr. Gore writes: “What we can maintain, with great

boldness, is that St. Paul’s conception of the ‘Second Adam’ postulates

His miraculous birth” (cf. Box, _The Virgin Birth of Jesus_, p. 150). In a

question of this kind, we must distinguish between what the doctrine of

the “Second Adam” may or may not “postulate” in our own minds, and what

St. Paul’s thoughts may have been. Certainly he gives us no reason to

suppose that the Virgin Birth was in the background of his mind when he

wrote Rom. v. 12‐21.(2) There would be as much justification, if not more,

for the contrary suggestion. So far as 1 Cor. xv. 44‐9 is concerned—(verse

47 reads: “_The second man is of heaven_”)—the reference is to the

Resurrection, not the Incarnation.(3)

None of these passages is sufficient to show that St. Paul was acquainted

with the Virgin Birth tradition, nor can any others be cited. This fact is

the more remarkable when we call to mind the great Pauline passages which

bear upon the Incarnation. With the closest scrutiny, not one of them

gives us reason to think that the Apostle knew of the Virgin Birth. This

is true of the great Christological passage of Phil. ii. 5‐11, and also of

the well‐known words of 2 Cor. viii. 9. Most significant in this connexion

are Phil. ii. 7 (“_Being made in the likeness of man_”) and Rom. viii. 3

(which speaks of the Son as sent “_in the likeness of sinful flesh_”).

These passages are important because they clearly imply a difference

between the humanity of Christ and ordinary humanity. This

difference—indicated by the word “likeness” (ὁμοίωμα)—is certainly not a

difference in mode of origin. Its character is manifest in Rom. viii. 3;

it lies in the sinlessness and moral perfection of Jesus.(4) There is no

indication that the Apostle is thinking of anything further, and the same

is true of Phil. ii. 7. Viewing the passages as a whole, we must conclude

that, not only is St. Paul completely silent as to the Virgin Birth, but

that he is silent just where his silence is most difficult to understand,

if he knew of the tradition.

Can we go further, and say that St. Paul did not know of the doctrine?

Short of a hard and fast conclusion, we are at liberty to state what would

seem to be the probabilities of the case; and as regards these we can have

little hesitation. It is reasonable to urge that St. Paul would have

phrased his references to the Incarnation somewhat differently, if he had

known of the Virgin Birth, and that, on the whole, his words are best

explained by presuming his ignorance of the tradition.

W. C. Allen has suggested that St. Paul’s silence may have been due to

reasons of prudence. He may have thought that the tradition would prove “a

great stumbling‐block to the progress of Christianity, and a continual

source of wounded feeling for the reverence of Christians for the Person

of their Master” (ICC., St. Mt., p. 20). It is possible that this argument

might go some way to explain the absence of direct allusions to the Virgin

Birth in St. Paul’s writings. It might cover his failure to employ the

tradition as “an argument for Christianity in his preaching to the

Gentiles”. But, assuredly, the theory is stretched to breaking‐point, if

it is made to cover the absence of the slightest indication that the

doctrine was present to St. Paul’s mind. For the most part, St. Paul’s

Epistles were not public manifestoes, but private letters, written to

Christian communities. Moreover, they are intensely self‐revealing. They

permit us to appreciate how much St. Paul knew of the words and deeds of

Jesus, and of the events of His earthly life. That they reveal no

knowledge of the Virgin Birth is hardly to be explained by a policy of

silence. Unless, on other grounds, it can be shown that the tradition was

known in Apostolic circles during St. Paul’s lifetime, his silence must be

interpreted to mean lack of knowledge concerning it.

This conclusion, if established, would not, of course, be fatal to the

historical value of the Virgin Birth tradition. Special reasons might be

forthcoming to account for the later spread of the belief. The importance

of St. Paul’s silence is that it furnishes help in deciding when the

belief became current.

A further inference, of considerable theological importance, is that the

Apostle could build up a mature and consistent Christology, without any

reference to, and apparently, thought of the Miraculous Conception.

