_The Bloodhounds of War Unleashed._
The mission of Josiah Quincy--Love of England by the
Americans--Petition to the king--Sickness and death of Mrs.
Franklin--Lord Chatham--His speech in favor of the
colonists--Lord Howe--His interview with Franklin--Firmness
of Franklin--His indignation--His mirth--Franklin's
fable--He embarks for Philadelphia--Feeble condition of the
colonies--England's expressions of contempt--Franklin's
reception at Philadelphia--His letter to Edmund
Burke--Post-office arrangements--Defection and conduct of
William Franklin--His arrest.
Young Josiah Quincy, of Boston, one of the noblest of patriots, who
was dying of consumption, visited London, with instructions to confer
with Franklin upon the posture of affairs. He wrote home, in the most
commendatory terms, of the zeal and sagacity with which Franklin was
devoting himself to the interests of his country. Tory spies were
watching his every movement, and listening to catch every word which
fell from his lips. Lord Hillsborough, in a debate in the House of
Lords, said,
"There are two men, walking in the streets of London, who ought to be
in Newgate or at Tyburn."
The duke of Richmond demanded their names, saying that if such were
the fact the ministry were severely to be blamed. Hillsborough
declined to give their names; but it was generally known that he
referred to Dr. Franklin and Josiah Quincy.
The policy of Franklin was clearly defined, and unchanging. He said
virtually, to his countrymen, "Perform no political act against the
government, utter no menace, and do no act of violence whatever. But
firmly and perseveringly unite in consuming no English goods. There is
nothing in this which any one will pronounce to be, in the slightest
degree, illegal. The sudden and total loss of the trade with America,
will, in one year, create such a clamor, from the capitalists and
industrial classes of England, Ireland and Scotland, that the despotic
government will be compelled to retrace its steps."
Even at this time the Americans had no desire to break loose from the
government of Great Britain. England was emphatically their home.
Englishmen were their brothers. In England their fathers were gathered
to the grave. The Americans did not assume a new name. They still
called themselves Englishmen. They were proud to be members of the
majestic kingdom, which then stood at the head of the world.
Congress met. Its members, perhaps without exception, were yearning
for reconciliation with the mother-country, and for sincere and
cordial friendship. It was resolved to make another solemn appeal to
the king, whom they had ever been accustomed to revere, and, in a
fraternal spirit, to address their brethren, the people of England,
whom they wished to regard with all the respect due to elder brothers.
The intelligence of Christendom has applauded the dignity and the
pathos of these documents. The appeal fell upon the profane, gambling,
wine-bloated aristocrats of the court, as if it had been addressed to
the marble statuary in the British Museum. Nay worse. Those statues
would have listened in respectful silence. No contemptuous laughter,
and no oaths of menace, would have burst from their marble lips. The
following brief extract will show the spirit which pervaded these
noble documents. It is one of the closing sentences of the address to
the king:
"Permit us then, most gracious sovereign, in the name of all
your faithful people in America, with the utmost humility to
implore you, for the honor of Almighty God, whose pure
religion our enemies are undermining; for the glory which
can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy and
keeping them united; for the interests of your family,
depending on an adherence to the principle that enthroned
it; for the safety and welfare of your kingdom and
dominions, threatened with unavoidable dangers, and
distresses; that your majesty, as the loving father of your
whole people, connected by the same bands of law, loyalty,
faith and blood, though dwelling in various countries, will
not suffer the transcendent relation, formed by these ties,
to be further violated, in uncertain expectation of effects
which, if attained, never can compensate for the calamities
through which they must be gained."
This petition was sent to Franklin, and the other colony agents, to be
presented by them to the king. They were instructed also to publish
both the Petition and the Address, in the newspapers, and to give them
as wide a circulation as possible.
Dr. Franklin, with two other agents, Arthur Lee and Mr. Bollan,
presented to Lord Dartmouth the petition to be handed by him to the
king. They were soon informed that the king received it graciously,
and would submit the consideration of it to Parliament. It was thought
not respectful to the king to publish it before he had presented it to
that body. But as usual, the infatuation of both king and court was
such, that everything that came from the Americans was treated with
neglect, if not with contempt. The all-important petition was buried
in a pile of documents upon all conceivable subjects, and not one
word was said to commend it to the consideration of either house. For
three days it remained unnoticed. Dr. Franklin, then, with his two
companions, solicited permission to be heard at the bar of the house.
