_Joint resolutions of the Illinois Legislature to transport the free
persons of color from the United States to Africa; passed session of
1847-’8._
Whereas efforts have been made to create the impression that the citizens
of the free States desire to interfere with the institution of slavery in
the States where it exists by law; and whereas such efforts are likely
to create discord and jealousy among the several States, and weaken
the bonds of our glorious Union; and whereas we desire most earnestly
to undeceive our brethren of the Southern States on the subject, and
manifest our fraternal regard for them, and to contribute all in our
power to assist in relieving them of the burden of slavery, in the manner
best suited to their feelings and interests; therefore,
_Be it resolved by the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring
herein_, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our
Representatives requested, to employ all constitutional means in their
power to procure ample resources by the Federal Government to remove all
such free persons of color as can be induced to emigrate to Liberia, or
elsewhere in Africa, and to provide for their necessary wants.
_Resolved_, That the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of
the above preamble and resolution to each of our Senators and
Representatives, with a request that the subject be brought before
Congress.
_Note._—New Jersey, Connecticut, and several other States have adopted
resolutions similar to the above; and in most of them the resolutions
have been repeated from time to time, down to a recent date.
_Extracts from the report of the Committee of the House of
Representatives on Commerce on the subject of African Colonization. Feb.
28, 1843._
The necessity of making some provision for the colonization and
settlement of the free colored population of this country began,
at an early period, to attract the attention of the public. During
the administration of Mr. Jefferson, the State of Virginia made an
application to the General Government for aid in this purpose. That State
desired to originate some measure which should provide an asylum for this
population, either on the coast of Africa, or in some other appropriate
region beyond the limits of the Union. Resolutions were more than once
adopted by its Legislature, expressive of the interest which the State
felt in the subject, and of the importance attached to it; and at length
the Governor was directed, in 1816, when Dr. Finley was employed at
Washington in his memorable enterprise of establishing the American
Colonization Society, to correspond with the President for the promotion
of that design. The assistance of the Senators and Representatives of the
State was invoked to the same end.
The Society was founded in December, 1816. It comprised many eminent
individuals from the several States; was characterized by its freedom
from sectional distinctions; enlisted the aid of men from every quarter
of the Union; and was generally received and applauded as a beneficent
and highly national undertaking.
Its design, as set forth in an article of its constitution, was to act
“in co-operation with the General Government and such of the States as
might adopt regulations on the subject.” Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee,
and Georgia were the first to respond to the invitation invoking their
assistance. They passed resolutions recommending the subject to the
country, and generally announced their accordance in the opinion,
expressed by Mr. Jefferson, that it was desirable the United States
should undertake the colonization of the free people of color on the
coast of Africa....
About half the States of the Union have expressed their decided
approbation of the scheme of African colonization, and the citizens and
Legislature of Maryland have proceeded to plant a flourishing colony at
Cape Palmas. Through the efforts and under the influence of the American
Colonization Society, nearly twenty eligible tracts of country have
been purchased between Cape Mount and Cape Palmas, and on many of them
promising settlements established. The enterprise is demonstrated to be
practicable, and capable of indefinite extension. Though the colonies
embrace but a few thousand emigrants, their salutary influence is widely
felt, and many thousands of the native population have sought their
protection, submitted to their laws, and enjoy the advantages of their
instruction. Able and disinterested citizens of the United States have,
from time to time, devoted themselves to their interests, and, under the
authority of the colonization societies, have assisted them to frame
their social institutions, their government and laws. They exhibit to the
eyes of a barbarous people the model of a free, temperate, industrious,
civilized, and Christian society. They have legislative assemblies,
courts of justice, schools, and churches. Though having enjoyed in this
country but very imperfect means of improvement, and left it with small
means, they have done much for themselves, and much for civilization and
Christianity—have enacted laws for the extirpation of the slave trade,
and, wherever their rightful authority exists, executed them with vigor;
they have successfully engaged in agriculture and in lawful commerce;
they have opened the way for many Christian missionaries, of different
communions, to the heathen tribes, and afforded them protection and
facilities in their work. In fine, Liberia and the Maryland settlement
at Cape Palmas present themselves to this country and the world, not
only as eligible asylums for our free colored population, and for such
as may become free, but as republican and Christian States, informed
by the elements of indefinite growth and improvement, capable, duly
countenanced, and guarded against the interference of unfriendly powers,
of rising to honor and greatness, and of diffusing the influence of its
laws and example over wide districts of Africa.