II. Q

Q (Quelle, “source”) is the symbol used to denote the main documentary

source, upon which the First and Third Evangelists drew, in addition to

St. Mark’s Gospel. As regards its character, there is difference of

opinion. Some scholars identify it with the Matthaean Logia of which

Papias speaks; others regard the latter as an independent collection of

Messianic proof‐texts. By some it is thought to have been a Gospel; by

others it is looked upon as a collection of the Sayings of Jesus, with a

certain element of narrative. Wellhausen dates it later than Mk., but most

scholars think that it is earlier, and date it from the sixties and in

some cases from the fifties.(5)

As regards the Virgin Birth, it is almost certain that Q did not contain

the tradition. Harnack thinks that Q’s narrative of the Baptism, with its

use of Ps. ii. 7, “excludes all ideas of pre‐existence and miraculous

birth” (_Sayings of Jesus_, p. 235), and J. M. Thompson, who quotes this

opinion, finds in the Baptist’s question, “Art thou he that cometh?”,(6) a

passage which it is “hard to reconcile ... with Lk.’s story of the Birth,

as generally interpreted” (_Miracles_, p. 140). What is more important

than either of these arguments, is the fact that neither the First nor the

Third Evangelist drew a Virgin Birth tradition from Q. The presumption is

that Q was silent as regards the Virgin Birth,(7) but in view of the fact

that it probably contained only a small element of narrative, we ought not

to say more.(8)

III. St. Mark’s Gospel

In treating ST. MARK’S GOSPEL, our first task is to ask if its silence is

complete. This leads at once to a discussion of Mk. vi. 3: “_Is not this

the carpenter, the son of Mary...?_”

Parentage among the Jews was traced on the father’s side. The passage may

therefore imply that Joseph was already dead. Archdeacon Allen thinks that

“son of Mary” is “more naturally an allusion to the supernatural

circumstances of the birth of Jesus” (ICC., St. Mt., p. 156).(9) Without

going so far as this, Canon Box thinks that there is something “decidedly

remarkable and unusual” in the phrase, and suggests that it is probably

contemptuous (op. cit., p. 139).

However we explain the phrase, we ought not to interpret Mk. vi. 3 as

implying a knowledge of the Virgin Birth on the part of the people of

Nazareth. Mt. xiii. 55 and Lk. iv. 22 directly exclude this view.(10) “Who

would allude to the miraculous birth of somebody _as a reason for not

believing in him_?” (Thompson, ib., p. 138 n.).

But did the Evangelist know of the Virgin Birth? Has a knowledge of the

doctrine shaped his phrasing in Mk. vi. 3? The question is complicated by

critical considerations. It is suggested by several scholars that the

passage, in whole or in part, is a later addition to the Second

Gospel.(11) There is much to be said for this view, but, so far as our

immediate purpose is concerned, we have no need to discuss it in detail.

On either view—that of the critical theory just mentioned, or that which

attributes the passage to the Evangelist—it is improbable that St. Mark

intended to refer to the Virgin Birth, or was influenced by the doctrine.

On the interpolation‐hypothesis, this is obvious enough, but it is also

true if Mk. vi. 3 is original. The suggestions that Joseph was already

dead, and that a certain contempt breathes in the words, have great force.

We may also note that the passage goes on to refer to the brothers and

sisters of Jesus, with no suggestion that the relationship was other than

full and complete. But what is most telling of all is the fact that, if

Mk. vi. 3 does imply St. Mark’s knowledge of the Virgin Birth, both St.

“Matthew” and St. Luke, in their own narratives, have destroyed the

reference. This is all the more remarkable if the First Evangelist’s

treatment of Mk. vi. 3 is motived by reverence for the Person of

Jesus.(12) Finally, can we suppose that St. Mark would have placed his

sole reference to the Virgin Birth in the lips of unbelieving Jews who

speak with thinly veiled contempt? For these reasons, we find it

impossible to discover in Mk. vi. 3 a reference to the Virgin Birth by St.

Mark; the Evangelist’s silence is unbroken.

Was, then, the tradition unknown to St. Mark?

Several passages have been cited in support of the contention that St.

