14. Higher SS and Police Leader Ostland.

15. Higher SS and Police Leader Russia-Center.

16. Higher SS and Police Leader Russia-South.

17. Higher SS and Police Leader Northeast.

18. Higher SS and Police Leader East.

19. Higher SS and Police Leader Alpine territory.

20. Higher SS and Police Leader Serbia.

21. Commissioner of the Reichsfuehrer SS for Croatia.

“To figure 4 of the above-mentioned order, I order, that all

young female prisoners, capable of work, are to be sent to

Germany for work, through the agency of Reich Commissioner

Sauckel.

“Children, old women, and men are to be collected and employed

in the women’s and children’s camps, established by me, on

estates as well as on the border of the evacuated area.”

(_744-PS_)

In April 1944 the SS was called on to produce even more laborers, this

time 100,000 to be drawn from Hungarian Jews, as shown by the minutes of

Speer’s discussion with Himmler on 6 and 7 April 1944. (_R-124_)

The last source of manpower had not been tapped. To Jews, deportees,

women and children, there was added the productive power of prisoners of

war. Naturally enough it was through the SS that the conspirators

squeezed the last drop of labor from such prisoners. Speer’s minutes of

his conference with the Fuehrer on 5 March 1944, state:

“Told the Fuehrer of the Reichs Marshal’s wish for further

utilization of the production power of prisoners of war by

giving the direction of the Stalag to the SS with the exception

of the English and Americans. The Fuehrer considers the proposal

good and has asked Colonel von Below to arrange matters

accordingly.” (_R-124_)

That matters were soon arranged is shown by Speer’s statement made at

the 58th discussion of the Central Planning Board on 25 May 1944

(_R-124_):

“Speer: We have come to an arrangement with the Reichsfuehrer SS

as soon as possible so that PW’s he picks up are made available

for our purposes. The Reichsfuehrer SS gets from 30 to 40

thousand men per month.” (_R-124_)

Finally, in order to insure SS control over the labor of prisoners of

war, the Reichsfuehrer SS was appointed by Hitler as head of all

prisoner of war camps on 25 September 1944. A circular letter from the

Director of the Party Chancellery, 30 September 1944 and signed by M.

Bormann, states:

“1. The Fuehrer has ordered under the date 25 Sept 1944: The

custody of all prisoners of war and interned persons, as well as

prisoner of war camps, and institutions with guards are

transferred to the commander of the Reserve Army from October 1,

1944.

* * * * * *

“2. The Reichsfuehrer SS has commanded:

“_a._ In my capacity as Commander of the Reserve Army, I

transfer the affairs of prisoners of war to Gottleb Berger,

SS-Lieut. General (_SS-Obergruppenfuehrer und General der

Waffen-SS_) Chief of Staff of the _Volkstums_.”

* * * * * *

“_c._ The mobilization of labor of the prisoners of war will be

organized with the present labor mobilization office in joint

action between SS-Lieut. General Berger (SS-Obergruppenfuehrer)

and SS-Lieut. General Pohl.

“The strengthening of security in the field of prisoner of war

affairs is to be accomplished between SS-Lieut. General Berger

and the Chief of the Security Police, SS-Lieut. Gen. Dr.

Kaltenbrunner.” (_058-PS_)

So impressive were the results obtained from SS concentration camp labor

that Goering on 14 February 1944 called on Himmler for more inmates for

use in the aircraft industry (_1584-I-PS_). Himmler’s reply to that

request reads, in part, as follows:

“Most Honored Reichsmarshal:

“Following my teletype letter of the 18 Feb. 44 I herewith

transmit a survey on the employment of prisoners in the aviation

industry.

“This survey indicates that at the present time about _36,000

prisoners_ are employed for the purposes of the air force. An

increase to a total of _90,000 prisoners is_ contemplated.

“The production is being discussed, established, and executed

between the Reich Ministry of aviation and the chief of my

economic-administrative main office, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer and

General of the Waffen-SS, Pohl respectively.

“We assist with all forces at our disposal.

“The task of my economic-administrative main office, however, is

not solely fulfilled with the delivery of the prisoners to the

aviation industry as SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl and his

assistants take care of the required working speed thru constant

and supervision of the work-groups [Kommandos] and therefore

have some influence on the results of production. In this

respect I may suggest consideration of the fact that in

enlarging our responsibility thru a speeding up of the total

work, better results can definitely be expected.

“We also have for some time adjusted our own stone-quarries to

production for the airforce. For instance in Flossenbuerg near

Weiden the prisoners employed previously in the quarry are

working now in the fighter plane program for the Messerschmitt

corporation Regensburg, which saw in the availability of our

stone-mason shops and labor forces after the attack on

Regensburg at that time a favorable opportunity for the

immediate partial transfer of their production. Altogether 4,000

prisoners will work there after the expansion. We produce now

with 2,000 men 900 sets of engine cowlings and radiator covers

as well as 120,000 single parts of various kinds for the fighter

ME 109.

“In Oranienburg we are employing 6,000 prisoners at the Heinkel

works now for construction of the HE 177. With that we have

supplied 60% of the total crew of the plant.”

* * * * * *

“The movement of manufacturing plants of the aviation industry

to subterranean locations requires _further_ employment of about

100,000 prisoners. The plans for this employment on the basis of

your letter of 14 Feb. 1944 are already under way.

“I shall keep you, most honored Reichsmarshal, currently

informed on this subject.

“Heil Hitler

“[initialled] HH” (_1584-III-PS_)

Inclosed with that letter was a report in tabular form of the number of

prisoners being used in each of the concentration camps, the total

man-hours for the month of January 1944, and the type of production in

which such prisoners were engaged. That report is signed by Pohl, the

Chief of WVHA (_1584-III-PS_). The total appearing under the column

“Number of prisoners planned” is 90,785; under the column “Number of

prisoners used,” 35,839; and under the column “Man-hours—January,”

8,733,495. (_1584-III-PS_)

The extent to which the number of prisoners was increased through SS

efforts is illustrated by a report from Office Group D of WVHA, 15

August 1944:

“_Subject_: Report of the number of prisoners and Survey of prisoners

clothing type G and Z and the supply of G available.

“Reference: Telephone call by SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Waschkau on 15.8.44.”

* * * * * *

“With reference to the above-mentioned telephone call, I am

sending herewith a report on the actual number of prisoners for

1.8.1944 and of the new arrivals already announced, as well as

the clothing report for 15.8.44.

“(1). The actual number on 1.8.44, consisted of:

_a._ Male prisoners 379,167

_b._ Female prisoners 145,119

“In addition, there are the following new arrivals:

1. From the Hungary program (anti-Jewish action) 90,000

2. From Litzmannstadt (Police prison and Ghetto) 60,000

3. Poles from the General Government 15,000

4. Convicts from the Eastern Territories 10,000

5. Former Polish officers 17,000

6. From Warsaw (Poles) 400,000

7. Continued arrivals from France approx. 15,000-20,000

“Most of the prisoners are already on the way and will be

received into the Concentration Camps within the next few days.”

(_1166-PS_)

(_d_) _SS control of concentration camps and the ill treatment and

murder of inmates._ The intensive drive for manpower to some extent

interfered with the program already undertaken by WVHA to exterminate

certain classes of individuals in the camps. This is shown by a letter

from WVHA, Department D Concentration Camps, 28 March 1942, addressed to

a number of concentration camp commandants and signed Liebehenschel, SS

Obersturmbannfuehrer:

“It became known through a report of a Camp Commandant that 42

prisoners out of 51 which were mustered out for the special

treatment 14 f 13 again became capable of work after a period of

time and therefore do not have to be directed to the special

treatment. From this it appears that the selection of the

prisoners is not being handled according to given directives.

Only those prisoners are allowed to be directed to the

examination commission who fulfill the given stipulations and

who above all are no longer capable of work.

“In order to be able to fulfill the designated missions of the

concentration camps, the working capabilities of every prisoner

must be retained for the camp. The camp commandants of the

concentration camps are requested to especially make this their

aim.” (_1151-P-PS_)

Another letter from WVHA, Department D Concentration Camps, 27 April

1943, addressed to a number of concentration camp commanders, signed by

Gluecks, SS Brigade Fuehrer and Major General of the Waffen SS, deals

with the same point:

“The Reich Fuehrer-SS and Chief of German Police has decided,

after consultation, that in the future only mentally sick

(_geisteskranke_) prisoners may be selected for action 14 F 13

by the medical commissions appointed for this purpose.

“All other prisoners incapable of working (tubercular cases,

bedridden cripples, etc.) are to be basically excepted from this

action. Bedridden prisoners are to be drafted for suitable work

which they can perform in bed.

“The order of the Reich Fuehrer SS is to be obeyed strictly in

the future.

“Requests for fuel for this purpose, therefore, do not take

place.” (_1933-PS_)

The SS, however, was to some degree enabled to achieve both goals—that

of increased production and of elimination of undesirable individuals,

as shown by the agreement between Minister of Justice Thierack and

Himmler on 18 September 1942 (_654-PS_). That agreement provided for the

delivery of antisocial elements after the execution of their sentences

to the Reichsfuehrer SS “to be worked to death.”

The conditions under which such persons worked in the camps were well

calculated to lead to their deaths. Those conditions were regulated by

the WVHA. An illustration of WVHA management is to be found in an order

directed to commandants of concentration camps, 11 August 1942, and

issued by SS Brigade Fuehrer and General of the Waffen SS Gluecks, Chief

of Office Group D of WVHA (_2189-PS_):

“The Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police has

ordered, that punishment by beating will be executed in

concentration camps for women by _prisoners_—under the ordered

supervision.

“In order to coordinate this order the main office chief of the

main SS economic administration office, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer

and General of the Waffen-SS Pohl, has ordered, effective

immediately, that punishment by beating will also be executed by

prisoners in concentration camps for men.” (_2189-PS_)

Even after their deaths, the prisoners did not escape the management of

WVHA. A directive to the commanders of concentration camps, 12 September

1942, signed by the Chief of the Central Office of Office Group D of

WVHA, SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Liebehenschel, provided:

“According to a communication of the Chief of the Security

Police and the SD and conforming to a report of the Chief of

Security Police and SD in Prague, urns of deceased Czechs and

Jews were sent for burial to the home-cemeteries within the

Protectorate.

“Based on different events (Demonstrations, erecting of posters

inimical to the Reich on urns of deceased inmates in halls of

cemeteries in the home-communities, pilgrimages to the graves of

deceased inmates, etc.) within the Protectorate, the delivery of

urns with the ash remnants of deceased Nationals of the

Protectorate and of Jews is henceforth prohibited. The urns

shall be preserved within the Concentration Camps. In case of

doubt about the preservation of the urns oral instructions shall

be available at this agency.” (_2199-PS_)

(_e_) _SS use of concentration camp labor for pecuniary profit._ The SS

regarded the inmates of concentration camps as its own personal property

to be used for its own economic advantage. The suggestion in Himmler’s

letter to Goering, will be recalled, that the SS be given a larger

responsibility in the armament program conducted in the camps

(_1584-III-PS_). As early as 1942 Speer recognized that the SS was

motivated by the desire for further profits when he suggested to Hitler

in a conference on 20, 21, and 22 September that the SS receive a share

of the war equipment produced by concentration camp labor in ratio to

the working hours of the prisoners (_R-124_). The Fuehrer agreed that a

3 to 5 percent share would satisfy SS commanders (_R-124_). Himmler

himself frankly admitted his intention to derive profits for SS purposes

from the camps in his speech to the officers of the SS Leibstandarte

“Adolf Hitler” (_1918-PS_):

“* * * The apartment-building program which is the prerequisite

for a healthy and social basis of the entire SS as well as of

the entire Fuehrerkorps can be carried out only when I get the

money for it from somewhere; nobody is going to give me the

money, it must be earned, and it will be earned by forcing the

scum of mankind, the prisoners, the professional criminals to do

positive work. The man, guarding these prisoners, serves just as

hard as the one on close-order drill. The one who does this and

stands near these utterly negative people will learn within 3 to

4 months * * * and we shall see: In peacetime I shall form

guard-battalions and put them on duty for 3 months only—to

fight the inferior being (_Untermenschentum_), and this will not

be a boring guard duty, but if the officers handle it right, it

will be the best indoctrination on inferior beings and the

inferior races. This activity is necessary, as I said; 1. to

eliminate those negative people from the German people; 2. to

exploit them once more for the great folk community by having

them break stones and bake bricks so that the Fuehrer can again

erect his grand buildings; and 3. to in turn invest the money,

earned soberly this way, in houses, in ground, in settlements so

that our men can have houses in which to raise large families

and lots of children. This in turn is necessary because we stand

or die with this leading blood of Germany and if the good blood

is not reproduced we will not be able to rule the world.”