Their request was refused. This brought the question into debate.
The House of Commons was at that time but a reflected image of the
House of Lords. It was composed almost exclusively, of the younger
sons of the nobles, and such other obsequious servants of the
aristocracy, as they, with their vast wealth and patronage, saw fit to
have elected. There was an immense Tory majority in the House. They
assailed the petition with vulgarity of abuse, which could scarcely be
exceeded; and then dismissed it from further consideration. Noble
lords made themselves merry in depicting the alacrity with which a
whole army of Americans would disperse at the very sound of a British
cannon.
While these disastrous events were taking place in England--events,
sure to usher in a cruel and bloody war, bearing on its wings terror
and conflagration, tears and blood, a domestic tragedy was taking
place in the far distant home of Franklin on the banks of the
Delaware. Mrs. Franklin had been separated from her husband for nearly
ten years. She was a cheerful, motherly woman, ever blessing her home
with smiles and with kindly words; and in the society of her daughter
and her grandchildren, she found a constant joy. The lapse of
three-score years and ten, had not brought their usual infirmities.
Though yearning intensely for the return of her husband, she did not
allow the separation seriously to mar her happiness. Every spring she
was confident that he would return the next autumn, and then bore her
disappointment bravely in the assurance that she should see him the
coming spring.
In December, 1774, she was suddenly stricken down by a paralytic
stroke. Five days of unconscious slumber passed away, when she fell
into that deep and dreamless sleep, which has no earthly waking. Her
funeral was attended by a large concourse of citizens, with every
testimonial of respect. Some of Franklin's oldest friends bore the
coffin to the churchyard, where the remains of the affectionate wife
and mother who had so nobly fulfilled life's duties, were placed by
the side of her father, her mother, and her infant son.
Feelingly does Mr. Parton write, "It is mournful to think that for so
many years, she should have been deprived of her husband's society.
The very qualities which made her so good a wife, rendered it
possible for him to remain absent from his affairs."
Franklin, all unconscious of the calamity which had darkened his home,
and weary of the conflict with the British court, was eagerly making
preparations to return to Philadelphia.
The aged, illustrious, eloquent Earl of Chatham, one of the noblest of
England's all grasping and ambitious sons, sought an interview with
Franklin. He utterly condemned the policy of the British cabinet. His
sympathies were, not only from principles of policy, but from
convictions of justice, cordially with the Americans. He felt sure
that unless the court should retrace its steps, war would ensue, and
American Independence would follow, and that England, with the loss of
her colonies, would find mercantile impoverishment and political
weakness. In the course of conversation, he implied that America might
be even then, contemplating independence. Franklin, in his account of
the interview writes,
"I assured him that having more than once traveled almost
from one end of the continent to the other, and kept a great
variety of company, eating, drinking and conversing with
them freely, I had never heard in any conversation from any
person, drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for a
separation, or a hint that such a thing would be
advantageous to America."
In a subsequent interview, the Earl of Chatham, alluding to the
conduct of Congress, in drawing up the petition and address, said,
"They have acted with so much temper, moderation and wisdom, that I
think it the most honorable assembly of statesmen since those of the
Greeks and Romans, of the most virtuous times."
In a subsequent interview, Dr. Franklin expressed, to the earl, his
apprehension that the continuance of the British army in Boston, which
was the source of constant irritation to the people, might eventually
lead to a quarrel, perhaps between a drunken porter and a soldier, and
that thus tumult and bloodshed might be introduced, leading to
consequences which no one could foresee.
Lord Chatham felt the force of these remarks, which soon received
their striking illustration, in what was called the Boston Massacre.