The annual imports from western Africa into this country probably exceed
a million of dollars, and into Great Britain are about four millions.
The palm oil trade, now becoming of great value, had hardly an existence
twelve years ago, is rapidly increasing, and may be increased to an
almost indefinite extent. Hitherto, the slave trade has been at war with
all improvement and every kind of innocent commerce. Its cessation will
be succeeded by the cultivation of the soil, and the growth of trade in
all the varied and valuable productions of the African climate. It is of
infinite importance that the natives of Africa should be convinced that
agricultural labor, and the substitution of lawful trade for the infamous
commerce in human beings, will be for their advantage; and that, in their
intercourse with them, our own merchants should possess every privilege
granted to those of England, or any other nation.
The establishment of a commercial agency, (as recommended by Dr. Hall,)
to reside in Liberia, and occasionally to visit, in a Government vessel,
various points on the coast, to ascertain the best sites for mercantile
establishments, to form conventions and treaties of commerce, and for the
suppression of the slave trade with the principal chiefs, to take charge
of the stores and other property sent out for our ships of war, to guard
the rights and interests of our seamen, and secure for American vessels
a free and unrestrained right of trade at all important stations, the
committee would recommend as an object urgently demanded by interest and
humanity.
The time has arrived, in the opinion of the committee, when this subject
of African colonization has become sufficiently important to attract
the attention of the people, in its connexion with the question of the
political relations which these colonies are to hold with our Government.
_Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay._
_At the 31st Anniversary_ of the American Colonization Society, held at
Washington, January 18, 1848, the Hon. HENRY CLAY, in the course of his
speech, made the following remarks:
“It is now nearly thirty years since Mr. Finley, Mr. Caldwell, and some
other gentlemen, met by agreement with a view to form a Colonization
Society. I was one of that number. We did not intend to do more or less
than establish on the shores of Africa a colony, to which free colored
persons with their own voluntary consent might go. There was to be no
constraint, no coercion, no compulsory process to which those who went
must submit: all was to be perfectly voluntary and unconstrained in any
manner or degree. Far, very far, was it from our purpose to interfere
with the slaves, or to shake or affect the title by which they are held
in the least degree whatever. We saw and were fully aware of the fact
that the free white race and the colored race never could live together
on terms of equality. We did not stop to ask whether this was right or
wrong: we looked at the fact, and on that fact we founded our operations.
I know, indeed, that there are men, many of them of high respectability,
who hold that all this is prejudice; that it should be expelled from our
minds, and that we ought to recognise in men, though of different color
from ourselves, members of our common race, entitled in all respects
to equal privileges with ourselves. This may be so according to their
view of the matter; but we went on the broad and incontestible fact,
that the two races could not, on equal terms, live in the same community
harmoniously together. And we thought that the people of color should
be voluntarily removed, if practicable, to their native country, or to
the country at least of their ancestors: there they might enjoy all
those blessings of freedom and equality of condition which to them were
impossible here. Our object, let me repeat it, was limited to the free;
we never thought of touching in any manner the title to slave property.
We hoped to be able to demonstrate the practicability of colonizing them;
and when that should have been demonstrated, those who owned slaves might
avail themselves of it or not—might send liberated slaves to Africa or
not, precisely as they pleased. All our purpose was to establish, if we
could, a colony of free colored men, and thus to demonstrate to the
world that colonization was practicable.