(_1918-PS_)

(4) _Functions and activities with respect to human experiments._ One

aspect of SS control over concentration camps remains to be

mentioned—its direction of the program of biological experiments on

human beings which was carried on in the camps. An American military

tribunal has passed judgment on some of the SS members who participated

in these experiments at Dachau. The purpose of this discussion is to

show only that those experiments were the result of SS direction and

that the SS played a vital part in their successful execution.

The program seems to have originated in a request by Dr. Sigmund Rascher

to Himmler for permission to utilize persons in concentration camps as

material for experiments with human beings, in connection with research

he was conducting on behalf of the Luftwaffe. A letter dated 15 May

1941, addressed to the Reichsfuehrer SS and signed by S. Rascher reads

in part as follows:

“For the time being I have been assigned to the

_Luftgaukommando_ VLL, Munich for a medical course. During this

course, where researches on high-altitude flights play a

prominent part (determined by the somewhat higher ceiling of the

English fighter planes) considerable regret was expressed at the

fact that no tests with human material had yet been possible for

us, as such experiments are very dangerous and nobody volunteers

for them. I put, therefore, the serious question: can you make

available two or three professional criminals for these

experiments? The experiments are made at _Bodenstaendige

Bruefstells fuer Hoehenforschung der Luftwaffe_, Munich. The

experiments, by which the subjects can, of course, die, would

take place with my cooperation. They are essential for

researches on high-altitude flight and cannot be carried out, as

has been tried, with monkeys, who offer entirely different

test-conditions. I have had a very confidential talk with a

representative of the air forces surgeon who makes these

experiments. He is also of the opinion that the problem in

question could only be solved by experiments on human persons.

(Feeble-minded could also be used as that material.)”

(_1602-PS_)

Dr. Rascher promptly received assurance that he would be allowed to

utilize concentration camp inmates for his experiments.

A letter dated 22 May 1941, addressed to Dr. Rascher and bearing the

signature of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Karl Brandt, reads in part:

“Shortly before flying to Oslo, the Reichsfuehrer SS gave me

your letter of 15 May 1941, for partial reply.

“I can inform you that prisoners will of course be gladly made

available for the high-flight researches. I have informed the

Chief of the Security Police of this agreement of the

Reichsfuehrer SS, and requested that the competent official be

instructed to get in touch with you.” (_1582-PS_)

The altitude experiments were conducted by Rascher. In May 1942 General

Field Marshal Milch on behalf of the Luftwaffe expressed his thanks to

the SS for the assistance it furnished in connection with the

experiments. This letter, dated 20 May 1942, addressed to SS

Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff reads in part:

“In reference to your telegram of 12 May our sanitary inspector

reports to me that the altitude experiments carried out by the

SS and Air Force at Dachau have been finished. Any continuation

of these experiments seems essentially unreasonable. However the

carrying out of experiments of some other kind, in regard to

perils at high seas, would be important. These have been

prepared in immediate agreement with the proper offices; Major

(M.C.) Weltz will be charged with the execution and Capt. (M.C.)

Rascher will be made available until further orders in addition

to his duties within the Medical Corps of the Air Corps. A

change of these measures does not appear necessary, and an

enlargement of the task is not considered pressing at this time.

“The low-pressure chamber would not be needed for these

low-temperature experiments. It is urgently needed at another

place and therefore can no longer remain in Dachau.

“I convey the special thanks from the supreme commander of the

Air Corps to the SS for their extensive cooperation.

“I remain with best wishes for you in good comradeship and with

“Heil Hitler!

“Always yours

“s/s E. Milch” (_343-PS_)

Having finished his high-altitude experiments, Dr. Rascher proceeded to

experiment with methods of rewarming persons who had been subjected to

extreme cold. On 10 September 1942 he rendered an intermediate report on

intense chilling experiments which had been started in Dachau on 15

August (_1618-PS_). That report states:

“The experimental subjects (VP) were placed in the water,

dressed in complete flying uniform, winter or summer

combination, and with an aviator’s helmet. A life jacket made of

rubber or kapok was to prevent submerging. The experiments were

carried out at water temperatures varying from 2.5° to 12°.”

* * * * * *

“Electrical measurements gave low temperature readings of 26.4°

in the stomach and 26.5° in the rectum. Fatalities occurred only

when the brain stem and the back of the head were also chilled.

Autopsies of such fatal cases always revealed large amounts of

free blood, up to ½ liter, in the cranial cavity. The heart

invariably showed extreme dilation of the right chamber. As soon

as the temperature in these experiments reached 28°, the

experimental subjects (VP) died invariably, despite all attempts

at resuscitation.”

* * * * * *

“During attempts to save severely chilled persons

(_Unterkuehlte_), it was shown that rapid rewarming was in all

cases preferable to slow rewarming, because after removal from

the cold water, the body temperature continued to sink rapidly.

I think that for this reason we can dispense with the attempt to

save intensely chilled subjects by means of animal heat.

“Rewarming by animal warmth—animal bodies or women’s

bodies—would be too slow.” (_1618-PS_)

Although Rascher was of the preliminary opinion that rewarming by

women’s bodies would be too slow, means for conducting such experiments

were nevertheless placed at his disposal. A letter from the

Reichsfuehrer SS, signed Himmler, 16 November 1942, and addressed to Lt.

General Pohl, the head of WVHA, read as follows:

“The following struck me during my visit to Dachau on the 13 Nov

1942 regarding the experiments conducted there for the saving of

people whose lives are endangered through exposure

(_Unterkuehlung_) in ice, snow, or water and who are to be saved

by the employment of every method or means:

“I had ordered that suitable women are to be set aside from the

Concentration Camp for these experiments for the warming of

these who were exposed. Four girls were set aside who were in

the Concentration Camp due to loose living, and being

prostitutes, they formulate a danger of contagion. * * *”

(_1583-PS_)

To insure the continuance of Rascher’s experiments, Himmler arranged for

his transfer to the Waffen SS. A letter dated November 1942 from the

Reichsfuehrer SS addressed to “Dear Comrade Milch,” stated:

“You will recall that through General Wolff I particularly

recommended to you for your consideration the work of a certain

SS Fuehrer, Dr. Rascher, who is a physician of the air force on

leave (_Arzt des Beurlaubtenstandes der Luftwaffe_).

“These researches which deal with the behavior of the human

organism at great heights, as well as with manifestations caused

by prolonged cooling of the human body in cold water, and

similar problems which are of vital importance to the air force

in particular, can be performed by us with particular efficiency

because I personally assumed the responsibility for supplying

asocial individuals and criminals who deserve only to die

(_todeswuerdig_) from concentration camps for these

experiments.”

* * * * * *

“I beg you to release Dr. Rascher, Stabsarzt in reserve, from

the air force and to transfer him to me to the Waffen-SS. I

would then assume the sole responsibility for having these

experiments made in this field, and would put the results, of

which we in the SS need only a part for the frost injuries in

the East, entirely at the disposal of the air force. However, in

this connection I suggest that with the liaison between you and

Wolff a “non-Christian” physician should be charged, who should

be at the same time honorable as a scientist and not prone to

intellectual theft and who could be informed of the results.

This physician should also have good contacts with the

adminstrative[administrative?] authorities, so that the results

would really obtain a hearing.

“I believe that this solution—to transfer Dr. Rascher to the

SS, so that he could carry out the experiments under my

responsibility and under my orders—is the best way. The

experiments should not be stopped; we owe that to our men. If

Dr. Rascher remained with the air force, there would certainly

be much annoyance; because then I would have to bring a series

of unpleasant details to you, because of the arrogance and

assumption which Professor Dr. Holzloehner has displayed in the

post of Dachau—who is under my command—about me in utterances

delivered to SS Colonel Sievers. In order to save both of us

this trouble, I suggest again that Dr. Rascher should be

transferred to the Waffen SS as quickly as possible.”

(_1617-PS_)

Rascher’s experiments were by no means the only experiments in which the

SS was interested. Without attempting even to outline the whole extent

of the experimental program, one further illustration of this type of SS

activity may be mentioned. That is a report prepared by the Chief

Hygienist in the office of the Reich Surgeon of the SS and Police, SS

Oberfuehrer Dr. Mrugowsky, 12 September 1944, relating to experiments

with poisoned bullets.

“On 11 September 1944, in the presence of SS-Sturmbannfuehrer

Dr. Ding, Dr. Widman and the undersigned, experiments with

Akonotinnitrate bullets were carried out on five persons who had

been sentenced to death. The caliber of the bullets used was

7.65 cm and they were filled with the poison in crystal form.

Each subject of the experiments received one shot in the upper

part of the left thigh, while in a horizontal position. In the

case of 2 persons, the bullets passed clean through the upper

part of the thigh. Even later no effect from the poison could be

seen. These two subjects were therefore rejected * * *.”

* * * * * *

“The symptoms shown by the three condemned persons were

surprisingly the same. At first, nothing special was noticeable.

After 20 to 25 minutes, a disturbance of the motor nerves and a

light flow of saliva began, but both stopped again. After 40 to

44 minutes a strong flow of saliva appeared. The poisoned

persons swallowed frequently, later the flow of saliva is so

strong that it can no longer be controlled by swallowing. Foamy

saliva flows from the mouth. Then, a sensation of choking, and

vomiting start.” (_L-103_)

The next three paragraphs describe in coldly scientific fashion the

reactions of the dying persons. That description then concludes:

“At the same time there was pronounced nausea. One of the

poisoned persons tried in vain to vomit. In order to succeed he

put 4 fingers of his hand, up to the main joint, right into his

mouth. In spite of this, no vomiting occurred. His face became

quite red.

“The faces of the other two subjects were already pale at an

early stage. Other symptoms were the same. Later on the

disturbance of the motor nerves increased so much that the

persons threw themselves up and down rolled their eyes and made

aimless movements with their hands and arms. At last, the

disturbance subsided, the pupils were enlarged to the maximum,

the condemned lay still. Massetercramp and loss of urine was

observed in one of them. Death occurred 121, and 129 minutes

after they were shot.” (_L-103_)

The fact that SS doctors engaged in such experiments was no accident. It

was consistent with an ideology and racial philosophy which, to use

Himmler’s own words, regarded human beings as lice and offal. But the

most important factor was the fact that only the SS was in a position to

supply necessary human material. And it did supply such material through

WVHA. A letter from the Department Chief of Office Group D of WVHA, 12

May 1944, addressed to the commandants of all concentration camps dealt

with the assignment of prisoners for the experimental purposes:

“There is cause to call attention to the fact that in every case

permission for assignment has to be requested here _before_

assignment of prisoners is made for experimental purposes.