He therefore declared his intention of repairing to the House of
Lords, to introduce a resolve for the immediate withdrawal of the
troops from Boston. The tidings were soon noised abroad that the
eloquent earl, then probably the most illustrious man in England, was
to make a speech in favor of America. The eventful day arrived. The
hall was crowded. Dr. Franklin had a special invitation from the earl
to be present. The friends of America were there, few in numbers, and
the enemies in all their strength.
Lord Chatham made a speech, which in logical power and glowing
eloquence, has perhaps never been surpassed. Franklin had impressed
him with the conviction that the determination of the Americans to
defend their rights was such, that if, with fleet and army, the
government were to ravage all the coast and burn all the cities, the
Americans would retreat back into the forests, in the maintenance of
their liberty. Full of this idea, Lord Chatham exclaimed, with
prophetic power,
"We shall be forced ultimately to retract. Let us retract while we
can, not when we must. I say we must necessarily undo these violent
oppressive acts. You will repeal them. I pledge myself for it. I stake
my reputation on it. I will consent to be taken for an idiot, if they
are not finally repealed."
Franklin writes, "All availed no more than the whistling of the wind.
The motion was rejected. Sixteen Scotch peers and twenty-four bishops,
with all the lords in possession or expectation of places, when they
vote together unanimously for ministerial measures, as they generally
do, make a dead majority, that renders all debate ridiculous in
itself, since it can answer no end."
Though the speech produced no impression upon the obdurate House of
Lords, it had a very powerful effect upon the public mind. It was read
in America, in collegiate halls, in the work-shop and at the farmer's
fireside, with delight which cannot be described. A few days after the
speech, Dr. Franklin, writing to Lord Stanhope, said,
"Dr. Franklin is filled with admiration of that truly great
man. He has seen, in the course of life, sometimes eloquence
without wisdom, and often wisdom without eloquence; in the
present instance he sees both united, and both he thinks in
the highest degree possible."
Slowly the ministry were awaking to the conviction that American
affairs, if not settled, might yet cause them much trouble. In various
underhand ways, they approached Franklin. It was generally understood
that every man had his price; that the influence of one man could be
bought for a few hundred pounds; that another would require a
lucrative and honorable office. Though the reputation of Franklin was
such, that it was a delicate matter to approach him with bribes, still
some of them now commenced a course of flattery, endeavoring to secure
his coöperation. It was thought that his influence with his countrymen
was so great, that they would accede to any terms he should recommend.
Lord Howe called upon Franklin, and, in the name of Lord North and
Lord Dartmouth, the two most influential members of the ministry,
informed him that they sincerely sought reconciliation, and that they
were prepared to listen favorably, to any reasonable propositions he
might offer. Lord Howe was the friend of Franklin and of America.
These unexpected and joyful tidings affected Franklin so deeply, that
he could not conceal the tears which rolled down his cheeks.
Lord Howe then added that he was instructed to say, that the service
he would thus render both England and America, would be of priceless
value, and that though the ministers could not think of influencing
him by any selfish motives, he might expect, in return, _any reward
which it was in the power of government to bestow_. "This," said
Franklin, "was what the French vulgarly called _spitting in the
soup_."
But again there was a meeting of Parliament. Again it became evident
that the ministry would accede to no terms, which did not secure the
entire subjugation of America. Lord Chatham made a renewed attempt to
conciliate. His propositions were rejected with scorn. In the meantime
Dr. Franklin had presented some Hints, drawn up in the most liberal
spirit of compromise, but which still maintained the American
principle, that the colonists could not be taxed at the pleasure of
the court, without having any voice themselves in the amount which
they were to pay.
Soon after this, Mr. Barclay called upon Franklin in the name of the
government, and after a long, and to Franklin, disgusting diplomatic
harangue, ventured to say to him, that if he would only comply with
the wishes of the ministry, he might expect almost any reward he could
wish for. Even the imperturbable spirit of Franklin was roused. He
replied,
"The ministry, I am sure, would rather give me a place in a cart to
Tyburn, than any other place whatever. I sincerely wish to be
serviceable; and I need no other inducement that I might be so."
In another interview, which soon followed, it appeared that the
government refused to concede a single point which the Americans
deemed essential. They refused to withdraw the troops; refused to
allow the colonial governors to appoint the collectors of the customs;
persisted in building fortresses to hold the people in subjection; and
adhered to the claim of Parliament to legislate for the colonies.