Mark had no knowledge of the doctrine. Among these is Mk. iii. 21, 31‐5

(cf. Mt. xii. 46‐50; Lk. viii. 19‐21). The story of Mk. iii. 31‐5 is that

of the coming of Mary and of the brothers of Jesus, while our Lord is

surrounded by a crowd, apparently in a house. When Jesus is informed that

they are without seeking Him, He says, “Who is my mother and my

brethren?”, and looking round upon the assembled company, He continues,

“Behold, my mother and my brethren! For whosoever shall do the will of

God, the same is my brother, and sister, and mother”. The account in Mt.

is almost identical, and St. Luke’s story, while much briefer, is

substantially the same. But St. Mark’s narrative must be read in the light

of Mk. iii. 21 (cf. Gould, ICC., St. Mk., pp. 61, 67)—a passage which is

omitted in Mt. and in Lk. There, we are told that the friends of Jesus (οἱ

παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ, probably “His kinsmen”) went out to lay hold on Him, in the

belief that He was mad. This fact must unquestionably be held to explain

the action of the family of Jesus in the incident of Mk. iii. 31‐5, and

the question arises, Did Mary share in the fears and intentions of the

rest?(13)

A second passage is Mk. vi. 4, where Jesus declares that a prophet is not

without honour, save in his own country, and among his own kin, and in his

own house. The phrase “_among his own kin_”, which both Mt. (xiii. 57) and

Lk. (iv. 24) omit, is said to point in the same direction as Mk. iii. 21,

31‐5.(14) A third incident adduced is that recorded in Mk. xii. 35‐7 (Mt.

xxii. 41‐6; Lk. xx. 41‐4), where Jesus raises the question, how the

Messiah can be at once David’s Son and David’s Lord. “Here again”, writes

Mr. Thompson, “Jesus assumes the reality of that human parentage on which

His Davidic descent relies.... Thus it appears that on three separate

occasions (and there are no others) when Jesus, according to the earliest

Gospel, spoke about His birth, He used language naturally compatible with

human parentage, and not naturally compatible with anything else” (op.

cit., p. 138).

It will be seen that these passages raise more than the question whether

St. Mark knew of the Virgin Birth. They raise the question of the

knowledge of Jesus, and indeed the whole question of the historical

character of the Miraculous Conception.

Clearly, the question of the knowledge of Jesus is a determinative

consideration. Few indeed will care to argue for the Virgin Birth

tradition, if it can be proved that Jesus knew nothing of it, but believed

Himself to be the son of Joseph. Just for this very reason we ought to be

scrupulously careful in treating the question. A scientific inquiry will

hesitate to draw an inference which makes further research superfluous.

And in the present case hesitation is amply justified. We cannot share Mr.

Thompson’s conviction that the words of Jesus acknowledge a natural

parentage. (1) Such exegesis must suffer an obvious discount if we find

that the _Evangelist_ knew nothing of the Virgin Birth. (2) We cannot be

certain that Mary shared the fears and intentions of her children. (3) We

do not know the tone in which Jesus spoke, nor can we be sure that He

intended to repudiate His family. It may be so; but our opinion on these

matters must rest upon what we believe about the Virgin Birth; the

evidence is too uncertain to reverse the process.

As regards the Evangelist, we may say at once that we could account much

more easily for the passages cited, if St. Mark did not know of the

doctrine. But it is doubtful if we can say more, so long as we confine

ourselves to what St. Mark has actually written.

There is little difficulty in the third passage (Mk. xii. 35‐7), since

both Mt. and Lk. repeat it without material variation. Nor is there the

force claimed in the phrase “among his own kin” (Mk. vi. 4). In any case

Mt. has the words “in his own house”, and probably the omission of the

former phrase is sufficiently explained by the writer’s tendency to remove

redundant expressions in Mk.(15) While in the case of St. Luke, we have to

remember that abbreviation is a common feature in his use of Markan

material.

The real difficulty lies in Mk. iii. 21, 31‐5. Something more than a

desire for brevity must account for the later Evangelists’ treatment of

this story. Mary’s position and attitude are certainly left very ambiguous

in the light of Mk. iii. 21. In the subsequent story St. Mark does not

distinguish her from the rest (iii. 31‐5). In short, he leaves her open to

the charge of having thought her Son distraught and in need of restraint.

Ought we to find in this proof that St. Mark had no knowledge of the

Virgin Birth? Our hesitation in drawing this conclusion arises out of the

“objectivity” of St. Mark’s writing. Frequently, he does not hesitate to

introduce details, to which, for various reasons, St. “Matthew” and St.

Luke took exception. He does not appear to feel the difficulties which the

later writers felt. We could not, therefore, attach the same significance

to an “inconsistency” in Mk., as in Lk., or in Mt. For this reason, we

think that, while Mk. iii. 21, 31‐5 raises very great difficulties, the

passage is not sufficient in itself to prove that St. Mark knew nothing of

the Virgin Birth. We may say that the passage points in this direction,

but that the inference requires further confirmation. Can this be found?