“To be included in this request are number, kind of custody, and

in case of aryan prisoners, exact personal data, file number in

the Main Reich’s Security Office and reason for detainment into

the concentration camp.

“Herewith, I explicitly forbid assignment of prisoners for

experimental purposes without permission.” (_1751-PS_)

It was on the basis of its ability to supply such material that the

Ministry of Finance was prepared to subsidize the SS experimental

program. This matter was discussed in a series of letters between the

Ministry of Finance, the Reichs Research Department, and the Reich

Surgeon of the SS and police (_002-PS_). The first is from the office of

the Executive Council of the Reichs Research Department, addressed to

the Reichs Surgeon SS and Police, 19 February 1943, and signed by

Mentzel, Chief of Bureau, SS Brigade Leader:

“The Reichs Minister of Finance told me that you requested 53

leading positions (BES. GR C3-C8) for your office, partly for a

new research institute.

“After the Reichsmarschall of the Great German Reich had, as

President of the Reichs Research Dept., entrusted himself with

all German research, issued directives among other things, that

in the execution of military important scientific tasks, the

available institutions including equipment and personnel should

be utilized to the utmost for reasons of necessary economization

(of effort).

“The foundation of new institutes comes therefore only in

question in as far as there are no outstanding institutes

available for the furtherance of important war research tasks.”

(_002-PS_)

To this letter the Reich Surgeon of SS and Police replied on 26 February

1943:

“In acknowledgment of your correspondence of the 19th Feb. 1943,

I am able to reply the following to it today:

“The appropriation for the 53 key positions for my office which

you made the basis of your memorandum was a veritable peace

plan.

“The special institutes of the SS which are to be partly staffed

through this appropriation are to serve the purpose to establish

and make accessible for the entire realm of scientific research,

the particular possibilities of research only possessed by the

SS.”

* * * * * *

“I will gladly be at your disposal at any time to discuss the

particular research aims in connection with the SS, which I

would like to bring up upon the direction of the Reichs Director

SS.” (_002-PS_)

An interview between the Reich Surgeon and Mentzel took place, and on 25

March 1943 Mentzel wrote the following letter to the Reich Minister of

Finance:

“In regard to your correspondence of the 19th Dec (J 4761—174 I

g III. Ang) to which I gave you a preliminary communication on

the 19th Feb, I finally take the following position:

“The Surgeon General-SS and Police, in a personal discussion,

told me that the budget claim which he looks after is used

primarily in the pure military sector of the Waffen SS. Since it

is established on a smaller scale for the enlarging of

scientific research possibilities, they pertain therefore

exclusively to such affairs that are carried out with the

material (Prisoners—‘_Haflinge_’) which is only accessible to

the Waffen SS and are therefore not to be undertaken for any

other experimental purposes.

“I cannot object therefore on the part of the Reichs

Experimental Counsel against the budget claims of the Surgeon

General, SS and Police.” (_002-PS_)

(5) _Functions and Activities with respect to Jewish Persecution._

Through its activities with respect to concentration camps the SS

performed part of its mission to safeguard the security of the Nazi

regime. But another specialized aspect of that mission must not be

forgotten. Himmler had defined that task as the prevention of a

“_Jewish_ Bolshevist revolution of subhumans.” In plain words this meant

participation in the Nazi program of Jewish persecution and

extermination. That program involved every branch and component of the

SS.

The racial philosophy of the SS made that organization a natural agency

for the execution of all types of anti-semitic measures. The SS position

on the Jewish question was publicly stated in the SS newspaper “_Das

Schwarze Korps_,” in the issue of 8 August 1940, by its editor, Gunter

d’Alquen (_2668-PS_). “_Das Schwarze Korps_” was the official propaganda

agency of the SS which every SS man was required to read and to induce

others to read. This was the SS position on the Jews:

“Just as the Jewish question will be solved for Germany only

when the last Jew has been deported, so the rest of Europe

should realize that the German peace which awaits it must be a

peace without Jews.” (_2668-PS_)

The attempted “solution” of the Jewish question through pogroms and

“spontaneous” demonstrations occurred following the murder of von Rath

in November 1938. In these demonstrations all branches of the SS were

called on to play a part. The teletype message from SS Gruppenfuehrer

Heydrich, Chief of the Security Police and SD, issued on 10 November

1938 concerning “Measures against Jews tonight,” provided:

“* * * The direction of the measures of the Security Police

concerning the demonstrations against Jews is vested with the

organs of the State Police—inasmuch as the inspectors of the

Security Police are not issuing their own orders. In order to

carry out the measures of the Security Police, officials of the

Criminal Police, as well as members of the SD, of the

_Verfuegungstruppe_ and the _Allgemeine SS_ may be used.”

(_3051-PS_)

With the outbreak of the war and the march of Nazi armies over the

Continent, the SS participated in “solving” the Jewish question in all

the countries of Europe. The solution was nothing short of

extermination. To a large degree these wholesale murders were disguised

under the name of “anti-partisan” or “anti-guerilla” actions, and as

such included as victims not merely Jews but Soviets, Poles, and other

Eastern peoples. One example of an action confined essentially to Jews

was the mass annihilation of Jews in gas vans (_501-PS_). Those vans

were operated by the Security Police and SD under the direction of RSHA.

Another example is found in the report entitled “Solution of the Jewish

Question in Galicia,” prepared by SS Gruppenfuehrer and Lt. General of

the Police Katzman and rendered to SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of

the Police Krueger (_L-18_). The “solution,” which consisted in

evacuation and extermination of all the Jews in Galicia and confiscation

of their property, was carried out under the energetic direction of the

SS and Police Leaders, with the assistance of SS police units, as the

report proudly boasts. Three additional items in that report dealing

specifically with the SS should be noted. The first is the text under a

photograph in the original report:

“Great was the joy of the SS men when the Reichsfuehrer SS in

person in 1942 visited some camps along the Rollbahn.” (_L-18_)

The second is a balance sheet, showing the income from forced Jewish

labor and expenditures therefrom. Item 3 on the balance sheet reads as

follows:

“3. Amount paid over to the SS cashier:

_a._ Camps 6,876,251,00 Zl

_b._ W&R Factories 6,556,513,69 Zl

————————

13,432,764,69 Zl

Further payments to the SS-cashier are effected every month.”

(_L-18_)

The third is the last two paragraphs of the report:

“Despite the extraordinary burden heaped upon every single SS

Police Officer during these actions, mood and spirit of the men

were extraordinarily good and praiseworthy to the last day.

“Only thanks to the sense of duty of every single leader and man

have we succeeded to get rid of this PLAGUE in so short a time.”

(_L-18_)

One final example of SS participation in Jewish extermination is the

report by SS Brigadefuehrer and Major General of the Police, Stroop, of

the destruction of the Jewish Ghetto in Warsaw during April and May 1943

(_1061-PS_). Two sections of that report dealing with the constitution

of the participating forces should be noted. A table of the units used

indicates the average number of officers and men from each unit employed

per day. It will be observed that among the units involved were the

staff of the SS and Police Leader, two battalions of the Waffen SS, two

battalions of the 22d SS Police Regiment and members of the Security

Police. The part played by the Waffen SS particularly came in for high

praise from the writer of the report. Tribute is paid to the toughness

of the men of the Waffen SS, Police, and _Wehrmacht_. In the next

paragraph the writer says:

“Considering that the greater part of the men of the Waffen SS

had been trained for only three or four weeks before being

assigned to this action, high credit should be given for the

pluck, courage and devotion to duty which they showed.”

(_1061-PS_)

The selection methods and ideological education of Waffen SS men

furnished such good grounding that a few weeks of practice was all that

was required to turn them into excellent exterminators. Himmler’s proud

boast of the part that the SS played in the extermination of the Jews

occurs in his Posen Speech:

“Most of _you_ must know what it means when 100 corpses are

lying side by side, or 500 or 1,000. To have stuck it out and at

the same time—apart from the exceptions caused by human

weakness—to have remained decent fellows, that is what has made

us hard. This is a page of glory in our history which has never

been written and is never to be written * * *.” (_1919-PS_)

(6) _Functions and activities with respect to preparing for and waging

aggressive war._ From the very beginning the SS made prime contributions

to the conspirators’ aggressive aims. First, it served as one of the

para-military organizations under which the conspirators disguised their

building up of an Army in violation of the Versailles Treaty. Second,

through affiliated SS organizations in other countries and through some

of the departments in its own Supreme Command, it fostered Fifth Column

movements outside Germany and prepared the way for aggression. Third,

through its militarized units, it participated in the aggressive actions

which were eventually carried out.

(_a_) _The SS as a para-military organization._ The para-military

character of the General SS is apparent from the military character of

its structure, the military discipline required of its members, and the

steps it took to enlist in its ranks young men of military age. In

addition to this volunteer Army the SS created, as early as 1933, fully

armed professional soldiers who complied with the requirement for

compulsory military service by performing duties in the SS. These were

the _SS Vorfuegungstruppe_ and the Death Head Units.

(_b_) _The SS as a fifth column agency._ While building up the SS as a

military force within Germany, the conspirators also utilized it in

other countries to lay the groundwork for aggression. During the seizure

of Austria, the _SS Standarte 89_ was directly involved in the murder of

Chancellor Dolfuss, and a memorial placque was erected in Vienna as a

tribute to the SS men who participated in that murder (_L-273_;

_2968-PS_). Subsequently, on the night of 11 March 1938, the SS with the

SA marched into Vienna and occupied all government buildings and

important posts in the city. (See the report of Gauleiter Rainer to

Reich Commissioner Buerckel (_812-PS_); and the record of the telephone

conversations between Goering and Dambrowski (_2949-PS_)).

The same pattern was repeated in Czechoslovakia. Henlein’s Free Corps

played in that country the part of fifth column which the SS had played

in Austria and was rewarded, in September 1938, by being placed under

the jurisdiction of the Reichsfuehrer SS (_388-PS, Items 37, 38_).

Moreover, a Most Secret OKW order of 28 September 1938, reveals that the

SS had its own armed units, four battalions of _Totenkopf Verbaende_,

actually operating in Czechoslovakian territory before the Munich Pact

was signed (_388-PS, Item 36_).

But SS preparations for aggression were not confined to military forces.

One of the departments of the SS Supreme Command, the _Volksdeutsche

Mittelstelle_, was a center for fifth column activity. At the secret

meeting between Ribbentrop and Henlein in March 1938, at which the line

to be followed by the Sudeten German Party was determined, the

_Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle_ was represented by Professor Haushofer and

SS Obergruppenfuehrer Lorenz (_2788-PS_). And when the Foreign Office in

August 1938 awarded further subsidies to Henlein’s Sudeten Party, the

memorandum of that recommendation (_3059-PS_) contained the significant

footnote:

“Volksdeutsche Mittlestelle will be informed.” (_3059-PS_)

(_c_) _SS participation in aggressive war._ When at last the time came

to strike, the SS was ready. In the words of the National Socialist

Yearbook for 1940 (_2164-PS_):

“When the march into the liberated provinces of the Sudetenland

began on that memorable October 1, 1938, _Verfuegungstruppe_ as

well as the Death Head Units were along with those in the lead.

* * *”

“The 15th of March 1939 brought a similar utilization of the SS

when it served to establish order in collapsing Czechoslovakia.

This action ended with the founding of the protectorate

Bohemia-Moravia.

“Only a week later, on the 29th of March 1939, Memel also

returned to the Reich upon basis of an agreement with Lithuania.