“It has been truly stated, that from the day of its formation to the
present hour, the Society has been surrounded with difficulties. It has
had to stand the fire of batteries both in front and rear, and upon both
flanks. Extremes of opinion and of action, which could unite in nothing
else, united in assaulting us. Those who cared for the safety of the
institution of slavery assailed us on one hand, while the Abolitionists
assaulted us on the other. But on what ground should either oppose such
an enterprise? Our ground in regard to both was total non-interference.
We meant to deal only with colored persons already free. This did not
interfere with the projects of the Abolitionists. For myself, I believe
those projects to be impracticable; and I am persuaded that if the same
energy and effort which have been expended in getting up abolition
movements, had been directed to the work of colonization, a vast amount
of benefit would have resulted to the cause of humanity and to the
colored race. Why should they attack us? We do not interfere with them.
Their project is to emancipate at one blow the whole colored race. Well,
if they can do that, then our object begins. The office of colonization
commences only where theirs would end. The colored race being here in the
midst of us, and not being capable of enjoying a state of equality with
the whites around them, our object is to carry them to a place where they
may enjoy, without molestation, all the benefits of freemen. Here is no
incompatibility; and in point of fact we have thus far gone on our way
without disturbing any body, either on the right or on the left.
“But it is said that our Society is incapable of effecting any great
object. That our aims can never be accomplished without aid from the
State governments, or unless the General Government shall send out of
the country all the free blacks. It is our purpose to show the power
of colonization, in competent hands, fully to carry out the benevolent
ends we have in view, to work all the great results for which this
Society was formed. Our purpose is to demonstrate to the American people,
that _if they choose to take hold of this great project in their State
Legislatures, or otherwise, the end sought is practicable, and the
principle of colonization is competent to carry abroad all the colored
population who shall be emancipated_. That demonstration has been made.
“The separation of free colored people from the white race is a measure
recommended not only by the mutual and the separate good of both, but
by the prospect that Africa, which has so long lain in barbarism,
worshipping unknown and forbidden gods, may thus be brought to the light
and blessings of Christianity. Those who met to form this Society saw not
only that great good would accrue from their design to the colored race,
by elevating their character, and restoring them to the possession of
rights they never can enjoy here, but that it would be a probable means,
in the end, of carrying to Africa all the blessing of our holy religion,
and all the benefits of our civilization and freedom. What Christian is
there who does not feel a deep interest in sending forth missionaries to
convert the dark heathen, and bring them within the pale of Christianity?
But what missionaries can be so potent as those it is our purpose to
transport to the shores of Africa? Africans themselves by birth, or
sharing at least African blood, will not all their feelings, all their
best affections, induce them to seek the good of their countrymen? At
this moment there are between four and five thousand colonists who have
been sent to Africa under the care of this Society; and I will venture to
say that they will accomplish as missionaries of the Christian religion
more to disseminate its blessings than _all the rest of the missionaries
throughout the globe_. Why, gentlemen, what have we heard? In the colony
of Liberia there are now twenty-five places of public worship dedicated
to the service of Almighty God, and to the glory of the Saviour of men;
while thousands of the neighboring heathens are flocking into the colony
to obtain a knowledge of the arts, and who may ultimately receive the
better knowledge which Christianity alone can bestow.
“These are the great purposes we had in view when a few of us met to form
this Society. As soon as a purchase of territory had been effected by
the agent we dispatched to Africa for that purpose, the first colonists,
about twenty-five years since, left the American shores, and were safely
transplanted to the land of their ancestors.
