CHAPTER I

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THE IFS OF HISTORY

by

JOSEPH EDGAR CHAMBERLIN

Philadelphia

Henry Altemus Company

Copyright, 1907,

by

Howard E. Altemus

CONTENTS

I. IF THEMISTOCLES HAD NOT BEATEN

ARISTIDES IN AN ATHENIAN ELECTION 13

II. IF THE MOORS HAD WON THE

BATTLE OF TOURS 21

III. IF KING ETHELRED OF ENGLAND

HAD NOT MARRIED THE NORMAN

EMMA 30

IV. IF COLUMBUS HAD KEPT HIS

STRAIGHT COURSE WESTWARD 37

V. IF QUEEN ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND

HAD LEFT A SON OR DAUGHTER 47

VI. IF THE PHILARMONIA HAD NOT

GIVEN CONCERTS AT VICENZA 56

VII. IF THE SPANISH ARMADA HAD

SAILED AT ITS APPOINTED TIME 64

VIII. IF CHAMPLAIN HAD TARRIED IN

PLYMOUTH BAY 71

IX. IF CHARLES II HAD ACCEPTED THE

KINGSHIP OF VIRGINIA 79

X. IF ADMIRAL PENN HAD PERSISTED IN

DISOWNING HIS SON WILLIAM 91

XI. IF THE BOY GEORGE WASHINGTON

HAD BECOME A BRITISH MIDSHIPMAN 99

XII. IF ALEXANDER HAMILTON HAD NOT

WRITTEN ABOUT THE HURRICANE 107

XIII. IF LAFAYETTE HAD HELD THE

FRENCH REIGN OF TERROR IN

CHECK 114

XIV. IF GILBERT LIVINGSTON HAD NOT

VOTED NEW YORK INTO THE

UNION 121

XV. IF THE PIRATE JEAN LAFITTE HAD

JOINED THE BRITISH AT NEW

ORLEANS 129

XVI. IF JAMES MACDONNEL HAD NOT

CLOSED THE GATES OF HUGOMONT

CASTLE 138

XVII. IF ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S FATHER

HAD MOVED SOUTHWARD, NOT

NORTHWARD 150

XVIII. IF SKIPPER JENNINGS HAD NOT RESCUED

CERTAIN SHIPWRECKED

JAPANESE 160

XIX. IF ORSINI'S BOMB HAD NOT FAILED

TO DESTROY NAPOLEON III 170

XX. IF PRESIDENT JAMES BUCHANAN HAD

ENFORCED THE LAW IN NOVEMBER,

1860 176

XXI. IF THE CONFEDERATES HAD MARCHED

ON WASHINGTON AFTER BULL

RUN 185

XXII. IF THE CONFEDERATE STATES HAD

PURCHASED THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S

FLEET IN 1861 194

PREFACE

Whether or not we believe that events are consciously ordered before

their occurrence, we are compelled to admit the importance of

Contingency in human affairs.

If we believe in such an orderly and predetermined arrangement, the

small circumstance upon which a great event may hinge becomes, in our

view, but the instrumentality by means of which the great plan is

operated. It by no means sets aside the vital influence of chance to

assume that "all chance is but direction which we cannot see."

For instance, the believer in special providences regards as clearly

providential the flight of the flocks of birds which diverted the

course of Columbus from our shores to those of the West Indies; but it

is none the less true that this trivial circumstance caused the great

navigator to turn his prow.

Those who, on the other hand, reject the idea of special providences,

and treat history as a sequence of occurrences emerging mechanically

from the relations of men with one another, must admit that causes

forever contend with causes, and that the nice balance of action and

reaction may sometimes be influenced radically by even so small a

circumstance as the cackling of the geese of Rome. It is true that the

evolutionist is apt to become a believer in necessity to an extent which

appears unlikely to the mind of the other. Events, in his view, inhere

in the nature and character of men, these in their turn being the result

of the physical circumstances that differentiate the nations. This view

seems at first to reduce the probability that accident will at any time

sensibly alter the course of affairs.

But if we take historical action and reaction at their moments of

equilibrium, we see that the tide of affairs may sometimes appear to

follow the drift of a feather. Consider, for instance, the declaration

of the Duke of Wellington that the issue of the battle of Waterloo

turned upon the closing of the gates of Hugomont Castle by the hand of

one man. Wellington was certainly in a position to know if this was

true; and in the light of the tremendous events that depended upon the

trifling act, does it not appear that accident for one moment outweighed

in consequence any necessity that inhered in the character of the French

people or that of the nations arrayed against them at Waterloo? It may

be the function of Contingency to correct the overconfidence of the

evolutionist.

At all events, we cannot dismiss the "if"; there is, as Touchstone says,

much virtue in it.

J. E. C.

THE IFS OF HISTORY

CHAPTER I

IF THEMISTOCLES HAD NOT BEATEN ARISTIDES IN AN ATHENIAN ELECTION

Mithra instead of Jesus! The western world Zoroastrian, not Christian!

