CHAPTER XVII

IF ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S FATHER HAD MOVED SOUTHWARD, NOT NORTHWARD

The two sections in the Civil War in America were led by two men,

Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis, the one President of the United

States and the other President of the Confederate States, who were born

within about one hundred miles of each other in the State of Kentucky,

and within nine months of each other in point of time. For it was in

June, 1808, that Jefferson Davis first saw the light in Christian

County, Kentucky, and in February, 1809, that Abraham Lincoln was born

in Hardin County, in the same State.

Samuel Davis, the father of Jefferson Davis, and Thomas Lincoln, the

father of Abraham Lincoln, were men of the same English-American origin,

and the families were originally of virtually the same class, though

Thomas Lincoln, doubtless as the result of the death of his father at

the hands of the Indians, when Thomas was a child, had fallen somewhat

in the social scale. Both men became dissatisfied with material

conditions in Kentucky at about the same time, and both emigrated with

their families. But Samuel Davis went southward into Mississippi, while

Thomas Lincoln went northward into Indiana.

That the sons of both these Kentuckians had in them the fire of genius,

the history of their country has abundantly proved. Each was destined by

the compelling force of his character and gifts to play a great part.

Like all other men, each was molded by his environment. The illiterate

Thomas Lincoln was credited by his immortal son with the intention, in

emigrating, to escape from a slave State. But is it not probable that

the son, deeply preoccupied as he was in later years with the subject of

the emancipation of the slaves, had projected backward, by a psychologic

habit common to all mankind, this idea from his own mind into that of

his father? In all probability no other motive than that of accident or

convenience--for Thomas Lincoln was a poor and rather "shiftless"

man--impelled Abraham Lincoln's father to go to Indiana instead of

following the trail which so many of the more enterprising Kentuckians

were taking to Mississippi or Louisiana. It was to that section that

enterprise beckoned, for agriculture was carried on in the Southwest

upon a large scale, and broader plantations were open to the adventuring

settler. Indiana, on the other hand, was a "poor man's country."

What if Thomas Lincoln had possessed a little more energy, and a few

more shillings, and had gone to Mississippi instead of to Indiana and

afterwards to Illinois? What if he had become a plantation and slave

owner, and had thus subjected his boy Abraham to the overmastering

influence of a southern environment? So far as I can recall, Mississippi

never produced an anti-slavery man.

In this event, there would have been for the national cause, for the

saving of the Union, for the emancipation of the slaves, no Abraham

Lincoln. On the other hand, the tremendous power and patience of

Lincoln's nature, the majesty and greatness of his character, the

resources of his intellect, would in all likelihood have been added to

the sum of the statesmanship which was enlisted on the Southern side.

It is even conceivable that Lincoln, rather than Davis, would have been

the president of the Southern Confederacy. Only a combination of the

most extraordinary circumstances made him the nominee of the Republican

party for the presidency in 1860. If he had been the leading statesman

and politician of Mississippi, his path to the Confederate presidency,

as the success of Davis proved, would have been comparatively easy.

Without Lincoln, the anti-slavery agitation would have gone on just the

same. The Republican party would have been constituted just the same.

Everything up to the 18th day of May, 1860, when Lincoln was nominated

for president at the Wigwam in Chicago, would have gone on just the

same. But lacking Lincoln, what a world of things afterward would have

happened differently!

In the first place, it is probable that Seward would have been nominated

for president. Very likely he would not have been elected; and as it was

Lincoln who "smoked out" Douglas, it is probable that Douglas would

have prevailed over all other Democratic candidates and been nominated

at Charleston and elected president.

In which case there would have been no secession, and very likely no

war, either at that time or later. Slavery would have become intrenched,

to yield, perhaps, in the end only to economic influences, the operation

of which had already doomed it.

But if Seward had been nominated and elected, secession would have taken

place and war would have resulted. The sort of leader that the Union

would have had in Seward may be inferred with perfect certainty from the

famous, or rather infamous, proposition entitled, "Some Thoughts for the

President's Consideration," which Seward solemnly laid before Lincoln

less than a month after his inauguration. This extraordinary document,

one of the most senseless and wicked programmes ever prepared by a man

of state, advocated a change of the national issue from slavery to a

foreign war; it advised that war be at once declared against France and

Spain, and "explanations demanded" from Great Britain and Russia! In

order that this brilliant programme might be carried out successfully,

Seward suggested that he himself be made Dictator!

This scheme, I repeat, illustrated the sort of alternative material that

we should have had, lacking Lincoln. Chase, indeed, who was also a

leading candidate for the presidency, would have been wiser. But in no

position that he ever held, after 1860, did Chase bring forth any of the

fruits of genius. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, was a greater man, but did

not command general support. Neither did Edward Bates, of Missouri, also

a western candidate for the presidency.

The great soldiers who finally triumphed in the field as the

instruments of Lincoln's policy and fought their way to victory for the

Union--Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Meade, Sheridan--would have been ranged

on the Northern side just the same whether Lincoln or another had been

at the head of affairs. But it is doubtful whether another president

would have found them out. Lincoln made his own grave mistakes regarding

men. But he put forward no general because that general was _his man_.

He observed and waited. A man of the people himself, grandly simple, he

somehow nosed out the men of the same type. All the generals who proved

great were his discoveries.

The structure of Lincoln's achievements was not, however, the result of

negative circumstances. It did not rise because things were not just so

and so. It was a positive thing--the result of the active operations of

a powerful genius, which the people recognized before the politicians

and the writers did. In the people's mind, the war was "Old Abe's" war.

It was Old Abe who stood at the helm. Congress did not know it, but it

was really working Lincoln's will. The cabinet did not always know it,

but it was Lincoln who really had his way. He kept his own counsel. He

carried out his plans.

The people were right. It was Old Abe who was doing things. And without

him the most important things would have gone undone. He was an original

creation--as Lowell said, a "new birth of our new soil, the first

American." Nature, for him, threw aside her old-world molds,

And, choosing sweet clay from the breast

Of the unexhausted West,

With stuff untainted shaped a hero new,

Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true.

Yet what could be clearer than that Abraham Lincoln, who by birth and

inheritance was of the South, not the West, might have turned his

strength to the support of quite a different cause if the accident of

fate had sent him southward, not northward, in his childhood?

The Ifs of History · 第 17 / 22 章