We believe that it can be found in the broad fact of St. Mark’s silence.

There is much greater significance in St. Mark’s silence than is sometimes

allowed. Why should he, as an Evangelist, remain silent about the Virgin

Birth, if he knew of it, and believed in it? The deep interest which he

takes in the descent of the Spirit at the Baptism, and his evident

intention to describe this event as a crucial moment in the life of Jesus,

set up a strong presumption that, had he known of the Miraculous

Conception, he would have introduced it into his narrative. There is no

sufficient analogy in his silence about other events in the life of Jesus

which later writers record; no omission can be compared with this. Nor

will reasons of prudence account for his silence; the Second Gospel is

probably too late for this argument to have weight. There is still less

force in the suggestion that St. Mark’s intention was to describe only the

public ministry of Jesus. This solution evades the difficulty, and comes

perilously near to saying that St. Mark does not record the Virgin Birth

tradition because he does not record it! The Second Gospel describes not

only the death and burial of Jesus, but also the visit of the women to the

tomb, and probably, in its original ending, some of the Post‐Resurrection

Appearances of Jesus. These facts are enough to show how inadequate it

would be to describe the Gospel as an account of the public ministry of

Jesus.

Having regard to all the facts of the case, the probability is that St.

Mark’s silence must be explained on the ground that the Evangelist had no

knowledge of the Virgin Birth tradition. The further implication is that

it formed no part of Apostolic preaching, and was unknown in the circles

in which St. Mark moved. These conclusions cannot, of course, be hardened

into certainties; they move in the realms of what is probable. Instead of

being capable of refuting other considerations which might arise, they

themselves require further confirmation.

IV. Acts

There is no reference to the Virgin Birth, either direct of indirect, in

THE ACTS. The presumption is that the doctrine had no place in Apostolic

preaching.(16) This view is suggested, not only by the silence of Acts,

but also by the character of its Christology.

Christ is spoken of as Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God by mighty

works and wonders and signs (ii. 22), and as one who was anointed by God

with the Holy Spirit, and with power, who went about doing good (x. 38).

He is the Holy and Righteous One (iii. 14), the Prince of Life (iii. 15),

whom God made both Lord and Christ (ii. 36). He is exalted to the right

hand of God, to be a Prince and a Saviour, for to give repentance to

Israel and remission of sins (v. 31).

In all this, the main ground of appeal is to the Resurrection (ii. 24, 32,

iii. 15, iv. 10).(17) The reference to the miracles of Jesus (ii. 22, x.

38) is “the only direct and concrete allusion to the events of His earthly

life”.(18) Even where the Davidic descent is mentioned (ii. 25 f., xiii.

23, 33), there is no suggestion other than that of direct physical lineage

(“Of this man’s seed hath God according to promise brought unto Israel a

Saviour, Jesus”, xiii. 23).

Does the silence of Acts permit us to draw any inferences concerning St.

Luke’s knowledge of the Virgin Birth tradition? The question ought to be

considered apart altogether from Lk. i, ii. Having regard to the character

of the work we do not think that any one conclusion can safely be drawn.

The Acts obviously differs from the Gospels, and we cannot, as in the case

of the Pauline Epistles, look to it for any sufficient account of the

writer’s Christology. It would therefore be unsafe to say that the silence

of Acts implies that its author had no knowledge of the Virgin Birth.(19)

If the doctrine was not a subject of Apostolic preaching, St. Luke must

have known this: his silence may therefore be due to a sound historical

sense. If, at the time when he wrote the Acts, his knowledge of the

tradition had not long been gained, he would be still less likely to

perpetrate what would have been an historical anachronism. On the other

hand, we cannot, on the evidence of the Acts alone, show that he did know

of the doctrine, and that the possibilities just stated represent the

facts. The case is one in which the _argumentum ex silentio_ would be

untrustworthy in either direction. It should be emphasized that this view

springs entirely out of the character of the book, and in no way affects

the use of the argument we have made in the case of Mk. and the Epistles

of St. Paul.

