But the adoption of secession ordinances and the assumption of
independent authority was not enough for the Cotton Republic. Though
they hoped to evade civil war, still they never forgot for a moment that
a conflict was not only possible, but even probable. Their prudence told
them that they ought to prepare for such an emergency by at once taking
possession of all the arms and military forts within their borders.
At this time there was a large navy-yard at Pensacola, Florida; from
twelve to fifteen harbor forts along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts;
half-a-dozen arsenals, stocked with an aggregate of one hundred and
fifty thousand arms (transferred there about a year before from Northern
arsenals, by Secretary Floyd); three mints; four important
custom-houses; three revenue cutters, on duty at leading Southern
seaports, and a vast amount of valuable miscellaneous property,--all of
which had been purchased with the money of the Federal Government.
The land on which the navy-yards, arsenals, forts, and, indeed, all the
buildings so purchased and controlled, stood, was vested in the United
States, not alone by the right of eminent domain, but also by formal
legislative deeds of cession from the States themselves, _wherein
they_ were located. The self-constituted governments of these State
now assumed either that the right of eminent domain reverted to them, or
that it had always belonged to them; and that they were perfectly
justified in taking absolute possession, "holding themselves responsible
in money damages to be settled by negotiation." The Federal Government
and the sentiment of the North regarded this hypothesis false and
absurd.
In due season the governors of the Cotton States, by official orders to
their extemporized militia companies, took forcible possession of all
the property belonging to the Federal Government lying within the
borders of these States. This proceeding was no other than _levying
actual war against the United States_. There was as yet no bloodshed,
however, and for this reason: the regular army of the United States
amounted then to but little over seventeen thousand men, and, most of
these being on the Western frontier, there was only a small garrison at
each of the Southern forts; all that was necessary, therefore, was for a
superior armed force--as a rule, State militia--to demand the surrender
of these forts in the name of the State, and it would at once, though
under protest, be complied with. There were three notable exceptions to
this peaceable evacuation,--first, no attempt was made against Fort
Taylor, at Key West; Fort Jefferson, on Tortugas Island; and Fort
Pickens, at Pensacola, on account of the distance and danger; second,
part of the troops in Texas were eventually refused the promised
transit, and were captured; third, the forts in Charleston harbor
underwent peculiar vicissitudes, which will be recounted later on.
The conspiracy which, for a while at least, seemed destined to overcome
all obstacles, was not confined to South Carolina or the Cotton States.
Unfortunately it had established itself in the highest official circles
of the National Government. Three members of President Buchanan's
cabinet--Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; Floyd, of
Virginia, Secretary of War; and Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of
the Interior--were rank and ardent disunionists. To the artful
machinations of these three arch-traitors, who cared more for self than
they did for the South, the success of the conspiracy was largely due.
Grouped about them was a number of lesser functionaries, willing to lend
their help. Even the President did not escape the suspicion of the taint
of disloyal purpose.
The first and chief solicitude of the disunionists of South Carolina was
to gain possession of the forts. A secret caucus was held. "We must have
the forts," was its watchword; and, ere long, from every street corner
in Charleston came the impatient echo: "The forts must be ours."
To revert to the beginning. On the 1st of October, 1860, the Chief of
Ordnance wrote to Secretary Floyd, urging the importance of protecting
the ordnance and ammunition stored in Fort Sumter, Charleston harbor,
providing it met the approval of the commanding officer of Fort
Moultrie. The Secretary had no objections; but the commanding officer of
Fort Moultrie, while giving a very hesitating approval of the
application, expressed "_grave doubts of the loyalty and reliability
of the workmen engaged on the fort_," and closed his letter (dated
November 8th) by recommending that the garrison of Fort Moultrie should
be reinforced, and that both Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney should be
garrisoned by companies _sent at once_ from Fortress Monroe, at old
Point Comfort. A few days later he ordered the ordnance officer at the
Charleston office to turn over to him, for removal to Fort Moultrie, all
the small arms and ammunition which he had in store. The attempt to make
this transfer was successfully resisted by the Charleston mob.