Again it was the SS, here above all the Eastern Prussian SS,

which played a prominent part in the liberation of this

province.” (_2164-PS_)

In the final act which set off the war, the attack on Poland in

September 1939, the SS acted as stage manager. In his affidavit

(_Affidavit A_), Maj. Gen. Erwin Lahousen describes the simulated attack

on the radio station Gleiwitz by Germans dressed in Polish uniforms, as

one of the most mysterious actions which took place in the _Abwehr_

office:

“This was an incident which had been deliberately engineered and

directed by the SD and it was executed by prisoners from

Concentration Camps dressed up in Polish uniforms, and using

Polish weapons and equipment. Those prisoners were later

murdered by the SD in order to eliminate any possibility of

their giving testimony of the incident.” (_Affidavit A_)

The war erupted and the Waffen SS again took its place in the van of the

attacking forces.

(7) _Functions and activities with respect to commission of war crimes._

During the war great use was made of the peculiar qualities possessed by

the SS—qualities not only of its combat force, but of its other

components as well—in executing tasks embracing the commission of war

crimes and crimes against humanity.

(_a_) _“Antipartisan” operations._ A directive issued by Keitel on 13

March 1941, making preparations 3 months in advance for the attack on

Russia, provided that in the area of operations the Reichsfuehrer SS was

entrusted with special tasks for the preparation of the political

administration—tasks which would result from the struggle about to

commence between two opposing political systems. (_447-PS_)

One of the steps taken by the Reichsfuehrer SS to carry out those

“special tasks” was the formation and use of so-called “anti-partisan”

units. They were discussed by Himmler in his Posen speech:

“In the meantime I have also set up the Chief of the

anti-partisan units. Our comrade SS Obergruppenfuehrer von dem

Bach is Chief of the anti-partisan units. I considered it

necessary for the Reichsfuehrer SS to be in authoritative

command in all these battles, for I am convinced that we are

best in position to take action against this enemy struggle,

which is decidedly a political one. Except where units which had

been supplied and which we had formed for this purpose were

taken from us to fill in gaps at the front, we have been very

successful.

“It is notable that by setting up this department, we have

gained for the SS in turn, a division, a corps, an army, and the

next step—which is the High Command of an army or area of a

group—if you wish to call it that.” (_1919-PS_)

What the SS did with its division, corps, and army, out of which the

anti-partisan units were formed, is illustrated in the “Activity and

Situation Report No. 6 of the Task Forces of the Security Police and SD

in the U.S.S.R.,” covering the period from 1 to 31 October 1941

(_R-102_). The report shows that so-called “anti-partisan” activity was

actually nothing but a name for extermination of Jews and persons

believed politically undesirable. The report is a carefully organized

and detailed description of such extermination. Section I describes the

stations of the various Task Forces involved, and section II their

activities. The latter section is divided into parts, each dealing with

a different geographical region—the Baltic area, White Ruthenia, and

the Ukraine. Under each area the report of activities is classified

under three headings: (_a_) Partisan activity and counteraction; (_b_)

arrests and executions of communists and officials; and (_c_) Jews. The

following units were involved (_R-102_):

“The present stations are:

“Task Force A: since 7 October 1941 Krasnowardeisk.

“Task Force B: continues in Smolensk.

“Task Force C: since 27 September 1941 in Kiew.

“Task Force D: since 27 September 1941 in Nikolajew.

“The Action and Special Commandos (_Einsatz und Sonder

Commandos_) which are attached to the Task Force continue on the

march with the advancing troops into the sectors which have been

assigned to them.” (_R-102_)

The section headed “Baltic area” and subsection labeled “Jews” read as

follows (_R-102_):

“Spontaneous demonstrations against Jewry followed by pogroms on

the part of the population against the remaining Jews have not

been recorded on account of the lack of adequate indoctrination.

“However, the Estonian Protective Corps (_Selbstschutz_), formed

at the time of the entry of the Wehrmacht, immediately started a

comprehensive arrest action of all Jews. This action was under

the direction of the task force of the Security Police and the

SD.”

* * * * * *

“The male Jews over 16 were executed with the exception of

doctors and the elders. At the present time this action is still

in progress. After completion of this action there will remain

only 500 Jewesses and children in the Eastern Territory.”

(_R-102_)

In the section headed “White Ruthenia,” the subsection labeled “Partisan

activity and counteraction,” the following appear:

“In Wultschina 8 juveniles were arrested as partisans and shot.

They were inmates of a children’s home. They had collected

weapons which they hid in the woods. Upon search the following

were found: 3 heavy machine guns, 15 rifles, several thousand

rounds of ammunition, several hand grenades, and several

packages of poison gas Ebrit.

“_b. Arrests and executions of communists, officials, and

criminals._

“A further large part of the activity of the Security Police was

devoted to the combatting of Communists and criminals. A special

Commando in the period covered by this report executed 63

officials, NKVD agents and agitators.” (_R-102_)

The preceding subsection ends with the following statement:

“The liquidations for the period covered by this report have

reached a total of 37,180 persons.” (_R-102_)

And under the section headed “Ukraine,” the subsection “Jews,” this

statement occurs:

“_Shitomir_

In Shitomir 3,145 Jews had to be shot, because from experience

they have to be regarded as bearers of Bolshevik propaganda and

saboteurs.” (_R-102_)

The foregoing report deals with the activities of four Task Forces—A,

B, C, and D. The more detailed report of Task Force A up to 15 October

1941 shows great variety of SS components in such a task force:

“This description of the over-all situation showed and shows

that the members of the Stapo [The Secret State Police], Kripo

and SD [Security Service] who are attached to the Action-Group,

are active mainly in Lithouania, Latvia, Esthonia,

White-Ruthenia and to a smaller part in front of Leningrad. It

shows further that the forces of the uniformed police and the

Armed SS are active mainly in front of Leningrad, in order to

take measures against the returning population and under their

own officers. This is so much easier because the Action

detachments in Lithouania, Latvia and Esthonia have at their

disposal native police units, as described in encl. 1, and

because so far 150 Latvian reinforcements have been sent to

White-Ruthenia.

“The distribution of the leaders of Security Police and SD

during the individual phases can be gathered from encl. 2, the

advance and the activities of the Action-Group and the

Action-detachments from encl. 3. It should be mentioned that the

leaders of the Armed-SS and of the uniformed police who are

reserves have declared their wish to stay on with the Security

Police and the SD.” (_L-180_)

Inclosure 1_a_ to this report shows the constitution of the Force:

“_Total Strength of Action Group A_:

_Percent_

“Total: 990

Waffen-SS 340 34.4

Motor Bicycle-Riders 172 17.4

Administration 18 1.8

Security Service [SD] 35 3.5

Criminal Police [Kripo] 41 4.1

State Police [Gestapo] 89 9.0

Auxiliary Police 87 8.8

Order Police 133 13.4

Female Employees 13 1.3

Interpreters 51 5.1

Teleprinter-Operators 3 0.3

Wireless-Operators 8 0.8 ” (_L-180_)

Another report on the anti-partisan activity, from the General Commissar

for White Ruthenia to the Reich Minister for Occupied Eastern

Territories, 5 June 1943, deals with the results of the police operation

“Cottbus”:

“* * * SS Brigadefuehrer, Major General of Police von Gottberg,

reports that the operation ‘Cottbus’ had the following result

during the period mentioned:

Enemy dead 4,500

Dead suspected of belonging to bands 5,000

German dead 59

* * * * * *

“The figures mentioned above indicate that again a heavy

destruction of the population must be expected. If only 492

rifles are taken from 4,500 enemy dead, this discrepancy shows

that among these enemy dead were numerous peasants from the

country. The battalion Dirlewanger especially has a reputation

for destroying many human lives. Among the 5,000 people

suspected of belonging to bands, there were numerous women and

children.

“By order of the Chief of Band-Combatting, SS Obergruppenfuehrer

von dem Bach, units of the armed forces have also participated

in the operation * * *” (_R-135_)

SS Obergruppenfuehrer vom dem Bach was referred to by Himmler as “our

comrade” when he placed him in charge of anti-partisan activity.

(_b_) _Execution of civilians._ The activities so far dealt with were

joint activities in which the Gestapo, Order Police, the SD, Waffen SS,

and SS Police Regiments were all involved. But these units were, of

course, also used individually to carry out tasks of such a

nature—tasks for which any component of the SS was well trained. A

letter from the Chief of the Command Office of the Waffen SS to the

Reichsfuehrer SS, 14 October 1941, contains an intermediate report on

civilian state of emergency:

“* * * I deliver the following report regarding the commitment

of the Waffen SS in the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia during

the civilian state of emergency:

“In the mutual changes, all Battalions of the Waffen SS in the

Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia will be brought forth for

shootings, and relatively for the supervision at hangings.

“Up until now there occurred:

“in Prague: 99 shootings

21 hangings

“in Bruenn: 54 shootings

17 hangings

“Total: 191 executions (including 16 Jews)

“A complete report regarding other measures and on the conduct

of the officers, noncoms and men will be made following the

termination of the civilian state of emergency.” (_1972-PS_)

(_c_) _Murder of prisoners of war._ It is not surprising that units of

the Waffen SS, a branch which had thus been employed for extermination

actions and the execution of civilians, also violated the laws of

warfare when carrying on ordinary combat activities. Proof of these

violations is contained in a supplementary report of the Supreme

Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force Court of Inquiry concerning the

shooting of allied prisoners of war by the 12th SS Panzer Division

(Hitler Jugend) in Normandy, France, on 7-21 June 1944 (_2997-PS_). The

Court of Inquiry concluded that there occurred in Normandy, between 7

and 17 June 1944, seven cases of violations of the law of war, involving

the shooting of 64 unarmed allied prisoners of war in uniform, many of

whom had been previously wounded, and none of whom had resisted or

endeavored to escape; that the perpetrators were members of the 12th SS

Panzer Division, the so-called Hitler Jugend Division; that enlisted men

of the 15th Company of the 25th Panzer Grenadier Regiment of that

Division were given secret orders to the effect that SS troops should

take no prisoners and that prisoners were to be executed after having

been interrogated; that similar orders were given to men of the 3d

Battalion of the 26th SS Panzer Grenadier Regiment and to the 12th SS

Engineering and Reconnaissance Battalions; and that the conclusion was

irresistible that it was understood throughout the Division that a

policy of denying quarter or executing prisoners after interrogation was

openly approved. (_2997-PS_)

Other combatants met a similar fate at the hands of other components of

the SS. (The execution of allied fliers, of commandos, and paratroopers,

and of escaped prisoners of war who were turned over to the SD to be

destroyed, is discussed in Section 6 on the Gestapo.)

Combatants who were taken prisoner of war encountered the SS in another

form. (Section 6 on the Gestapo discusses the selection, by SS groups

stationed in prisoner of war camps, of prisoners for what the Nazis

euphemistically called “special treatment.”) Finally, the entire control

of prisoners of war was turned over to the Reichsfuehrer SS, pursuant to

the circular letter from the Nazi Party Chancellery placing Himmler in

charge of all prisoner of war camps. (_058-PS_)

(8) _Functions and activities with respect to Germanization of conquered

lands._ The final phase of the conspiracy in which the SS played a

leading role comprehended the colonization of conquered territories, the

destruction of their national existence, and the permanent extension of

the German frontier. These objectives were carried out through the

forcible evacuation and resettlement of inhabitants of conquered

regions, confiscation of their properties, “denationalization” and

“reeducation” of persons of German blood, and the colonization of

conquered territories by Germans. (See Chapter X on the Slave Labor

Program and Chapter XIII on Germanization and Spoliation.)