“I know it was then urged, as it has been since, that other places
might have been selected with equal advantage. I do not concur in that
opinion. Look at the expense alone. It has been stated in your report
that the sum of fifty dollars is sufficient to cover the expense of
transporting one emigrant to Liberia, and of maintaining him there for
six months after his arrival. To what other position in the known world
could he be sent at so cheap a rate? Not to the Pacific; not to Oregon;
not to Mexico. Then consider the advantages of this position in point of
navigation: remember the shortness of the voyage. When these things are
duly considered, it must be evident that to no _other spot on the face of
the globe could the free colored people be sent with so much propriety
as to the coast of Africa_. Besides, in any other place that might be
selected, you would deprive yourselves of accomplishing those high moral
and religious objects which, in Africa, may be so confidently hoped for.
“But, again, it has been said that the object of carrying all the free
colored race from this country to Africa is one which the Government
itself, with all its means, could not effect. Now, on that point, let me
state a fact by way of reply. If I am not mistaken, the immigration from
abroad into the port of New York alone, in the course of the last year,
was fully equal to the annual increase of the free colored population
of the Union, and yet all that was done voluntarily, and in most cases
without any, or with very little aid. The fact rests on the great motive
which, to a greater or less extent, governs all human action. Why is
it that the Germans and the Irish have thus flocked to our shores in
numbers to meet the annual increase of our free colored people not only,
but, as I believe, that of the slave population also? They come in
obedience to one of the great laws of our nature; they have come under
that efficient motive which propels men to all enterprises—the desire
to better their condition. A like motive will sway the free blacks when
enlightened as to the real facts of the case. If they reach the shores of
Africa, whether by their own means, or by the aid and agency of others,
their position will be physically, morally, and politically better than
by any possibility it ever can be here. It is not our office to attempt
impracticabilities; to amalgamate two races which God himself, by a
difference of color, besides other inherent distinctions, has declared
must be separate, and remain separate, from each other. And if such
be of necessity their condition here, to send them to Africa, not by
coercion, but with their own free consent, is surely the best practicable
mode of doing them good. And here I would say to those in both extremes
of opinion and of feeling on the subject of slavery—I would say to all
men—why should the free people of color of these United States not have
the option of removing to Africa, or remaining where they are, just as
they themselves shall choose? That is all we attempt. We wish to describe
to him the country, to facilitate his emigration to it, and then leave
him to his free choice. And if after this he chooses to go, why interpose
any obstacle in his way? In reply, it is said to be an act of cruelty to
send him there. The climate is represented as inhospitable; he will be
exposed to inevitable sickness, and will probably soon find a grave on
that distant shore. To send a colored man out of the United States to a
country like that is held up as an act of the greatest inhumanity. But,
happily, our records bear the most grateful testimony to the reverse of
all this. Let us for a moment compare the mortality of Liberia with that
of the colonies planted on our own shores. Within the first seventeen
years from the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, nine thousand
colonists arrived, £150,000 sterling were expended in transporting them
from England, yet at the end of that period but about two thousand of
them remained alive. All the rest had fallen victims either to the
climate, or to the tomahawk of the savage, or had perished from other
causes. Then look at Plymouth. History records that in less than six
months after the arrival of the Mayflower, full half of all who landed
had been destroyed by disease, want, and suffering. Now, compare with
these efforts at British colonization the results of our settlement at
Liberia. In twenty-five years, since the first emigrants landed from
the United States, the _deaths amounted to but twenty per cent. of the
entire number_, being far less than died at Plymouth in six months; far
less than at Jamestown in seventeen years. The deaths at Jamestown were
in seventeen years more than four times as numerous, in proportion, as
at Liberia in twenty-five years. There is then nothing in the climate to
discourage us, nothing in the alleged dreadful mortality of the colony to
frighten us.