The Persian Redeemer, always called the Light of the World in their

scriptures; the helper of Ahura-Mazda, the Almighty, in his warfare with

Ahriman, or Satan; the intercessor for men with the Creator; the Saviour

of humanity; he, Mithra, might have been the central person of the

dominant religion of Europe and modern times, but for certain

developments in Athenian politics in the years between 490 and 480

B. C. For it is true that in the first three of four centuries of the

Christian era the western world seemed to hesitate between the religion

of Mithra and that of Christ; and if the Persians had completed the

conquest of Greece in the fifth century B. C., Mithra might have so

strengthened his hold upon Europe that the scale would have been turned

forever in his direction.

What was it that enabled the Greeks, in the crucial test, the ultimate

contingency, to turn back the Persians and maintain their independence?

History says that it was the result of the battles of Marathon and

Salamis, in which the Greeks were triumphant over the Persians. This is

true only in a limited sense. The battle of Marathon, in 490 B. C., did

not save Greece, for the Persians came back again more powerful than

ever. At Thermopylae, Leonidas and his band died vainly, for the hosts of

Xerxes overran all Greece north of the isthmus of Corinth. They took

Athens, and burned the temples on the Acropolis. They were triumphant on

the land.

But at Salamis, in the narrow channel between the horseshoe-shaped

island and the Attican mainland, Themistocles, on the 20th day of

September, 480 B. C., adroitly led the great Persian fleet of six

hundred vessels into a trap and defeated it in as heroic a fight as ever

the men of the West fought against the men of the East. Seated on his

"throne," or rather his silver-footed chair, on a hilltop overlooking

the scene, Xerxes, the master of the world, beheld the destruction of

his ships, one by one, by the leagued Greeks. When the battle was over

he saw that the escape of his victorious army from the mainland was

imperiled, and while there was yet time, he led his Persian horde in a

wild flight across his bridge of boats over the Hellespont. The field of

Plataea completed the check, and the Persian invasions of Europe were

over forever.

What was it that enabled Themistocles to win this decisive victory for

Greece after disastrous defeats on land? Simply his skill in the

politics of Athens. Themistocles was a Hellenic imperialist. He was

opposed by Aristides, who was a very just man, and an anti-imperialist

and "mugwump." Greece was at that time terribly menaced by the Persian

power, and threatened with "Medization," or absorption into the Persian

nationality. Themistocles saw that the country's only chance lay in a

union of all the Hellenes, and in the construction of a navy worth the

name. Aristides was a better orator than he, and at first won against

him in the Athenian elections. The Greek spirit was innately hostile to

anything like centralization or imperialism. But when Aegina, which was

the leading Grecian maritime state, and had some good ships, turned

against Athens and defeated it on the sea, the Athenians' eyes began to

open. Themistocles pushed his plan for the construction of a fleet of

two hundred vessels and the addition of twenty new ships every year to

this navy.

Squarely across his path stood Aristides, with his ridicule of the

attempt of little Athens to become a maritime power, and his warnings

against militarism. But Themistocles, by adroit politics, led the

Athenians to become sick of Aristides, and persuaded them to ostracize

or banish this just man. Aristides went to Aegina. Then Themistocles

rushed forward his plan of naval reform, and carried it through. The two

hundred ships were built, and not a moment too soon. It was this fleet,

brilliantly led by Themistocles and Eurybiades at Salamis, which

entangled the Persians in the narrow waters of Salamis and defeated

them, and saved Europe for the Europeans.

The victory saved it also for Christ, by keeping alive the worship of

the half-gods of Greece and Rome until a whole-god came from Judaea. The

Persians, too, had a whole-god. Idea for idea, principle for principle,

tenet for tenet, dream for dream, all of later Judaism and all of

medieval Christianity, except the person and story of Jesus, was in the

religion of Persia. Not only the central ideas of formal Christianity,

but many of its dependent and related principles, are found in

Mithraism, which was the translation of the fundamental philosophic

ideas of Zoroastrianism into terms of human life. The parallel is so

striking that many thinkers regard Christianity merely as Mithraism

bodied forth in a story invented by, or at least told to and believed

by, a circle of primitive and uneducated zealots who knew nothing of the

history of the doctrines they were embracing.

But notwithstanding the philosophic likeness, the acceptance of

Mithraism as it was held and practiced in Persia in Darius's time,

instead of Christianity, which may have been Mithraism first Judaized

and afterward Romanized, would have made a vast difference with the

western world. If Greece had been Persianized before the rise of Rome's

power, Rome, too, would have been Persianized. The influence of Hebrew

thought upon the western world would have been forestalled. Zoroastrian

rites would have prevailed. Over all would have spread the mysticism of

the East.

Our civilization might have risen as high as it has ever gone, in art,

in the grace of life; but instead of being inspired with the eager

desire of progress, by the restless Hellenic necessity of doing

something better and higher, or at least something other, something

new--instead of this, the spirit of peace and of satisfaction with old

ideals would have permeated our systems and our life.

Lord Mithra, too, would have been primarily the sun, primarily an

embodiment of the light shining down to us through the sky from that

central essence which alone can say, "I am that I am," and not, as in

the Lord Christ, a humble, suffering, poor and despised man lifted up

into Godhead.

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