The SS was the logical agency to formulate and carry out the execution

of this program. The numerous statements made by Himmler as to SS

training for its role as the aristocracy in the “new Europe” leave that

beyond doubt. Himmler immediately proceeded to put these theories into

practice upon his appointment on 7 October 1939 as Reich Commissioner

for the Consolidation of German Folkdom. (_686-PS_)

To make and carry out plans for the program of evacuation and

resettlement, a new department of the SS Supreme Command, the Staff

Headquarters of the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German

Folkdom, was created. The functions of this office are thus described in

the Organizations Book of the NSDAP for 1943:

“The Main Office of the Staff of the Reichs Commissar for the

Consolidation of German Nationality is entrusted with the whole

settlement and constructive planning and with its execution in

the Reich and all those territories within the authority of the

Reich, including all administrative and economic questions in

connection with settlement, especially the deployment of

manpower for this purpose.” (_2640-PS_)

The colonization program had two principal objectives: the first phase

was the destruction of the conquered peoples, by exterminating them,

deporting them, and confiscating their property; the second phase was

the bringing back of racial Germans to settle in the newly acquired land

and to live from the wealth of those who had been eliminated.

(_a_) _Elimination and deportation of conquered people._ The

extermination actions contributed in part to clearing the conquered

territories of persons deemed dangerous to the Nazi plan. But not every

undesirable could be liquidated. Moreover, manpower was needed for the

Nazi war effort. Mass deportation thus accomplished the twin purpose of

providing labor and of freeing the land for German colonists. The

participation of SS agencies in deporting persons from the conquered

territories to meet the increased demands of the Nazi war machine for

manpower has already been shown. The evacuation and resettlement

program, however, required the use of additional SS agencies to deport

persons occupying the desired living space. For this purpose immigration

centers were set up under the direction of RSHA, as is stated in the

National Socialist Yearbook for 1941:

“For some time now the Reichsfuehrer-SS has had at his disposal

an office under the management of SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Lorenz,

the _Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle_. This office has the task of

dealing with National German questions and the raising of

required support.

“In addition to the VM the Immigration Center Offices with the

Chief of the Security Police and the Security Service of the SS

(under the management of SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Sandberger)

and the Settlement Staff of the Reich-Commissioner were created,

which, in cooperation with the NSV [National Socialist Welfare

Organization] and the Reich Railroad Agency, took charge of the

Migration of National Germans.” (_2163-PS_)

Further evidence is contained in the affidavit of Otto Hoffman, SS

Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen SS and Police, who was

chief in the Main Office for Race and Settlement in the SS Supreme

Command until 1943. This affidavit, taken at Freising, Germany, on 4

August 1945 reads as follows:

“* * * 2. The executive power, in other words the carrying out

of all so-called resettlement actions, that is to say, sending

away of Polish and Jewish settlers and those of non-German blood

from a territory in Poland destined for Germanization, was in

the hands of the Chief of the RSHA (Heydrich and later

Kaltenbrunner, since the end of 1942). The Chief of the RSHA

also supervised and issued orders to the so-called immigration

center (EWZ) which classified the Germans, living abroad who

returned to Germany and directed them to the individual farms,

already freed. The latter was done in agreement with the chief

office of the Reichsfuehrer SS.” (_L-49_)

Other SS agencies also were included. The report, dated 22 May 1940,

relating to confiscation of Polish agricultural enterprises and

deportation of the Polish owners to Germany, shows that the following SS

agencies were involved in this action:

“Means of transportation to the railroad can be provided (1)—by

the enterprise of the East German Corporation of Agricultural

Development, (2)—by the SS NCO School in Lublinitz and the

concentration camp of Auschwitz.

“These two latter places will also detail the necessary SS men

for the day of the confiscation, etc.” (_1352-PS_)

The extent to which departments of the Supreme Command of the SS were

concerned with the evacuation program is shown by the minutes of a

meeting on 4 August 1942 dealing with the treatment of deported

Alsatians (_R-114_). The minutes list those present at the meeting as

follows:

“Present:

“SS.- ‘Hauptsturmfuehrer’ Dr. Stier }

SS.- ‘Hauptsturmfuehrer’ Petri }

‘RR’ Hoffmann } Staff Headquarters

Dr. Scherler }

SS.- ‘Untersturmfuehrer’ Foerster }

SS.- ‘Obersturmfuehrer’ Dr. Hinrichs, Chief of Estate Office and

Settlement Staff, Strasbourg [_Leiter des Bodenamtes und

Ansiedlungsstabes Strasburg_]

SS.- ‘Sturmbannfuehrer’ Bruckner, Intermediate Office for Racial Germans

(_Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle_)

SS.- ‘Hauptsturmfuehrer’ Hummisch, Main Office Reich Security

[_Reichssicherheitshauptamt_]

SS.- ‘Untersturmfuehrer’ Dr. Sieder, Main office for race and settling

[_Rus-Hauptamt_]

Dr. Labes, D. U. T.” (_R-114_)

The minutes read in part as follows:

“1. _State of deportation in Alsace._

“The starting point of the conference was a report on the

deportation effected so far and further plans for resettlement

in Alsace.”

* * * * * *

“_B._

“The representatives of the SS Main Offices present were united

in this opinion:

“II. 1. The Gauleiter’s plans for evacuation can be approved in

principle, since they confine themselves in fact to a class of

persons, whose presence in the Reich would be insupportable for

racial and political reasons.” (_R-114_)

(_b_) _Resettlement of conquered territories by Germans._ The SS not

only destroyed or deported conquered peoples and confiscated their

property, but it also repopulated the conquered regions with so-called

racial Germans. Thousands upon thousands of these Germans were

transported from all parts of Europe to join the greater Reich. Not all

Germans were deemed reliable colonists, however. Those who were not,

were returned to Germany proper for “re-Germanization” and “reeducation”

along Nazi lines. A typical instance of the fate of such Germans is

found in the decree of the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of

German Folkdom of 16 February 1942, dealing with the treatment to be

accorded so-called “Polonized” Germans (_R-112_). By the terms of that

decree two other SS functionaries were charged with the responsibility

for the re-Germanization program, the Higher SS and Police Leaders and

the Gestapo. Paragraph III of the decree provides:

“III. The Higher SS and Police Fuehrer will further the

re-Germanization actions with every means at their disposal and

continuously take stock of their success. In case they find that

obstacles are put in the way of a re-Germanization action, they

will report on their findings to the competent State Police

(Superior) Office for appropriate measures. Where it proves to

be impossible to attain re-Germanization even by forcible

measures taken by the State Police, they will apply for a

revocation of the naturalization through the Reich Fuehrer SS,

Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Nationhood

and give notice to the competent State Police (Superior)

Office.” (_R-112_)

Paragraph IV of the decree provides:

“IV. In the course of fulfilling their duties imposed on them by

this Decree the competent State Police (Superior) Offices will

take in particular the following measures:”

* * * * * *

“4. They will assist the Higher SS and Police Fuehrer in their

task of re-Germanization, particularly in removing obstacles by

forcible measures whenever there is opposition to

re-Germanization. Before ordering forcible measures by the State

Police they will give the Counsellor of the person in question

an opportunity to state his opinion.

“5. They will take into protective custody all persons, with

regard to whom the Higher SS and Police Fuehrer has applied for

revocation of their naturalization and will order their

imprisonment in a Concentration Camp.” (_R-112_)

In the final stage of the process, the resettlement of the conquered

lands by racially and politically desirable Germans, still other SS

agencies participated. The National Socialist Yearbook for 1941 states

that:

“Numerous SS-leaders and SS-men helped with untiring effort in

bringing about this systematic migration of peoples, which has

no parallel in history.

“There were many authoritative and administrative difficulties

which, however, were immediately overcome due to the

unbureaucratic working procedure. This was especially guaranteed

above all by the employment of SS leaders.

“The procedure called ‘_Durchschleusung_’ (literally, ‘passing

through the lock’) takes 3 to 4 hours as a rule. The resettler

is passed through 8 to 9 offices, following each other in

organic order: registration office, card-index office,

certificate and photo-office, property office, and biological

hereditary and sanitary test office. The latter was entrusted to

doctors and medical personnel of the SS and of the Armed Forces.

The SS-Corps Areas [_Oberabschnitte_] Alpenland, North-West,

Baltic Sea, Fulda-Werra, South and South East, the SS-Main

Office [_SS-Hauptamt_], the NPEA (National Political Education

Institution) Vienna, and the SS-Cavalry-School in Hamburg

provided most of the SS-Officer and SS-Non-Coms who worked at

this job of resettlement.”

* * * * * *

“The settlement, establishment and care of the newly won

peasantry in the liberated Eastern territory will be one of the

most cherished tasks of the SS in the whole future.” (_2163-PS_)

E. _Defendant’s Membership in the SS._

In the course of its development from a group of strong armed

bodyguards, some 200 in number, to a complex organization participating

in every field of Nazi endeavor, the SS found room for its members in

high places. Persons in high places moreover, found for themselves a

position in the SS. Of the defendants charged in the indictment at least

7 were high ranking officers in the SS. They are the defendants

Ribbentrop, Hess, Kaltenbrunner, Bormann, Sauckel, Neurath, and

Seyss-Inquart. The vital part that Kaltenbrunner played in the SS, the

SD, and the entire Security Police system is discussed in Section 6 on

the Gestapo.

With respect to the other six defendants, the facts as to their

membership in the SS are to be found in two official publications. The

first is the membership list of the SS as of 1 December 1936. On line 2,

page 8, of that publication, there appears the name “Hess, Rudolf,”

followed by the notation, “By authority of the Fuehrer the right to wear

the uniform of an SS Obergruppenfuehrer.” In the 1937 edition of the

same membership list, line 50, page 10, there appears the name “Bormann,

Martin,” and in line with his name on the opposite page, under the

heading “Gruppenfuehrer,” appears the following date “20.4.37.” In the

same edition, line 56, page 12, is the name “von Neurath, Konstantin”

and on the opposite page, under the column headed “Gruppenfuehrer,” the

date “18.9.37.”

The second publication is “_Der Grossdeutsche Reichstag_” for the Fourth

Voting Period, edited by E. Kienast, Ministerial Director of the German

Reichstag, an official handbook containing biographical data as to

members of the Reichstag. On page 349 the following appears: “von

Ribbentrop, Joachim, _Reichsminister des Auswaertigen_, SS

Obergruppenfuehrer”; and on page 360 the following: “Sauckel, Fritz,

_Gauleiter_ and _Reichsstatthalter_ in Thuringen, SS

Obergruppenfuehrer”; and on page 389 the following: “Seyss-Inquart,

Arthur, Dr. Jur., Reichsminister, SS Obergruppenfuehrer.”

F. _Conclusion._

It is the prosecution’s contention that the SS, as defined in Appendix B

of the Indictment, was unlawful. Its participation in every phase of the

conspiracy alleged in Count One is clear. As an organization founded on

the principle that persons of “German blood” were a “master race,” it

exemplified a basic Nazi doctrine. It served as one of the means through

which the conspirators acquired control of the German government. The

operations of the SD, and of the _SS Totenkopf Verbaende_ in

concentration camps, were means used by the conspirators to secure their

regime and terrorize their opponents as alleged in Count One. All

components of the SS were involved from the very beginning in the Nazi

program of Jewish extermination. Through the _Allgemeine SS_ as a

para-military organization, the _SS Verfuegungstruppe_ and _SS Totenkopf

Verbaende_ as professional combat forces, and the _Volksdeutsche

Mittelstelle_ as a fifth column agency, it participated in preparations

for aggressive war, and, through its militarized units, in the seizure

of Austria, the invasion of Czechoslovakia, the attack on Poland, and

the waging of aggressive war in the West and in the East, as set forth

in Counts One and Two of the Indictment. In the course of such war, all

components of the SS had a part in the war crimes and crimes against

humanity, set forth in Counts Three and Four,—the murder and ill

treatment of civilian populations in occupied territory, the murder and

ill treatment of prisoners of war, and the Germanization of occupied

territories.