Franklin said,
"While Parliament claims the power of altering our constitution at
pleasure, there can be no agreement. We are rendered unsafe in every
privilege, and are secure in nothing."
Mr. Barclay insolently replied, "It would be well for the Americans to
come to an agreement with the court of Great Britain. They ought not
to forget how easy a thing it will be for the British men-of-war to
lay all their seaport towns in ashes."
"I grew warm," writes Franklin; "said that the chief part of my
little property consisted of houses in those towns; that they might
make bon-fires of them whenever they pleased; that the fear of losing
them would never alter my resolution to resist to the last, such
claims of Parliament; and that it behoved this country to take care
what mischief it did us; for that sooner or later it would certainly
be obliged to make good all damages, with interest."
Still again these corrupt men, who are selling themselves and buying
others, approached Franklin with attempts to bribe him. "They could
not comprehend that any man could be above the reach of such
influences. It was contemplated sending Lord Howe to America as a
Commissioner. He applied to Franklin to go with him as friend,
assistant or secretary.
Lord Howe said to Franklin, that he could not think of undertaking
the mission without him; that if he effected any thing valuable, it
must be owing to the advice Franklin would afford him; and that he
should make no scruple of giving him the full honor of it. He assured
him that the ministry did not expect his assistance without a
proper consideration; that they wished to make generous and ample
appointments for those who aided them, and also would give them the
promise of subsequent more ample rewards.
"And," said he, with marked emphasis, "that the ministry may have an
opportunity of showing their good disposition toward yourself, will
you give me leave, Mr. Franklin, to procure for you, previously, some
mark of it; suppose the payment here, of the arrears of your salary as
agent for New England, which, I understand, they have stopped for some
time past."
It will be remembered that Lord Howe was sincerely the friend of
America, and that he anxiously desired to see friendly relations
restored. Franklin therefore restrained his displeasure, and
courteously replied,
"My Lord, I shall deem it a great honor to be, in any shape, joined
with your lordship in so good a work. But if you hope service from any
influence I may be supposed to have, drop all thoughts of procuring me
any previous favors from ministers. My accepting them would destroy
the very influence you propose to make use of. They would be
considered as so many bribes to betray the interests of my country.
Only let me see the propositions and I shall not hesitate for a
moment."
Repeated interviews ensued, between Franklin and both the friends and
the enemies of the Americans. There were interminable conferences. But
the court was implacable in its resolve, to maintain a supreme and
exclusive control over the colonies. Every hour of Franklin's time was
engrossed. Merchants and manufacturers, Tories and the opposition,
lords temporal, and lords spiritual, all called upon him with their
several plans. There were many Americans in London, including a large
number of Quakers. These crowded the apartment of Franklin. The
negotiations were terminated by a debate in the House of Lords, in
which the Americans were assailed in the vilest language of insult and
abuse which can be coined. Franklin was present. He writes,
"We were treated with the utmost contempt, as the lowest of
mankind, and almost of a different species from the English
of Britain. Particularly American honesty was abused by some
of the lords, who asserted that we were all knaves, and
wanted only, by this dispute, to avoid paying our debts."
Franklin returned to his home, with feelings of indignation, which
his calm spirit had rarely before experienced. He resolved no longer
to have any thing to do with the hostile governing powers of England.
He had loved the British empire. He felt proud of its renown, and that
America was but part and parcel of its greatness. But there was no
longer hope, that there could be any escape from the awful appeal to
arms. Though that measure would be fraught with inconceivable woes for
his countrymen, he was assured that they would never submit. They
would now march to independence though the path led through scenes of
conflagration, blood and unutterable woe. His experience placed him in
advance of all his countrymen.