“But it is said we have done very little. All the great enterprises
of man have had small beginnings. The founders of Rome, if we may
believe the tale of tradition, were suckled by a wolf. Jamestown and
Plymouth both languished for years after the period to which I have
already referred. Yet now, what land is there on the broad surface of
the habitable globe, what sea spreads out its waste of waters, that has
not been penetrated and traversed by the enterprise, the skill, and the
courage of our New England brethren? And on what battle-field, in what
council chamber, can a single spot in our vast country be found where
the Virginian character has not displayed itself in its gallantry or its
deliberative wisdom? I repeat it; all the greatest enterprises of man
have had small beginnings. Our colony is but twenty-five years old; it
has received already between four and five thousand colored emigrants,
besides hundreds more of recaptured Africans; all of which have been
sent there by order of this Government. Immense numbers of the natives
are crowding into the colony to obtain the benefits of education, of
civilization, and of Christianity. In addition to all these, there are
many thousands more in the United States now seeking the advantages of
colonization through the means held out by this Society. As far then as
we have gone, GOOD IS DONE.
“Is it not better that those four or five thousand emigrants should be
there, than that they should have remained here? Is it not better for
themselves, is it not better for us? Every year the progress of our
colony becomes more and more cheering; and, with every free African sent
over to it, those prospects brighten, and so much more of good is done.
True, we have done all we desire to do. Glad should we be should every
free colored man throughout all the States go there, and become free
indeed. But it requires time to accomplish great national affairs. The
creation of a nation is not the work of a day or of a century. For two
or three centuries the embryo nation of the Israelites remained captives
in Egypt. _But when this Government, or the State governments, shall
lend the enterprise their powerful_ aid, its progress will not be so
slow. And when the colony shall have made further advances, it will be
self-sustained and increased by its own commerce and marine. I speak not,
of course, of any unconstitutional aid. _Incidental aid, at least, may
be given it in strict accordance with the Constitution._ On this subject
the legislature of Maryland has set us a noble example. She cherishes her
infant colony with the utmost solicitude and care. When other States of
the Union shall do the same, the cause of colonization will experience a
vast acceleration.
“During, now, a period of twenty-five years, without power, without
revenue, without aid, save the voluntary contributions of the charitable
and humane, has this Society continued its labors. During that period it
has carried on a defensive war. It has made treaties. It has purchased
territory, and that to a large extent; owning, now, some three hundred
and twenty miles along the western coast of Africa, throughout the whole
of which extent (with one dark exception) the slave trade has been
suppressed. And in this connexion I may be permitted to remark, that if
the Governments of Europe and of the United States, who have united their
efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, would consent to lend
_but a small portion of the navies they now, at so great a cost, maintain
off the African coast in furtherance of that design, to the great object
of colonization_, they would prove much more successful than they have
hitherto found themselves in putting an end to that detested traffic. I
believe that no other means will ever prove so operative and effectual to
that end as the covering the entire coast of that quarter of the globe
with colonies of free colored men. Then would all be united, by sympathy
for their outraged countrymen, in heartily advancing a design which
commends itself to every feeling of the black man’s heart.
“And now, in conclusion, I should fail of expressing the feelings which
are rising in my bosom, did I not congratulate you, gentlemen of the
Society, on the eminent success which has already crowned your benevolent
labors. A new republic has sprung into existence under your auspices.
Yes; a free, representative, constitutional republic, formed on the model
of our own beloved institutions. A republic, founded by black men, reared
by black men, put into operation by the blacks, and which holds out to
our hope the brightest prospects. Whether we look at what has already
been done, or lift our eyes to the future and cast them down the long
vista of coming time—when we may anticipate, as we are warranted to do,
the dissemination over a large part, if not the whole, of Africa, of our
own free government, our love of liberty, our knowledge of Christianity,
our arts, and civilization, and domestic happiness—when we behold those
blessings realized on that continent, which I trust in God we are long,
long destined to enjoy on this, and think how the hearts of posterity
will be gladdened by such a spectacle—how ought our own to exult in hope
and to swell with gratitude?