The evidence has shown that the SS was a single enterprise—a unified

organization. Some of its functions were, of course, performed by one

branch, or department or office, some by another. No single branch or

department participated in every phase of its activity. But every branch

and department and office was necessary to the functioning of the whole.

The situation is much the same as in the case of the individual

defendants at the bar. Not all participated in every act of the

conspiracy; but all performed a contributing part in the whole criminal

scheme.

The evidence has shown, not only that the SS was an organization of

volunteers but that applicants had to meet the strictest standards of

selection. It was not easy to become an SS member. That was true of all

branches of the SS. During the course of the war, as the demands for

manpower increased and the losses of the Waffen SS grew heavier and

heavier, there were occasions when men drafted for compulsory military

service were assigned to units of the _Waffen SS_ rather than to the

_Wehrmacht_. Those instances were relatively few. Evidence of recruiting

standards of the Waffen SS in 1943 has shown that membership in that

branch was as essentially voluntary and highly selective as in other

branches. The fact that some individuals may have been arbitrarily

assigned to some Waffen SS unit has no bearing on the issue before the

tribunal, which is this, whether the SS was or was not an unlawful

organization. Doubtless some of the members of the SS, or of other of

the organizations alleged to be unlawful, might desire to show that

their participation in the organization was small or innocuous, that

compelling reasons drove them to apply for membership, that they were

not fully conscious of its aims, or that they were mentally

irresponsible when they became members. Such facts might or might not be

relevant if they were on trial. But in any event this is not the forum

to try out such matters.

The question before this Tribunal is simply this, whether the SS was or

was not an unlawful organization. The evidence has fully shown what the

aims and activities of the SS were. Some of these aims were stated in

publications. The activities were so widespread and so notorious,

covering so many fields of unlawful endeavor, that the illegality of the

organization could not have been concealed. It was a notorious fact, and

Himmler himself admitted that in 1936, when he said:

“I know that there are people in Germany now who become sick

when they see these black coats. We know the reason and we don’t

expect to be loved by too many.”

It was at all times the exclusive function and purpose of the SS to

carry out the common objectives of the conspirators. Its activities in

carrying out those functions involved the commission of the crimes

defined in Article 6 of the Charter. By reason of its aims and the means

used for the accomplishment thereof, the SS should be declared a

criminal organization in accordance with Article 9 of the Charter.

* * * * *

LEGAL REFERENCES AND LIST OF DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE SCHUTZSTAFFELN

(SS)