Franklin immediately commenced packing his trunks. Astonishing, almost
incredible as it may appear, the evidence seems conclusive that
through all these trying scenes, Franklin was a cheerful, it is hardly
too strong a word to use, a _jovial_ man. It has been well said, that
to be angry is to punish one's self for the sins of another. Our
philosopher had no idea of making himself unhappy, because British
lords behaved like knaves. He continued to be one of the most
entertaining of companions. A cloudless sun seemed to shine wherever
he moved. He made witty speeches. He wrote the most amusing articles
for the journals, and the invariable gayety of his mind caused his
society to be eagerly sought for.
One evening he attended quite a brilliant party at a nobleman's house,
who was a friend to America. The conversation chanced to turn upon
Esop's fables. It was said that that mine of illustration was
exhausted. Franklin, after a moment's thought, remarked, that many new
fables could be invented, as instructive as any of those of Esop, Gay,
or La Fontaine. Can you think of one now, asked a lord. "I think so,"
said Franklin, "if you will furnish me with pencil and paper." He
immediately sat down, surrounded by the gay assembly, and wrote, as
rapidly as his pencil could move,
"THE EAGLE AND THE CAT."
"Once upon a time an eagle, scaling round a farmer's barn,
and espying a hare, darted down upon him like a sunbeam,
seized him in his claws, and remounted with him into the
air. He soon found that he had a creature of more courage
and strength than the hare; for which he had mistaken a cat.
The snarling and scrambling of his prey were very
inconvenient. And what was worse, she had disengaged herself
from his talons, grasped his body with her four limbs, so as
to stop his breath, and seized fast hold of his throat, with
her teeth.
"'Pray,' said the eagle, 'let go your hold, and I will
release you.'
"'Very fine,' said the cat. 'But I have no fancy to fall
from this height, and to be crushed to death. You have taken
me up, and you shall stoop and let me down.'
"The eagle thought it necessary to stoop accordingly."
This admirable fable was read to the company; and, as all were in
sympathy with America, it was received with great applause. Little,
however, did any of them then imagine, how invincible was the animal
the British government was about to clutch in its talons, supposing it
to be a defenseless hare.
Franklin spent his last day in London with Dr. Priestly. The Doctor
bears glowing testimony to his admirable character. Many thought Dr.
Franklin heartless, since, in view of all the horrors of a civil war,
his hilarity was never interrupted. Priestly, alluding to this charge
against Franklin, says, that they spent the day looking over the
American papers, and extracting from them passages to be published in
England. "In reading them," he writes, "Franklin was frequently not
able to proceed for the tears literally running down his cheeks." Upon
his departure, he surrendered his agency to Arthur Lee. It was the
21st of March, 1775, when Franklin embarked at Portsmouth, in a
Pennsylvania packet.
Franklin was apprehensive until the last moment, that he would not be
permitted to depart; that the court, which had repeatedly denounced
him as a traitor, would arrest him on some frivolous charge. On the
voyage he wrote a minute narrative of his diplomatic career, occupying
two hundred and fifty pages of foolscap. This important document was
given to his son William Franklin, who was daily becoming a more
inveterate Tory, endeavoring to ingratiate himself into favor with the
court, from which he had received the appointment of governor.
Franklin also sent a copy to Mr. Jefferson, perhaps apprehensive that
his son might not deal fairly with a document which so terribly
condemned the British government. The Governor subsequently published
the narrative. But there is reason to suppose that he suppressed those
passages, which revealed most clearly the atrocious conduct of the
British cabinet. Jefferson wrote some years later, alluding to this
document:
"I remember that Lord North's answers were dry, unyielding,
in the spirit of unconditional submission, and betrayed an
absolute indifference to the occurrence of a rupture. And he
said to the mediators distinctly, at last, that _a rebellion
was not to be deprecated on the part of Great Britain; that
the confiscations it would produce, would provide for many
of their friends_."
The idea that the feeble Americans, scattered along a coast more than
a thousand miles in extent, without a fortress, a vessel of war, or a
regiment of regular troops, could withstand the fleets and armies of
Great Britain, was never entertained for a moment. Indeed, as we now
contemplate the fearful odds, it causes one's heart to throb, and we
cannot but be amazed at the courage which our patriotic fathers
displayed.