“Go on, then, gentlemen; go on in your noble cause. For myself, I shall
soon leave you and this stage of human action forever. I may never occupy
this chair again; but I trust that the spirit which originated and which
has sustained this Society will long survive me, and that you may long
continue, now that our African republic is at length born, to discharge
the offices of guardianship, and aid, and co-operation, and ever give to
the interests of African freedom, civilization and social happiness, your
best energies and most fervent prayers. From this auspicious hour, even
to the end of time, or until the great object of the amicable separation
of the two races shall have been fully effected, may others spring up to
take your places, and to tread in your steps. And, finally, invoking on
this great and good cause the blessing of that God without whom nothing
is strong, nothing is holy, and whose smiles, I believe, have hitherto
been extended to it, I bid you a cordial farewell.”
_Resolutions delivered and proposed by Hon. R. W. Thompson, Hon. R. J.
Walker, Hon. Joseph R. Ingersoll, Hon. R. M. McLane, Hugh Maxwell, esq.,
and others._
At the 32d annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, held
at Washington, January 16, 1849, the Hon. R. W. Thompson, of Indiana,
offered the following resolution, which was adopted:
“_Resolved_, That the history of the past year, as developed
in the report which has just been read, has strengthened our
confidence in the great principles of the Colonization Society,
and that in their purity and strength we see satisfactory
evidence of their ultimate triumph.”
The Hon. ROBERT J. WALKER, Secretary of the Treasury, with some
appropriate remarks, introduced the following resolution:
“_Resolved_, That in founding a new republican empire on
the shores of Africa, introducing there civilization and
Christianity; in banishing the slave trade from a large portion
of its western coast, and accelerating its expulsion from that
whole continent; in opening commerce and intercourse with
the savage tribes of the interior, soon to be followed by a
rapid advancement in their condition; in laying the foundation
of a system destined to facilitate the ultimate separation
of the two races of Ham and Japhet in this Confederacy, by
universal consent, for the advantage of both, and the gradual
and peaceful restoration of the former to the land of their
forefathers, regenerated by the light of Christianity, and
trained in the principles of our free institutions: and
especially in fixing a basis upon which the friends of religion
and humanity, of freedom, of the Constitution, and of the
Union, can every where, in every State, north and south, east
and west, unite their efforts for the advancement of the
happiness of both races, and at the same time accomplish the
glorious purpose of preserving the harmony and perpetuating
the union of the States; the American Colonization Society,
embracing the whole country and all its parts, has established
a claim upon the efficient aid and zealous co-operation of
every lover of his country and of mankind.”
The Hon. J. R. INGERSOLL, of Pennsylvania, seconded the resolution, and
addressed the meeting thereupon, after which it was adopted.
The Hon. ROBERT M. MCLANE, of Maryland, offered the following preamble
and resolutions, which were adopted:
“Whereas the institution of domestic slavery in the United
States exists as the creature of local municipal law, so
recognised and respected in the Federal Constitution: Therefore—
“_Resolved_, That in all action affecting this institution
in its social or political aspect, the American citizen and
statesman who reveres the Federal Union, has imposed upon him
the most solemn obligations to respect in spirit and letter
the authority of such local and municipal sovereignties, and
to resist all aggressive influences which tend to disturb the
peace and tranquility of the States, that may have created or
sanctioned this institution.
“_Resolved, further_, That the efforts of the American
Colonization Society to facilitate the ultimate emancipation
and restoration of the black race to social and national
independence are highly honorable and judicious, and consistent
with a strict respect for the rights and privileges of the
citizens of the several States wherein the institution of
slavery is sanctioned by municipal law.”
HUGH MAXWELL, esq., of New York, was called upon, and having made an
address, offered the following resolution, which was adopted:
“_Resolved_, That the influence which the scheme of African
colonization exerts to suppress the slave trade, to spread
the English language and the principles of republican
government, and to open new markets for American products, and
extend American commerce, should commend it to the favorable
consideration of the respective State Legislatures and of the
General Government.”