This evidence of loyalty on the part of the commanding officer of the
troops in Charleston harbor was not appreciated at Washington. His
removal was promptly ordered by the Secretary of War. The officer thus
summarily dealt with was Lieutenant-Colonel J.C. Gardner, First
Artillery, U.S.A., a native of Massachusetts, and an old veteran of the
war of 1812. Thus, so far as history reveals, was a son of the old Bay
State the _first_ to resist the encroachments of the Southern
conspiracy. It is worthy of note, also, that the removal of Col. Gardner
was in a measure due to the recommendation of Major (afterwards General)
Fitz John Porter.
Major Robert Anderson was ordered, on November 15th, to take command of
Fort Moultrie. He was chosen probably in the belief that, being a
Southern man, he would eventually throw his fortunes with the South. On
the 21st of November Major Anderson arrived at the fort, and on the 23d
of the same month he wrote to Secretary Floyd as follows:--
Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney _must_ be garrisoned immediately
if the government determines to keep command of the harbor.[2]
In the same letter he also expressed the opinion that the people of
South Carolina intended to seize all the forts in Charleston harbor by
force of arms as soon as their ordinance of secession was published.
The faith of Secretary Floyd must, indeed, have been shaken while
reading such words! He might have ordered the removal of the writer of
them had not a rather unexpected incident now occurred to divert his
attention.
The Secretary of State, the venerable Lewis Cass of Michigan, at once
denounced submission to the conspiracy as treasonable, and insisted that
Major Anderson's demand for reinforcements should be granted. This
episode was a political bomb-shell in the camp of the enemy. The
President became a trifle alarmed, and sent for Floyd. A conference
between the President and the Secretary was held, when the latter
"pooh-poohed" the actual danger. "The South Carolinians," said he, "are
honorable gentlemen. They would scorn to take the forts. They must not
be Irritated." But the President evinced restlessness; he may have
suspected the motive of his cabinet officer. Floyd, too, grew restless;
the obstinacy of the executive alarmed him. He was only too glad to
consent to the suggestion that General Scott should be consulted.
General Scott rose from his sick-bed in New York, and hastened to
Washington, on the 12th of December. On the 13th he had an interview
with the President, in which he urged that three hundred men be sent to
reinforce Major Anderson at Fort Moultrie. The President declined, on
the ground, first, that Major Anderson was fully instructed what to do
in case he should at any time see good reason to believe that there was
any purpose to dispossess him of any of the forts; and, secondly, that
at this time (December 13th) he--the President--believed that Anderson
was in no danger of attack.
The President acted his own will in the matter. On the 15th General Cass
tendered his resignation, and retired from official life, for the avowed
reason that the President had refused to reinforce Anderson, and was
negotiating with open and avowed traitors. Secretary Cobb had resigned a
few days before. Black, the Attorney-General, was now made Secretary of
State; Thomas, of Maryland, Secretary of the Treasury; and Edwin M.
Stanton was appointed Attorney-General. The President believed, and
undoubtedly honestly, that, by his concession to Floyd and the other
conspirators, he had stayed the tide of disunion in the South. It now
appears how quickly and unexpectedly he was undeceived. While these
events were transpiring, a paper addressed "To our Constituents," and
urging "the organization of a Southern Confederacy," was being
circulated for signature through the two houses of Congress. It was
signed by about one-half of the Senators and Representatives of North
and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Texas, and Arkansas, and bore the date, "Washington, December 15, 1860."
It is to be remembered as the official beginning of the subsequent
Confederate States, just as Governor Gist's October circular was the
official beginning of South Carolina secession and rebellion.
On the 20th of December, South Carolina, as has been previously stated,
passed its ordinance. The desire, several times already expressed, to
hold possession of the forts in Charleston harbor now took the form of
a demand. The State Convention appointed three Commissioners to proceed
to Washington to "treat for the delivery of the forts, magazines,
light-houses, and other real estate, for an apportionment of the public
debt, for a division of all other property, and generally to negotiate
about other measures and arrangements." The Commissioners arrived in
Washington on the 26th of December, and, by special appointment, were to
meet the President at one o'clock on the following day. Before that hour
arrived an unlooked-for event occurred.