It was a common boast in England, that one regiment of British
regulars could march from Boston to Charleston, and sweep all
opposition before them. A band of ten wolves can put a flock of ten
thousand sheep to flight. It was quite a pleasant thought, to the
haughty court, that one or two ships of war, and two or three
regiments could be sent across the Atlantic, seize and hang
Washington, Franklin, Adams, Jefferson, and others of our leading
patriots, and confiscate the property of hundreds of others, for the
enrichment of the favorites of the crown.
[Illustration]
"There will be no fighting;" these deluded men said, "it will be a
mere holiday excursion. The turbulent and foolhardy Americans will be
brought to their senses, and, like whipped spaniels, will fawn upon
the hand which has chastised them."
The voyage across the Atlantic occupied six weeks. In the evening
twilight of the 5th of May, the ship dropped anchor in the Delaware,
opposite Philadelphia. Franklin landed, and walked alone through the
darkened streets towards his home. It is difficult to imagine the
emotions with which his heart must have been agitated in that hour.
Ten years had elapsed since he left his home. In the meantime his wife
had reared another dwelling, in Market street, and there she had died.
He had left his daughter Sarah, a child of twelve years. He was to
find her a matron surrounded by her babes.
Cordially Franklin was welcomed home. The whole country resounded
with the praises he so richly merited. The morning after his arrival
he was unanimously chosen by the Assembly, then in session, as a
member of the Continental Congress, which was to meet on the 10th
of the month, in that city. Sixteen days before Franklin's arrival
the memorable conflicts of Lexington and Concord had taken place.
Probably never were men more astounded, than were the members of
the British cabinet, in learning that the British regulars had been
defeated, routed and put to precipitate flight by American farmers
with their fowling-pieces. In this heroic conflict, whose echoes
reverberated around the world, the Americans lost in killed and
wounded eighty-three. The British lost two hundred and seventy-three.
Franklin wrote to his friend Edmund Burke,
"Gen. Gage's troops made a most vigorous retreat--twenty
miles in three hours--scarce to be paralleled in history.
The feeble Americans, who pelted them all the way, could
scarce keep up with them."
On the 10th of May Congress met. There were still two parties, one in
favor of renewed attempts at conciliation, before drawing the sword
and throwing away the scabbard; the other felt that the powers of
conciliation were exhausted, and that nothing now remained, but the
arbitrament of war.
George Washington was chosen, by the Assembly, Commander-in-Chief of
the American forces. On the 17th of June the battle of Bunker Hill was
fought. Mr. John Dickinson trembled in view of his great wealth. His
wife entreated him to withdraw from the conflict. Piteously she urged
the considerations, that he would be hung, his wife left a widow, and
his children beggared and rendered infamous. He succeeded in passing a
resolution in favor of a second petition to the king, which he drew
up, and which the Tory Governor Richard Penn was to present. John
Adams, who was weary of having his country continue in the attitude of
a suppliant kneeling at the foot of the throne, opposed this petition,
as a "measure of imbecility."
One of the first acts of Congress was to organize a system for the
safe conveyance of letters, which could no longer be trusted in the
hands of the agents of the British Court. Franklin was appointed
Postmaster General. He had attained the age of sixty nine years.
Notwithstanding his gravity of character and his great wisdom, he had
unfortunately become an inveterate joker. He could not refrain from
inserting, even in his most serious and earnest documents, some
witticism, which men of the intensity of soul of John Adams and Thomas
Jefferson, felt to be out of place. Still the wisdom of his counsels
invariably commanded respect. Upon learning of the burning of
Charleston, he wrote to Dr. Priestly,[25]
"England has begun to burn our seaport towns, secure, I
suppose, that we shall never be able to return the outrage
in kind. She may, doubtless, destroy them all. But if she
wishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable
means? She must certainly be distracted; for no tradesman,
out of Bedlam, ever thought of increasing the number of his
customers by knocking them in the head; or of enabling them
to pay their debts by burning their houses."
[Footnote 25: "And here perhaps we have one of the reasons why Dr.