_Opinion of the Hon. Daniel Webster on colonization at the expense of the
General Government._
The Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER, in his great speech in the United States Senate,
7th of March, 1850, spoke as follows:
“I have one other remark to make. In my observations upon slavery as it
has existed in the country, and as it now exists, I have expressed no
opinion of the mode of its extinguishment or melioration. I will say,
however, though I have nothing to propose on that subject, because I do
not deem myself so competent as other gentlemen to consider it, that if
any gentleman from the South shall propose a _scheme of colonization
to be carried on by this Government_ upon a large scale, for the
transportation of free colored people to any colony or any place in the
world, I should be quite disposed to incur _almost any degree of expense_
to accomplish that object. Nay, sir, following an example set here more
than twenty years ago by a great man, then a Senator from New York, I
would return to Virginia, and through her for the benefit of the whole
South, the money received from lands and territories ceded by her to this
Government, for any such purpose as to relieve, in whole or in part,
or in any way to diminish or deal beneficially with, the free colored
population of the Southern States. I have said that I honor Virginia for
her cession of this territory. There have been received into the Treasury
of the United States eighty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the
sales of the public lands ceded by her. If the residue should be sold at
the same rate, the whole aggregate will exceed two hundred millions of
dollars. If Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any proposition to
relieve themselves from the free people of color among them, they have my
free consent that the Government shall pay them any sum of money out of
its proceeds, which may be adequate to the purpose.”
_Extracts from a letter from Commodore STOCKTON to Hon. Daniel Webster,
dated March 25th, 1850._
“Yonder is Africa, with her one hundred and fifty millions of miserable,
degraded, ignorant, lawless, superstitious idolaters. Whoever has stood
upon her sands, has stood upon a continent that has geographical and
physical peculiarities which belong to no other of the great divisions
of the globe. The latter appear, upon the face of them, to have been
adapted to draw out the energies of the natives in their inequalities of
temperature, soil, and surface, inviting the ingenuity and enterprise of
man to overcome them, and in the varieties of their products tempting
the interchanges of commerce; thus affording ample encouragement to
the progress of civil and social improvement. But Africa is still,
as of old, a land of silence and of mystery. Like the interminable
dreariness of her own deserts, her moral wastes of mind lie waiting
for the approach of influences from abroad. No savage people have ever
advanced to a civilized state without intercommunication with others.
All the continents of the world have, in their turn, been occupied and
civilized by means of colonies; but in no one of them did it appear so
inevitably necessary, from a previous examination of circumstances, as
in that of Africa. It is plain to the very eye, that Africa is a land to
which civilization _must be brought_. The attempt has been made over and
over again by devoted missionaries and others to penetrate that land,
and seek to impart the blessings of civilization and Christianity to her
savage hordes. But the labor has been spent in vain. The white man cannot
live in Africa. The annals of the Moravians, of Cape Colony, of Sierra
Leone, of Liberia, contain the records of the sacrifice of some of the
best men that have lived to grace the pages of any people’s history, in
the vain attempt to accomplish something for her redemption through the
instrumentality of white men. _Who, then, is to do this work?_
“Let now any calm, reflecting spectator of the present state of the world
be asked to look at Africa, and then, from among the nations, point out
the people best calculated to do this work—and when his eye falls upon
the descendants of the sons of that continent now in America, will he not
say, _These are the people appointed for that work_?
“Let us not be impatient or presumptuous. These African people are
passing to their destiny along the same path which has been trod by other
nations, through a mixture of hardship, of endurance; but in a land of
light, and amid a civilized society. They are preparing to accomplish a
work for their native continent, which no other people in the world can
accomplish. Their plain mission is, ultimately to carry the gifts of
society, of religion, of government, to the last remaining continent of
the earth, where these blessings are totally unknown. Their work is a
great one, as it would seem to be connected essentially with the final
and universal triumph of civilization and Christianity in the world.”