V. The Epistle to the Hebrews

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS claims attention because of the developed

character of its doctrine of the Person of Christ, and because its writer,

while not an eye‐witness (ii. 3), has a vivid knowledge of many events in

the earthly life of Jesus. As regards the Virgin Birth, the Epistle is

completely silent. In the comparison with Melchizedek (vii. 1‐3), no

stress can be laid on the fact that the latter is described as “without

father”; he is also “without mother” and “without genealogy”. The

reference to the descent of Jesus from the tribe of Judah (vii. 14) is

left quite bare. Even the statements concerning the sinlessness of Christ

(iv. 15, vii. 26), and the lofty characterization of the Son as “the

effulgence” of God’s glory and “the very impress of his substance” (i. 3),

are made without a word as to the method of the Incarnation. It is

difficult to read the Epistle without feeling that the writer’s thought is

nowhere influenced by the Virgin Birth. Especially is this the case in

such passages as ii. 14 (“_Since then the children are sharers_

(κεκοινώνηκεν) _in flesh and blood, he also himself in like manner partook

of_ (μετέσχεν) _the same_”),(20) and ii. 17 (“_It behoved him in all

things to be made like unto his brethren_”). Two considerations forbid,

however, the drawing of this conclusion. We have no certain knowledge of

the writer’s identity, and we have no other work from his pen with which

to compare the Epistle. Its significance is therefore mainly theological;

it is an instance of an elaborate doctrinal writing,(21) coming possibly

from the seventh decade of the first century, or, more probably, from

about the year 80 A.D., in which no reference of any kind is made to the

Miraculous Conception. This fact, however it is explained, cannot be

ignored, and the later we date the Epistle the more important it becomes.

VI. The Fourth Gospel

The silence of THE FOURTH GOSPEL regarding the Virgin Birth is now

generally admitted;(22) the only question being whether there is not a

passing reference to the doctrine in Jn. i. 13.(23)

What the writer’s silence means is one of the most difficult problems in

the question of the Virgin Birth. The case is different from any we have

yet considered. For the doctrine of the Virgin Birth must have been

perfectly well known to the Fourth Evangelist. He was well acquainted with

the Synoptic Gospels,(24) and there can be little doubt but that he read

Lk. i, ii, and Mt. i, ii, in the form in which we have them to‐day. That

he knew of the tradition is further confirmed by the fact that, so early

probably as _c._ 110 A.D., the Epistles of Ignatius contain several

references to the doctrine (Eph. xviii. 2; xix. 1; Magn. 11; Tr. ix). The

difficulty is further increased by the freedom with which the Evangelist

treats the Synoptics. “On the one hand their contents are very largely

assumed; and on the other hand the author does not hesitate, where he

thinks it necessary, to correct them.... The author evidently felt himself

at liberty to select just those incidents which suited his purpose”

(Sanday, _The Criticism of the Fourth Gospel_, p. 71).

As the problem is usually treated, the silence of the Fourth Gospel is

said to mean either “tacit rejection” or “tacit acceptance” of the

tradition. It may be questioned, however, if these alternatives

sufficiently cover the possibilities of the case. “Tacit rejection” under

any circumstances means repudiation of the doctrine. But “tacit

acceptance” may mean anything from comparative indifference to whole‐

hearted assent.

As containing the sharper issue, the case for “tacit rejection” may be

considered first. Among the arguments in favour of this view, we may note

the following:—

(1) Certain passages seem to require this position. In i. 45 Jesus is

described by Philip as “_the son of Joseph_”, and in vi. 42 the Jews at

Capernaum ask the question: “_Is not this Jesus, the son of Joseph, whose

father and mother we know?_” Three times, moreover, controversy turns on

the question of the birthplace of Jesus. The Jews look for the birthplace

of the Messiah at Bethlehem (“Hath not the scripture said that the Christ

cometh of the seed of David, and from Bethlehem?”, vii. 42), or they

regard it as unknown (“When the Christ cometh, no one knoweth whence he

is”, vii. 27), and the objection is raised that Jesus is of Galilee (i.

45, vii. 41 f., 52). Nowhere does the Evangelist expose the futility of

the controversy by a reference to Bethlehem as the birthplace of Jesus. On

the contrary (it is said), he himself believed Nazareth to be the

birthplace, and must thus have rejected the tradition of Mt. i, ii.

(2) Instead of directly repudiating a particular Synoptic narrative, the

Fourth Evangelist’s method is silently to set it aside by preferring

another tradition or view. Is not his preference for his own Incarnation

theory a tacit repudiation of the Virgin Birth tradition?