│ │ │

Document │ Description │ Vol. │ Page

│ │ │

│Charter of the International Military │ │

│ Tribunal, Article 9. │ I │ 6

│International Military Tribunal, │ │

│ Indictment Number 1, Section IV (H);│ │

│ Appendix B. │ I │ 29, 70

│ ———— │ │

│Note: A single asterisk (*) before a │ │

│document indicates that the document │ │

│was received in evidence at the │ │

│Nurnberg trial. A double asterisk (**)│ │

│before a document number indicates │ │

│that the document was referred to │ │

│during the trial but was not formally │ │

│received in evidence, for the reason │ │

│given in parentheses following the │ │

│description of the document. The USA │ │

│series number, given in parentheses │ │

│following the description of the │ │

│document, is the official exhibit │ │

│number assigned by the court. │ │

│ ———— │ │

*002-PS │Letters of Reichs Research Department │ │

│regarding the budget of the SS. (USA │ │

│469) │ III │ 5

│ │ │

*058-PS │Hitler Order of 30 September 1944 │ │

│concerning reorganization of the │ │

│concerns of prisoners of war. (USA │ │

│456) │ III │ 103

│ │ │

*343-PS │Letter from Milch, Chief of the │ │

│Personal Staff, to Himmler, 31 August │ │

│1942, and letter from Milch to Wolff, │ │

│20 May 1942. (USA 463) │ III │ 266

│ │ │

*388-PS │File of papers on Case Green (the plan│ │

│for the attack on Czechoslovakia), │ │

│kept by Schmundt, Hitler’s adjutant, │ │

│April-October 1938. (USA 26) │ III │ 305

│ │ │

447-PS │Top Secret Operational Order to Order │ │

│No. 21, signed by Keitel, 13 March │ │

│1941, concerning Directives for │ │

│special areas. (USA 135) │ III │ 409

│ │ │

*501-PS │Collection of four documents on │ │

│execution by gas, June 1942, one │ │

│signed by Dr. Becker, SS │ │

│Untersturmfuehrer at Kiev, 16 May │ │

│1942. (USA 288) │ III │ 418

│ │ │

*641-PS │Report of Public Prosecutor General in│ │

│Munich, 1 June 1933, concerning murder│ │

│of Dr. Strauss in Dachau by an SS │ │

│guard. (USA 450) │ III │ 453

│ │ │

*642-PS │Report to Public Prosecutor General in│ │

│Munich, 1 June 1933, concerning murder│ │

│of Hausmann in Dachau by an SS guard. │ │

│(USA 451) │ III │ 454

│ │ │

*644-PS │Report to Public Prosecutor General in│ │

│Munich, 1 June 1933, concerning murder│ │

│of Schloss in Dachau by an SS guard. │ │

│(USA 452) │ III │ 455

│ │ │

*645-PS │Report to Public Prosecutor General in│ │

│Munich, 1 June 1933, concerning murder│ │

│of Nefzger in Dachau by an SS guard. │ │

│(USA 453) │ III │ 457

│ │ │

*647-PS │Secret Hitler Order, 17 August 1938, │ │

│concerning organization and │ │

│mobilization of SS. (USA 443) │ III │ 459

│ │ │

*654-PS │Thierack’s notes, 18 September 1942, │ │

│on discussion with Himmler concerning │ │

│delivery of Jews to Himmler for │ │

│extermination through work. (USA 218) │ III │ 467

│ │ │

686-PS │Decree of the Fuehrer and Reich │ │

│Chancellor to strengthen German │ │

│Folkdom, 7 October 1939, signed by │ │

│Hitler, Goering, Lammers and Keitel. │ │

│(USA 305) │ III │ 496

│ │ │

*744-PS │Secret letter of Keitel, 8 July 1943, │ │

│concerning manpower for coal mining. │ │

│(USA 455) │ III │ 540

│ │ │

*778-PS │Disciplinary and Penal Measures for │ │

│Concentration Camp Dachau and Service │ │

│Regulations for the Camp Personnel, │ │

│signed Eicke, 1 October 1933. (USA │ │

│247) │ III │ 550

│ │ │

781-PS │Memorandum by Minister of Justice, │ │

│Guertner, of conference with Himmler, │ │

│9 March 1936, concerning issuance of │ │

│decree on use of arms by concentration│ │

│camp officials. │ III │ 557

│ │ │

*812-PS │Letter from Rainer to Seyss-Inquart, │ │

│22 August 1939 and report from │ │

│Gauleiter Rainer to Reichskommissar │ │

│Gauleiter Buerckel, 6 July 1939 on │ │

│events in the NSDAP of Austria from │ │

│1933 to 11 March 1938. (USA 61) │ III │ 586

│ │ │

*1061-PS │Official report of Stroop, SS and │ │

│Police Leader of Warsaw, on │ │

│destruction of Warsaw Ghetto, 1943. │ │

│(USA 275) │ III │ 718

│ │ │

*1063-D-PS │Mueller’s order, 17 December 1942, │ │

│concerning prisoners qualified for │ │

│work to be sent to concentration │ │

│camps. (USA 219) │ III │ 778

│ │ │

1151-P-PS │Letter from WVHA, 28 March 1942, │ │

│concerning “Action 14 F 13” from files│ │

│of Gross Rosen Concentration camp. │ III │ 808

│ │ │

1166-PS │Interoffice memorandum of WVHA, 15 │ │

│August 1944, concerning number of │ │

│prisoners and survey of prisoners │ │

│clothing. (USA 458) │ III │ 824

│ │ │

*1352-PS │Reports concerning the confiscation of│ │

│Polish agricultural properties, 16 and│ │

│29 May 1940, signed Kusche. (USA 176) │ III │ 916

│ │ │

1551-PS │Decree assigning functions in Office │ │

│of Chief of German Police, 26 June │ │

│1936. 1936 Reichs Ministerialblatt, │ │

│pp. 946-948. │ IV │ 106

│ │ │

*1582-PS │Letter from SS Sturmbannfuehrer Brandt│ │

│to Dr. Rascher, 22 May 1941, │ │

│concerning use of prisoners for │ │

│high-flight research. (USA 462) │ IV │ 114

│ │ │

*1583-PS │Letter from Himmler, 16 November 1942,│ │

│concerning feminine prisoners in │ │

│concentration camps. (USA 465) │ IV │ 115

│ │ │

*1584-I-PS │Teletype from Goering to Himmler, 14 │ │

│February 1944, concerning formation of│ │

│7th Airforce Group squadron for │ │

│special purposes. (USA 221) │ IV │ 117

│ │ │

*1584-III-PS │Correspondence between Himmler and │ │

│Goering, 9 March 1944, concerning use │ │

│of concentration camp inmates in │ │

│aircraft industry. (USA 457) │ IV │ 118

│ │ │

*1602-PS │Letter from Dr. Rascher to Himmler, 15│ │

│May 1941, asking for use of prisoners │ │

│for experiments in high-altitude │ │

│flights. (USA 454) │ IV │ 132

│ │ │

1616-PS │Letter from Dr. Rascher to Himmler, 17│ │

│February 1943, concerning freezing │ │

│experiments. │ IV │ 133

│ │ │

1617-PS │Letter from Himmler to General Field │ │

│Marshal Milch, 13 November 1942, │ │

│concerning transfer of Dr. Rascher to │ │

│Waffen-SS. (USA 466) │ IV │ 133

│ │ │

*1618-PS │Report of Freezing experiments in │ │

│Dachau, 15 August 1942, signed by Dr. │ │

│Rascher. (USA 464) │ IV │ 135

│ │ │

1637-PS │Order of Himmler, 23 June 1938, │ │

│concerning acceptance of members of │ │

│Security Police into the SS. 1938 │ │

│Reichs Ministerialblatt, pp. │ │

│1089-1091. │ IV │ 138

│ │ │

*1680-PS │“Ten Years Security Police and SD” │ │

│published in The German Police, 1 │ │

│February 1943. (USA 477) │ IV │ 191

│ │ │

1725-PS │Decree enforcing law for securing the │ │

│unity of Party and State, 29 March │ │

│1935. 1935 Reichsgesetzblatt, Part I, │ │

│p. 502. │ IV │ 224

│ │ │

*1751-PS │Letter to all concentration camp │ │

│commanders, from Gluecks, 12 May 1944,│ │

│concerning assignment of prisoners for│ │

│experimental purposes. (USA 468) │ IV │ 279

│ │ │

*1851-PS │The Security Squadron as an │ │

│Anti-Bolshevist Battle Organization │ │

│1936 by Himmler from The New Germany │ │

│Speaks Here, book 11. (USA 440) │ IV │ 488

│ │ │

*1852-PS │“Law” from The German Police, 1941, by│ │

│Dr. Werner Best. (USA 449) (See Chart │ │

│No. 16.) │ IV │ 490

│ │ │

*1857-PS │Announcement of creation of SS as │ │

│independent formation of NSDAP. │ │

│Voelkischer Beobachter, 26 July 1934, │ │

│p. 1. (USA 412) │ IV │ 496

│ │ │

1918-PS │Speech by Himmler to SS officers on │ │

│day of Metz. (USA 304) │ IV │ 553

│ │ │

*1919-PS │Himmler’s speech to SS │ │

│Gruppenfuehrers, 4 October 1943. (USA │ │

│170) │ IV │ 558

│ │ │

1932-PS │Letter from Office of Chief of │ │

│Department D of WVHA, 7 June 1943, │ │

│concerning handling of prisoners who │ │

│fall under Night and Fog decree. │ IV │ 579

│ │ │

*1933-PS │Letter to Commandant of Gross Rosen │ │

│Camp from Department 10 of WVHA, 27 │ │

│April 1943, providing that “Action 14 │ │

│F 13” be applied only to insane. (USA │ │

│459) │ IV │ 581

│ │ │

*1972-PS │Letter from Chief of SS Operations │ │

│Headquarters to Himmler, 14 October │ │

│1941, reporting on executions of │ │

│Czechs by Waffen SS. (USA 471) │ IV │ 604

│ │ │

*1992-A-PS │Organization and Obligations of the SS│ │

│and the Police from “National │ │

│Political Education of the Army, │ │

│January 1937”. (USA 439) │ IV │ 616

│ │ │

2073-PS │Decree concerning the appointment of a│ │

│Chief of German Police in the Ministry│ │

│of the Interior, 17 June 1936. 1936 │ │

│Reichsgesetzblatt, Part I, p. 487. │ IV │ 703

│ │ │

*2163-PS │The SS during the War-Year 1939-40, │ │

│published in National Socialist │ │

│Yearbook, 1941. (USA 444) │ IV │ 762

│ │ │

*2164-PS │The SS since the Reichparteitag 1938, │ │

│published in National Socialist │ │

│Yearbook, 1940. (USA 255) │ IV │ 768

│ │ │

*2189-PS │Orders from Department D of Economic │ │

│and Administrative Main Office, 11 │ │

│August 1942, concerning punishment by │ │

│beating. (USA 460) │ IV │ 842

│ │ │

2199-PS │Letter to Commanders of concentration │ │

│camps, 12 September 1942, concerning │ │

│return of urns of inmates deceased in │ │

│concentration camps. (USA 461) │ IV │ 853

│ │ │

*2284-PS │The Organizational Structure of the │ │

│Third Reich—The SS—from Writings of │ │

│the Hochschule for Politics. (USA 438)│ IV │ 973

│ │ │

*2640-PS │Extracts from Organization Book of │ │

│NSDAP, 1943. (USA 323) │ V │ 346

│ │ │

*2668-PS │“And Don’t Forget the Jews”, from the │ │

│Black Corps, 8 August 1940, No. 32, p.│ │

│2. (USA 269) │ V │ 367

│ │ │

*2768-PS │Letter from Himmler to Kaltenbrunner, │ │

│24 April 1943. (USA 447) │ V │ 412

│ │ │

*2769-PS │Order of Battle of the SS, 1 November │ │

│1944. (USA 442) │ V │ 413

│ │ │

*2788-PS │Notes of conference in the Foreign │ │

│Office between Ribbentrop, Konrad │ │

│Henlein, K. H. Frank and others on │ │

│program for Sudeten agitation, 29 │ │

│March 1938. (USA 95) │ V │ 422

│ │ │

*2825-PS │Soldier’s Friend—pocket diary for │ │

│German Armed Forces with calendar for │ │

│1943. (USA 441) │ V │ 462

│ │ │

2946-PS │Decree relating to Special │ │

│Jurisdiction in Penal Matters for │ │

│members of SS and for members of │ │

│Police Groups on Special Tasks of 17 │ │

│October 1939. 1939 Reichsgesetzblatt, │ │

│Part I, p. 2107. │ V │ 625

│ │ │

2947-PS │Second decree for implementation of │ │

│decrees relating to Special │ │

│Jurisdiction in Penal Matters for │ │

│members of SS and members of Police │ │

│Groups on special tasks of 17 April │ │

│1940. 1940 Reichsgesetzblatt, Part I, │ │

│p. 659. │ V │ 627

│ │ │

2949-PS │Transcripts of telephone calls from │ │

│Air Ministry, 11-14 March 1938. (USA │ │

│76) │ V │ 628

│ │ │

*2950-PS │Affidavit of Frick, 19 November 1945. │ │

│(USA 448) │ V │ 654

│ │ │

*2968-PS │Memorandum from U. S. Army officer │ │

│concerning plaque erected in Austrian │ │

│Chancellery in memoriam to killers of │ │

│Dollfuss. (USA 60) │ V │ 677

│ │ │

*2997-PS │Supplementary report of Supreme │ │

│Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary │ │

│Force, Court of Inquiry, concerning │ │

│shooting of Allied Prisoners of War in│ │

│Normandy, France. (USA 472) │ V │ 716

│ │ │

*3051-PS │Three teletype orders from Heydrich to│ │

│all stations of State Police, 10 │ │

│November 1938, on measures against │ │

│Jews, and one order from Heydrich on │ │

│termination of protest actions. (USA │ │

│240) │ V │ 797

│ │ │

*3059-PS │German Foreign Office memorandum, 19 │ │

│August 1938, on payments to Henlein’s │ │

│Sudeten German Party between 1935 and │ │

│1938. (USA 96) │ V │ 855

│ │ │

*3429-PS │Extract from The SS Calls You. (USA │ │

│446) │ VI │ 133

│ │ │

3815-PS │Report of the SS, 25 April 1942, │ │

│concerning the activities of Hans │ │

│Frank in Poland. │ VI │ 745

│ │ │

*3839-PS │Statement of Josef Spacil, 9 November │ │

│1945, concerning the meaning of │ │

│“resettlement” and “special │ │

│treatment”. (USA 799) │ VI │ 774

│ │ │

*3840-PS │Statement of Karl Kaleske, 24 February│ │

│1946, concerning the elimination of │ │

│the Warsaw Ghetto. (USA 803) │ VI │ 775

│ │ │

3841-PS │Statement of SS and Polizeifuehrer │ │

│Juergen Stroop, 24 February 1946, │ │

│concerning elimination of the Warsaw │ │

│Ghetto. (USA 804) │ VI │ 776

│ │ │

*3842-PS │Statement of Fritz Mundhenke, 7 March │ │

│1946, concerning the activities of │ │

│Kaltenbrunner and SS in preparation │ │

│for occupation of Czechoslovakia. (USA│ │

│805) │ VI │ 778

│ │ │

*3868-PS │Affidavit of Rudolf Franz Ferdinand │ │

│Hoess, 5 April 1946, concerning │ │

│execution of 3,000,000 people at │ │

│Auschwitz Extermination Center. (USA │ │

│819) │ VI │ 787

│ │ │

*3870-PS │Affidavit of Hans Marsalek, 8 April │ │

│1946, concerning Mauthausen │ │

│Concentration Camp and dying statement│ │

│of Franz Ziereis, the Commandant. (USA│ │

│797) │ VI │ 790

│ │ │

*D-569 │File of circulars from Reichsfuehrer │ │

│SS, the OKW, Inspector of │ │

│Concentration Camps, Chief of Security│ │

│Police and SD, dating from 29 October │ │

│1941 through 22 February 1944, │ │

│relative to procedure in cases of │ │

│unnatural death of Soviet PW, │ │

│execution of Soviet PW, etc. (GB 277) │ VII │ 74

│ │ │

*D-665 │Hitler’s license for the SS. (GB 280) │ VII │ 170

│ │ │

*D-745-A │Deposition of Anton Kaindl, 8 March │ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│811) │ VII │ 208

│ │ │

*D-745-B │Deposition of Anton Kaindl, 19 March │ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│812) │ VII │ 209

│ │ │

*D-746-A │Deposition of Fritz Suhren, 8 March │ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│813) │ VII │ 209

│ │ │

D-746-B │Deposition of Fritz Suhren, 19 March │ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│814) │ VII │ 210

│ │ │

*D-748 │Affidavit of Karl Totzauer, 15 March │ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│816) │ VII │ 211

│ │ │

*D-749-B │Statement of Rudolf Hoess, 20 March │ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│817) │ VII │ 212