Franklin, who was universally confessed to be the ablest pen in
America, was not always asked to write the great documents of the
Revolution. He would have put a joke into the Declaration of
Independence, if it had fallen to him to write it. At this time he was
a humorist of fifty years standing, and had become fixed in the habit
of illustrating great truths by grotesque and familiar similes. His
jokes, the circulating medium of Congress, were as helpful to the
cause, as Jay's conscience or Adams' fire; they restored good humor,
and relieved the tedium of delay, but were out of place in formal,
exact and authoritative papers."--_Parton's Franklin_, Vol. 2. p. 85.]
One of Franklin's jokes, in Congress, is very characteristic of the
man. It was urged that the Episcopal clergy should be directed to
refrain from praying for the king. Franklin quenched the injudicious
movement with a witticism.
"The measure is quite unnecessary," said he. "The Episcopal clergy, to
my certain knowledge, have been constantly praying, these twenty
years, that 'God would give to the king and council wisdom.' And we
all know that not the least notice has been taken of that prayer. So
it's plain that those gentlemen have no interest in the court of
Heaven."
If we sow the wind we must reap the whirlwind. Terrible was the
mortification and mental suffering which Franklin endured from the
governor of New Jersey. He had lived down the prejudices connected
with his birth and had become an influential and popular man. He,
with increasing tenacity adhered to the British Government, and became
even the malignant opponent of the Americans. He pronounced the idea
of their successfully resisting the power of Great Britain, as utterly
absurd. His measures became so atrocious, as to excite the indignation
of the people of New Jersey. The Assembly finally arrested him and
sent him, under guard, to Burlington. As he continued contumacious and
menacing, Congress ordered him to be removed to Connecticut. The
Constitutional Gazette of July 13th, 1776, contains the following
allusion to this affair:
"Day before yesterday Governor Franklin, of New Jersey,
passed through Hartford, on his way to Governor Trumbull.
Mr. Franklin is a noted Tory and ministerial tool, and has
been exceedingly busy in perplexing the cause of liberty,
and in serving the designs of the British king and his
ministers.
"He is son to Dr. Benjamin Franklin, the genius of the day,
and the great patron of American liberty. If his excellency
escapes the vengeance of the people, due to the enormity of
his crimes, his redemption will flow, not from his personal
merit, but from the high esteem and veneration which the
country entertains for his honored father."
His family was left in deep affliction. Franklin sent them both
sympathy and money. The captive governor resided at Middletown on
parole. Here the infatuated man gathered around him a band of Tories,
many of whom were rich, and held convivial meetings exceedingly
exasperating, when British armies were threatening the people with
conflagration and carnage.
Inflamed with wine, these bacchanals sang treasonable songs, the whole
company joining in chorus, with uproar which drew large groups around
the house. The Tories professed utterly to despise the patriots, and
doubted not that their leaders would all soon be hung. One midnight
the governor, with his boon companions, having indulged in the wildest
of their orgies, sallied into the streets, with such uproar as to make
night hideous. The watch found it needful to interfere. The drunken
governor called one of them a damned villain and threatened to flog
him. A report of these proceedings was sent to Congress.
Soon after it was ascertained that he was an active agent for the
British ministry. He was then confined in Litchfield jail, and
deprived of pen, ink and paper. For two years he suffered this
well-merited imprisonment. Mrs. governor Franklin never saw her
husband again. Grief-stricken, she fell sick, and died in New York in
July, 1778.
After an imprisonment of two years and four months, William Franklin
was exchanged, and he took refuge within the British lines at New
York. He received a pension from the British government, lived
hilariously, and devoted his energies to a vigorous prosecution of the
war against his countrymen. Franklin felt deeply this defection of his
son. After the lapse of nine years he wrote,
"Nothing has ever affected me with such keen sensations, as
to find myself deserted in my old age by my only son; and
not only deserted but to find him taking up arms in a cause
wherein my good fame, fortune and life were at stake."[26]
[Footnote 26: Upon the overthrow of the royalist cause, Governor
Franklin with other Tories went to England. Government gave him
outright eighteen hundred pounds, and settled upon him a pension of
eight hundred pounds a year. After the lapse of ten years he sought
reconciliation with his father. He lived to the age of eighty-two and
died in London, in 1813.]