Of these arguments the second can be allowed only if we can show that the

Evangelist looked upon the two doctrines, that of the Virgin Birth and

that of the Incarnation of the Divine Logos, as contradictory and mutually

exclusive. It is not possible, however, to prove this, and to assume it is

to beg the question. The stronger argument is the first. It is certainly

difficult to show that the language of i. 45 and vi. 42 is that of Philip

and the Jews respectively, and that it does not reflect the Evangelist’s

point of view. In the Fourth Gospel we are often unable to assume that the

writer intends to give the _ipsissima verba_ of those who speak. Are i. 45

and vi. 42 cases in point, or are they exceptions? The question is not an

easy one to decide, unless, of course, we have satisfied ourselves that

the Fourth Gospel is an entirely unhistorical work. In this case, i. 45

and vi. 42 will represent the Evangelist’s opinions. But, on this view, we

have largely forfeited our right to appeal to the Fourth Gospel in

treating the question of the Virgin Birth on its historical side. We

cannot have it both ways. If the Fourth Gospel shows a pronounced

disregard of history, it is not permissible to draw historical arguments

from it. It will have (on this view) an important bearing on the

historical question from the theological side; but, as a primary

historical authority, it must disappear. If, on the other hand, we

admit—as we have good reason to admit—the presence of a considerable

element of valuable historical tradition in the Fourth Gospel, it is by no

means certain that i. 45 and vi. 42 represent the Evangelist’s views. As

in the case of Mt. xiii. 55 and Lk. iv. 22, these passages may indicate

contemporary opinions and no more. This view is less easy to hold in the

case of i. 45 and vi. 42 than it is in respect of the Synoptic passages;

but it is a possibility not lightly to be set aside. And if this is so, we

cannot with confidence urge that in i. 45 and vi. 42 the Fourth Evangelist

repudiates the Virgin Birth.

As regards the passages which connect Jesus with Nazareth and Galilee, it

is not necessary to infer that the writer looked upon the town as the

birthplace of our Lord. His silence regarding Bethlehem is strange, but it

does not compel us to conclude that he is rejecting the tradition bound up

with Mt. i, ii, as Mr. Thompson thinks (op. cit., p. 158).(25) The more

important fact is that the Evangelist does not name _any town_, not even

Nazareth, as the birthplace of the Eternal Word.

The view that the Fourth Evangelist tacitly rejects the Virgin Birth fails

to justify itself on internal grounds. It is also opposed by

considerations of an _external_ character. It is from the locality in

which probably the Fourth Gospel arose, that we have the earliest

references to the Virgin Birth outside the New Testament. Ignatius,

according to Dr. Moffatt (INT., p. 211), seems “to fuse the Johannine idea

of the incarnation with the synoptic birth‐stories”. If this is so, the

fact does not compel us to suppose that the Fourth Evangelist would have

done the same; but it raises a strong presumption against the view that he

explicitly rejected the tradition.

Must we then suppose that the Evangelist’s silence means “tacit

acceptance” of the doctrine? Obviously, the failure to prove “tacit

rejection” tells so far in the opposite direction. But, as we have seen,

“tacit acceptance” is a very elastic term; it calls, therefore, for closer

consideration.

It can scarcely be shown that the Fourth Evangelist accepts the Virgin

Birth in the same way in which it is held in Mt. i, ii. There is no

sufficient answer to this assertion in the plea that the story had been

already told, and that the Evangelist’s purpose was to supplement the

Synoptic narratives. This is a view of the Fourth Gospel which cannot be

carried through. It is better to suppose that the Evangelist’s omission of

the Virgin Birth tradition has a more definite meaning, even though we

reject the view that its significance is silent repudiation of the

doctrine. We have also to find a place in our solution of the problem for

the difficulties left over in i. 45 and vi. 42, and in the Evangelist’s

failure to name the birthplace of Jesus. In other words, arguments

insufficient to prove “tacit rejection” cannot on that account be ignored.

They must rather be held to condition the sense in which we speak of

“tacit acceptance”.

The Evangelist’s silence regarding the Virgin Birth can only be understood

when it is considered along with his other notable “omissions”. It is one

of “a whole series of episodes, cardinal to the Synoptic story” (Scott,

_Fourth Gospel_, p. 42). This series includes the Genealogy, the Virgin

Birth, the Baptism, the Temptation, the Transfiguration, the Supper, the

Agony, the Ascension. The true explanation is probably that given by Dr.