│ │ │

*D-750 │Deposition of August Harbaum, 19 March│ │

│1946, concerning SS personnel │ │

│supervising concentration camps. (USA │ │

│818) │ VII │ 213

│ │ │

*L-18 │Official report, Katzmann to General │ │

│of Police Krueger, 30 June 1943, │ │

│concerning “Solution of Jewish │ │

│Question in Galicia”. (USA 277) │ VII │ 755

│ │ │

*L-49 │Affidavit of Otto Hoffman, Chief of SS│ │

│Main Office for Race and Settlement, 4│ │

│August 1945. (USA 473) │ VII │ 795

│ │ │

*L-103 │Letter, 12 September 1944, concerning │ │

│experiments with │ │

│Akonitin-nitrate-bullets. (USA 467) │ VII │ 877

│ │ │

L-156 │Circular letter from Office of │ │

│Commissioner for Four-Year Plan, 26 │ │

│March 1943, concerning removal of Jews│ │

│to labor camps. │ VII │ 905

│ │ │

*L-180 │Report by SS Brigade Commander │ │

│Stahlecker to Himmler, “Action Group │ │

│A”, 15 October 1941. (USA 276) │ VII │ 978

│ │ │

L-198 │State Department Dispatch by Consul │ │

│General Messersmith, 14 March 1933, │ │

│concerning molesting of American │ │

│citizens in Berlin. │ VII │ 1026

│ │ │

L-201 │Excerpts from Berlin newspapers, April│ │

│1933, concerning violence against Jews│ │

│and discrimination against politically│ │

│undesirable professors. │ VII │ 1035

│ │ │

L-273 │Report of American Consul General in │ │

│Vienna to Secretary of State, 26 July │ │

│1938, concerning anniversary of │ │

│assassination of Chancellor Dollfuss. │ │

│(USA 59) │ VII │ 1094

│ │ │

*L-361 │Three documents concerning the │ │

│formation of the RSHA, Himmler, 27 │ │

│September 1939; Heydrich, 23 and 27 │ │

│September 1939. (USA 478) │ VII │ 1109

│ │ │

*R-102 │Report on activities of The Task │ │

│Forces of SIPO and SD in USSR, 1-31 │ │

│October 1941. (USA 470) │ VIII │ 96

│ │ │

*R-112 │Orders issued by Reich Commissioner │ │

│for the Consolidation of German │ │

│nationhood, 16 February 1942, 1 July │ │

│1942, 28 July 1942. (USA 309) │ VIII │ 108

│ │ │

*R-114 │Memoranda of conferences, 4 and 18 │ │

│August 1942, concerning directions for│ │

│treatment of deported Alsatians. (USA │ │

│314) │ VIII │ 122

│ │ │

*R-124 │Speer’s conference minutes of Central │ │

│Planning Board, 1942-44, concerning │ │

│labor supply. (USA 179) │ VIII │ 146

│ │ │

*R-129 │Letter and enclosure from Pohl to │ │

│Himmler, 30 April 1942, concerning │ │

│concentration camps. (USA 217) │ VIII │ 198

│ │ │

*R-135 │Letter to Rosenberg enclosing secret │ │

│reports from Kube on German atrocities│ │

│in the East, 18 June 1943, found in │ │

│Himmler’s personal files. (USA 289) │ VIII │ 205

│ │ │

R-143 │Himmler decree, 1 December 1939, │ │

│concerning procedure for confiscation │ │

│of works of art, archives, and │ │

│documents. │ VIII │ 246

│ │ │

Affidavit A │Affidavit of Erwin Lahousen, 21 │ │

│January 1946, substantially the same │ │

│as his testimony on direct examination│ │

│before the International Military │ │

│Tribunal at Nurnberg 30 November and 1│ │

│December 1945. │ VIII │ 587

│ │ │

Affidavit B │Affidavit of Otto Ohlendorf, 20 │ │

│November 1945, substantially the same │ │

│as his testimony on direct examination│ │

│before the International Military │ │

│Tribunal at Nurnberg 3 January 1946. │ VIII │ 596

│ │ │

Affidavit F │Affidavit of Josef Dietrich, 20-21 │ │

│November 1945. │ VIII │ 631

│ │ │

Affidavit G │Affidavit of Fritz Ernst Fischer, 21 │ │

│November 1945. │ VIII │ 635

│ │ │

Statement IX │My Relationship to Adolf Hitler and to│ │

│the Party, by Erich Raeder, Moscow, │ │

│fall 1945. │ VIII │ 707

│ │ │

*Chart No. 1 │National Socialist German Workers’ │ │

│Party. (2903-PS; USA 2) │ VIII │ 770

│ │ │

*Chart No. 3 │Organization of the SS. (USA 445) │ VIII │ 772

│ │ │

*Chart No. 5 │Position of Kaltenbrunner and the │ │

│Gestapo and SD in the German Police │ │

│System. (USA 493) │ VIII │ 774

│ │ │

*Chart No. 16 │The Structure of the German Police. │

│(1852-PS; USA 449) │ End of VIII

│ │ │

*Chart No. 19 │Organization of the Security Police │

│(Gestapo and Kripo) and the SD │

│1943-1945. (2346-PS; USA 480) │ End of VIII

6. THE GEHEIME STAATSPOLIZEI (GESTAPO) AND SICHERHEITSDIENST (SD)

This section on the _Geheime Staatspolizei_ (GESTAPO) includes evidence

on the criminality of the _Sicherheitsdienst_ (SD) of the

_Schutzstaffel_ (SS). In the Indictment the SD is included by special

references as a part of the SS, since it originated as a part of the SS

and always retained its character as a party organization, as

distinguished from the GESTAPO, which was a State organization. As will

be shown in this section, however, the GESTAPO and the SD were brought

into close working relationship, the SD serving primarily as the

information-gathering agency and the GESTAPO as the executive agency of

the police system established by the Nazis for the purpose of combatting

the political and ideological enemies of the Nazi regime. This close

working relationship between the GESTAPO and the SD was accomplished by

the appointment of Himmler, the Reichsfuehrer of the SS, to the position

of Chief of the German Police. What is proved in this section with

respect to the criminality of the SD applies directly to the case

against the SS. The relationship between the SS and the GESTAPO is

considered in section 5 on the SS.

A. _Development of the Gestapo and the SD._

(1) _Development of the GESTAPO._ The _Geheime Staatspolizei_, or

GESTAPO, was first established in Prussia on 26 April 1933 by Goering,

with the mission of carrying out the duties of political police with or

in place of the ordinary police authorities. The GESTAPO chief was given

the rank of a higher police authority and was subordinated only to the

Minister of the Interior, to whom was delegated the responsibility of

determining its functional and territorial jurisdiction (_2104-PS_).

Pursuant to this law, and on the same date, the Minister of the Interior

issued a decree on the reorganization of the police which established a

State Police Bureau in each government district of Prussia subordinate

to the Secret State Police Bureau in Berlin. (_2371-PS_)

On 30 November 1933 Goering issued a decree for the Prussian State

Ministry and for the Reichs Chancellor which acknowledged the valuable

services which the GESTAPO was able to render to the State and which

placed the GESTAPO under his direct supervision as Chief. The GESTAPO

was thereby established as an independent branch of the Administration

of the Interior, responsible directly to Goering as Prussian Prime

Minister. This decree gave the GESTAPO jurisdiction over the political

police matters of the general and interior administration and provided

that the district, county, and local police authorities were subject to

the directives of the GESTAPO (_2105-PS_). By a decree of 8 March 1934

the regional State Police offices were separated from their

organizational connection with the district government and established

as independent authorities of the GESTAPO. (_2113-PS_)

Parallel to the development of the GESTAPO in Prussia, the Reichsfuehrer

SS, Heinrich Himmler, created in Bavaria the Bavarian Political Police

and also directed the formation of political police forces in the other

federal states outside of Prussia. The unification of the political

police of the various states took place in the spring of 1934 when

Hermann Goering appointed Himmler the Deputy Chief of the Prussian

GESTAPO in place of the former Deputy Chief, Diels. Himmler thereby

obtained unified control over the political police forces throughout the

Reich. (_1680-PS_)

On 10 February 1936 the basic law for the GESTAPO was promulgated by

Goering as Prussian Prime Minister. This law provided that the Secret

State Police had the duty to investigate and to combat in the entire

territory of the State all tendencies inimical to the State, and

declared that orders in matters of the Secret State Police were not

subject to the review of the administrative courts (_2107-PS_). On the

same date, 10 February 1936, a decree for the execution of said law was

issued by Goering as Prussian Prime Minister and by Frick as Minister of

the Interior. This decree provided that the GESTAPO had authority to

enact measures valid in the entire area of the State and measures

affecting that area, that it was the centralized agency for collecting

political intelligence in the field of political police, and that it

administered the concentration camps. The GESTAPO was given authority to

make police investigations in cases of criminal attacks upon Party as

well as upon State. (_2108-PS_)

On 28 August 1936 a circular of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the

German Police provided that as of 1 October 1936 the political police

forces of the German provinces were to be called the “_Geheime

Staatspolizei_” (Secret State Police). The regional offices were still

to be described as State Police (_2372-PS_). On 20 September 1936 a

circular of the Minister of the Interior commissioned the GESTAPO Bureau

in Berlin with the supervision of the duties of the political police

commanders in all the States of Germany. (_L-297_)

The law relating to financial measures in connection with the police of

19 March 1937 provided that officials of the GESTAPO were to be

considered direct officials of the Reich and their salaries, in addition

to the operational expenses of the whole State Police, were to be borne

from 1 April 1937 on by the Reich. (_2243-PS_)

Through the above laws and decrees the GESTAPO was established as a

uniform political police system operating throughout the Reich and

serving Party, State, and the Nazi leadership.

(2) _Development of the SD._ In 1932 the Reichsfuehrer of the SS,

Heinrich Himmler, created the _Sicherheitsdienst_, or SD, as an

intelligence service of the SS under the then SS-Standartenfuehrer

Reinhard Heydrich. (_1680-PS_)

On 9 June 1934, the NSDAP issued an ordinance which merged all

information facilities then existing within the Party organization into

the SD, and the SD was established as the sole Party information

service. (_1680-PS_)

In the course of its development, the SD came into increasingly closer

cooperation with the GESTAPO and also with the _Reich Kriminalpolizei_,

the Criminal Police, or KRIPO. The GESTAPO and the KRIPO considered

together were called the _Sicherheitspolizei_, the Security Police, or

SIPO. The SD was also called upon to furnish information to various

State authorities. On 11 November 1938 a decree of the Reich Minister of

the Interior declared that the SD was to be the intelligence

organization for the State as well as for the Party, that it had the

particular duty of supporting the Secret State Police, and that it

thereby became active on a national mission. These duties necessitated a

close cooperation between the SD and the authorities for the General and

Interior Administration. (_1680-PS_; _1638-PS_)

Through the above laws and decrees the SD was established as a uniform

political information service operating throughout the Reich and serving

Party, State, and the Nazi leadership.

(3) _Consolidation of the GESTAPO and the SD._ The first step in the

consolidation of the political police system of the State (the GESTAPO)

and the information service of the Nazi Party (the SD) took place in the

spring of 1934 when Goering appointed Himmler Deputy Chief of the

GESTAPO. Heydrich was the head of the SD under Himmler, and when Himmler

took over the actual direction of the GESTAPO, these two agencies were

in effect united under one command. (_1956-PS_; _2460-PS_)

On 17 June 1936, “for the uniformity of police duties in the Reich,” the

position of Chief of the German Police was established in the Reich

Ministry of the Interior, to which was assigned the direction and

protection of all police affairs within the jurisdiction of the Reich.

By this law Himmler was appointed Chief of the German Police under

Frick, the Reich Minister of the Interior, and was given the right to

participate in the sessions of the Reich Cabinet as Chief of the German

Police. (_2073-PS_)

On 26 June 1936 Himmler issued a decree providing for the appointment of

a chief of the uniformed police and of a chief of the Security Police.

This decree divided the German police system into two principal

branches:

(_a_) _Ordnungspolizei_ (ORPO or Regular Police).

(_b_) _Sicherheitspolizei_ (SIPO or Security Police).

The _Ordnungspolizei_ was composed of the _Schutzpolizei_ (Safety

Police), the _Gendarmerie_ (Rural Police), and the _Gemeindepolizei_

(Local Police). The _Sicherheitspolizei_ was composed of the _Reich

Kriminalpolizei_ (KRIPO) and the _Geheime Staatspolizei_ (GESTAPO).

Daluege was named head of the _Ordnungspolizei_ and Heydrich was named

head of the _Sicherheitspolizei_. Since Heydrich was also head of the

SD, he took the new title of Chief of the Security Police and SD.

(_1551-PS_)

On 27 September 1939 by order of Himmler, in his capacity as

Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police, the central offices of

the GESTAPO and the SD, together with the Criminal Police, were

centralized in the office of the Chief of the Security Police and SD

under the name of the _Reichssicherheitshauptamt_, Reich Security Main

Office, or RSHA. Under this order the personnel and administrative

sections of each agency were coordinated in _Amt_ I and _Amt_ II of the

RSHA; the operational sections of the SD became _Amt_ III (except for

foreign intelligence which was placed in _Amt_ VI); the operational

sections of the GESTAPO became _Amt_ IV and the operational sections of

the KRIPO became _Amt_ V. Ohlendorf was named the Chief of _Amt_ III,

the SD within Germany; Mueller was named the Chief of _Amt_ IV, the

GESTAPO; and Nebe was named the Chief of _Amt_ V, the KRIPO. (_L-361_)

On 27 September 1939 Heydrich, as Chief of the Security Police and SD,

issued a directive pursuant to the foregoing order of Himmler, in which

he ordered the designation and heading “_Reichssicherheitshauptamt_” to

be used exclusively in internal relations of the Reich Ministry of the

Interior, and the heading “The Chief of the Security Police and SD” in

transactions with outside persons and offices. The directive provided

that the GESTAPO would continue to use the designation and heading

“_Geheime Staatspolizeiamt_” according to particular instructions.

(_L-361_)

In 1944 most of the sections of the _Abwehr_ (military intelligence)

were incorporated into the various sections of the RSHA and into a new

section connected with _Amt_ VI, called the _Militaerisches Amt_.

(_2644-PS_)

Heydrich was Chief of the Security Police and SD (RSHA) until his death

on 4 June 1942, after which Himmler directed the organization until the

appointment of the defendant Ernst Kaltenbrunner as Chief of the

Security Police and SD. Kaltenbrunner took office on 30 January 1943 and

remained Chief of the Security Police and SD (RSHA) until the end of the

war. (_2644-PS_)

B. _Organization of the Gestapo and the SD._

(1) _Organization of the Gestapo_ (_Amt_ IV of the RSHA). The

headquarters organization of the GESTAPO (_Amt_ IV of the RSHA) was set

up on a functional basis. In 1943 it contained five sub-sections.

Section A dealt with opponents, sabotage, and protective service and was

subdivided as follows:

A 1 Communism, Marxism and associated organizations, war crimes,

illegal and enemy propaganda.

A 2 Defense against sabotage, combatting of sabotage, political

falsification.

A 3 Reaction, opposition, legitimism, liberalism, matters of malicious

opposition.

A 4 Protective service, reports of attempted assassinations, guarding,

special jobs, pursuit troops.

Section B dealt with political churches, sects and Jews, and was

subdivided as follows:

B 1 Political Catholicism.

B 2 Political Protestantism Sects.

B 3 Other churches, Freemasonry.

B 4 Jewish affairs, matters of evacuation, means of suppressing

enemies of the people and State, dispossession of rights of German

citizenship. (Eichmann was head of this office).