_Extract from a letter from the Hon. EDWARD EVERETT to the Hon. Simon
Greenleaf, President of the Society, dated Cambridge, 28th May, 1849._
“I have for many years felt an interest in the subject of African
colonization. In the winter of 1831, the Legislature of Massachusetts
passed a resolution, requesting the Senators and Representatives of the
Commonwealth in Congress to lend their efforts in support of the American
Colonization Society. I was led at that time to investigate the subject
with some care, and I came to the conclusion that the work which the
Society had undertaken was of the highest interest and importance, second
to no one of the enterprises undertaken by the philanthropy of the age.
The views entertained by me at that time are set forth in a speech before
the Society, in the Hill of the House of Representatives at Washington,
made on the 16th of January, 1832.
“These impressions were renewed and strengthened a few years since,
when it became my duty, in another capacity, to maintain the rights and
interests of the colony of Liberia, in my official correspondence with
the British Government at London.
“Since that time, the recognition of the political independence of
Liberia, by the leading European powers, is an event well calculated to
lead thoughtful persons to contemplate, with new interest, what seems to
me one of the most important occurrences of the age—the appearance of a
new Republic on the shores of Africa, composed of citizens who by birth
are (the greater part of them) our own countrymen; but who will carry
to the home of their ancestors means and facilities for promoting the
civilization and Christianization of that continent, which Providence has
confided to them, and to them alone.
“It is unfortunate, for the cause of colonization, that it has been
considered mainly in direct connexion with the condition of the
descendants of Africa in this country. But great as this object is, it
seems to me subordinate to a direct operation upon Africa itself; the
regeneration of which, I cannot but think, is the path appointed by
Providence for the elevation of the descendants of Africa throughout the
world. I am led to the opinion, from all the inquiry I have been able
to make, that the difficulty of effecting the regeneration of Africa is
exaggerated; that a large part of her population is susceptible of the
highest forms of civilization; that the arts of life, as we understand
them, already exist in many parts of the continent to a much greater
extent than is commonly supposed; that the interior slave trade is
the great obstacle which prevents its speedily taking a high place in
the family of nations; and that nothing would so effectually remove
this cause of demoralization and barbarity as the introduction of
Christianity, and with it the languages, improved arts, and commerce of
Europe and America.
“These effects have immediately begun to show themselves, wherever the
African coast has been colonized from countries disposed in good faith to
abolish the slave trade; and I confess I see no other mode for effecting
the object.”
MONROVIA, (LIBERIA,) _May 17, 1850_.
DEAR SIR: I have just returned from the windward coast, and find here the
U. S. brig Bainbridge, on the eve of sailing for the United States, via
Porto Praya. Capt. Slaughter has been kind enough to allow me an hour to
send a letter or two by him. I therefore avail myself of the opportunity
to send you a hasty note, to say that we have at length succeeded in
securing the famed territory of Gallinas to this Government, including
all the territories between Cape Mount and Shebar, excepting a small slip
of about five miles of coast in the Kellou country, which will also soon
fall into our hands.
For these tracts we have incurred a large debt, and we confidently
look to you to aid us in meeting these liabilities at maturity. Had I
not deemed it absolutely important to secure the Gallinas, to prevent
the revival of the slave trade there, I would not have paid the price
demanded. The purchase of Gallinas and the neighboring tracts will cost
us about $9,500.
The chiefs were aware of the object of the purchase, and urged
strenuously the sacrifice, as they consider it, they must make in
abandoning forever the slave trade, and demanded a large sum as an
equivalent. In addition to the amount stated above, we have obligated
ourselves to appoint commissioners immediately to settle the wars in
the country, and open the trade in camwood, ivory, and palm oil with
the interior tribes; and also settle among them, as soon as convenient,
persons capable of instructing them in the arts of husbandry. This will
also cost us a considerable sum, which will no doubt be returned in the
end by the advantages the trade will give. Still the present outlay will
be, I fear, more than equal to our ability.
The schooner “David C. Foster” has arrived safely, and the emigrants, as
far as I have learned, were landed in good health.
We have no further news worth communicating.
Yours, in haste,