E. F. Scott: “These remarkable omissions ... cannot be due to oversight or

to the leaving out of what was non‐essential. Without doubt they have been

made deliberately, in view of certain theories and presuppositions with

which the writer approached his subject” (ib., p. 42 f.). These words set

us on the right track. The Evangelist’s silence does not mean that he

rejected the Virgin Birth tradition. The Synoptic birth‐stories were more

probably accepted by him “as a part of the orthodox tradition, in which,

as a member of the Church, he acquiesced” (ib., p. 188). His doctrinal

sympathies, however, lay in another direction. It may be that at the time

when he first heard of the Virgin Birth tradition, his doctrine of the

Incarnate Word had already shaped itself in his mind. Jesus Christ was the

Eternal Son of God, the Word made flesh, who became incarnate by His own

voluntary act. The fact that his own theological scheme was already

developed, together with its specific character,(26) may well account for

his neglect of the Virgin Birth. _He does not deny the story, but his own

Christology has superior spiritual attractions._

It will be seen that this theory leaves little room for difficulties

arising from such passages as i. 45 and vi. 42, and explains at once the

Evangelist’s attitude to the question of the birthplace of Jesus. On the

one hand, the doctrinal presuppositions of the Virgin Birth were not

operative in his mind; on the other hand, in the light of his doctrine of

the Logos, the difficulties mentioned would scarcely be felt. The Jewish

controversies must have seemed to him so much playing with words. What did

it matter where the Word became flesh? What did it matter if men called

Him Joseph’s son?

Our conclusion, then, is that the Fourth Evangelist tacitly accepts the

Virgin Birth, but gives it no place in his doctrinal system. With the

theological significance of this result we are not now concerned. Our

present interest is rather in its historical implications. On the positive

side, it yields little; on the negative side, its importance is greater.

It is not permissible to argue against the Virgin Birth tradition on the

ground that the Fourth Evangelist rejected it. We may go further and say

that, having regard to his evident preoccupation with the Logos‐doctrine,

it may not even be safe to make too much of the fact that he ignored the

tradition.

VII. The Pastoral and the Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse

Of the New Testament Writings, other than the First and Third Gospels,

there remain THE PASTORAL AND THE CATHOLIC EPISTLES AND THE APOCALYPSE.

Whether _the Pastoral Epistles_ are the work of St. Paul or not, their

silence regarding the Virgin Birth cannot be pressed. 1 Tim. iii. 16

(probably a fragment from an early Christian hymn) may or may not be

significant in its silence; but, in either direction, the inference would

be unsafe. These writings are much too brief and restricted in subject‐

matter to leave room for the argument from silence. The same view is also

true of _the Catholic Epistles_. _The Apocalypse_ contains one passage

(xii) which has been thought to indicate the writer’s knowledge of the

doctrine,(27) but the inference is far from being certain, and, in any

case, in view of the date of the Book, it would add nothing to our

knowledge which cannot be learnt more clearly elsewhere.

VIII. Summary

We may summarize the historical results reached in the present chapter as

follows:—

1. _There is no certain instance of a New Testament writer who knew of the

Virgin Birth tradition, and yet repudiated it._ It is more than doubtful

if an exception can be found even in the case of the Fourth Gospel, though

the Evangelist makes no doctrinal use of the tradition. If the author of

the Epistle to the Hebrews knew of the doctrine, the same is probably true

of that writer also.

2. _The doctrine had no place in the subject‐matter of Apostolic

preaching._ This view is supported by all the available evidence. The

silence of the Pauline Epistles, of the Acts, and of the Second Gospel can

be explained in no other way.

3. _The tradition was not a matter of public knowledge during the period

covered in common by the Pauline Epistles, the Second Gospel, and Q._

4. _It is also probable that the same conclusion should be extended to the

period covered by the Second Gospel alone, if this Book is dated later

than St. Paul’s lifetime, as it usually is._

Until we have examined the Virgin Birth tradition reflected in the First

and Third Gospels, it would not be right to discuss these results further,

except to say that an historical argument against the Virgin Birth based

on these conclusions alone would be precarious. The chief importance of

the results reached is the help they furnish in deciding when belief in

the Virgin Birth first became current.

The Historical Evidence for the Virgin Birth · 第 1 / 6 章