_IN PERILS ON THE SEA._
"And when it was determined that we should sail for Italy, they
delivered Paul and certain other prisoners to a centurion named
Julius, of the Augustan band. And embarking in a ship of
Adramyttium, which was about to sail unto the places on the coast
of Asia, we put to sea, Aristarchus, a Macedonian of
Thessalonica, being with us. And the next day we touched at
Sidon: and Julius treated Paul kindly, and gave him leave to go
unto his friends and refresh himself."--ACTS xxvii. 1-3.
"And when we entered into Rome, Paul was suffered to abide by
himself with the soldier that guarded him."--ACTS xxviii. 16.
This chapter terminates our survey of the Acts of the Apostles, and
leads us at the same time to contemplate the Apostle of the Gentiles
in a new light as a traveller and as a prisoner, in both which aspects
he has much to teach us. When St. Paul was despatched to the
judgment-seat of Cæsar from the port of Cæsarea, he had arrived at the
middle of his long captivity. Broadly speaking he was five years a
prisoner from the day of his arrest at Jerusalem till his release by
the decision of Nero. He was a prisoner for more than two years when
Festus sent him to Rome, and then at Rome he spent two more years in
captivity, while his voyage occupied fully six months. Let us now
first of all look at that captivity, and strive to discover those
purposes of good therein which God hides amidst all his dispensations
and chastisements.
We do not always realise what a length of time was consumed in the
imprisonments of St. Paul. He must have spent from the middle of 58 to
the beginning of 63 as a prisoner cut off from many of those various
activities in which he had previously laboured so profitably for God's
cause. That must have seemed to himself and to many others a terrible
loss to the gospel; and yet now, as we look back from our
vantage-point, we can see many reasons why the guidance of his
heavenly Father may have led directly to this imprisonment, which
proved exceedingly useful for himself and his own soul's health, for
the past guidance and for the perpetual edification of the Church of
Christ. There is a text in Ephesians iv. 1 which throws some light on
this incident. In that Epistle, written when St. Paul was a captive at
Rome, he describes himself thus, "I therefore the prisoner _in_ the
Lord," or "the prisoner _of_ the Lord," as the Authorised Version puts
it. These words occur as the beginning of the Epistle for the
Seventeenth Sunday after Trinity. Now there is often a marvellous
amount of spiritual wisdom and instruction to be gained from a
comparison between the epistles and gospels and the collects for each
Sunday. All my readers may not agree in the whole theological system
which underlies the Prayer Book, but every one will acknowledge that
its services and their construction are the result of rich and varied
spiritual experiences extending over a period of more than a thousand
years. The mere contrast of an epistle and of a collect will often
suggest thoughts deep and searching. So it is with this text, "I
therefore the prisoner in the Lord." It is preceded by the brief pithy
prayer, "Lord, we pray Thee that Thy grace may always prevent and
follow us, and make us continually to be given to all good works,
through Jesus Christ our Lord." The words of St. Paul to the Ephesians
speaking of himself as the prisoner of God and in God suggested
immediately the idea of God's grace surrounding, shaping, constraining
to His service every external circumstance; and thus led to the
formation of the collect which in fact prays that we may realise
ourselves as so completely God's as, like the Apostle, continually to
be given to all good works. St. Paul realised himself as so prevented,
using that word in its ancient sense, preceded and followed by God's
grace, guarded before and behind by it, that he looked beyond the
things seen, and discarding all secondary agents and all lower
instruments, he viewed his imprisonment as God's own immediate work.
I. Let us then see in what way we may regard St. Paul's imprisonment
as an arrangement and outcome of Divine love. Take, for instance, St.
Paul in his own personal life. This period of imprisonment, of
enforced rest and retirement, may have been absolutely necessary for
him. St. Paul had spent many a long and busy year building up the
spiritual life of others, founding churches, teaching converts,
preaching, debating, struggling, suffering. His life had been one of
intense spiritual, intellectual, bodily activity on behalf of others.
But no one can be engaged in intense activity without wasting some of
the spiritual life and force necessary for himself. Religious work,
the most direct spiritual activity, visiting the sick, or preaching
the gospel, or celebrating the sacraments, make a tremendous call upon
our devotional powers and directly tend to lower our spiritual
vitality, unless we seek abundant and frequent renewal thereof at the
source of all spiritual vitality and life. Now God by this long
imprisonment took St. Paul aside once again, as He had taken him
aside twenty years before, amid the rocks of Sinai. God laid hold of
him in his career of external business, as He laid hold of Moses in
the court of Pharaoh, leading him into the wilderness of Midian for
forty long years. God made St. Paul His prisoner that, having laboured
for others, and having tended diligently their spiritual vineyard, he
might now watch over and tend his own for a time. And the wondrous
manner in which he profited by his imprisonment is manifest from this
very Epistle to the Ephesians, in which he describes himself as God's
prisoner--not, be it observed, the prisoner of the Jews, or of the
Romans, or of Cæsar, but as the prisoner of God--dealing in the
profoundest manner, as that Epistle does, with the greatest mysteries
of the Christian faith. St. Paul had an opportunity during those four
or five years, such as he never had before, of realising; digesting,
and assimilating in all their fulness the doctrines he had so long
proclaimed to others, and was thus enabled out of the depth of his own
personal experience to preach what he felt and knew to be true, the
only kind of teaching which will ever be worth anything.
Again, St. Paul designates himself the prisoner of the Lord because of
the benefits his imprisonment conferred upon the Church of Christ in
various ways. Take his imprisonment at Cæsarea alone. We are not
expressly told anything about his labours during that time. But
knowing St. Paul's intense energy we may be sure that the whole local
Christian community established in that important centre whence the
gospel could diffuse itself as far as the extremest west on the one
side and the extremest east on the other, was permeated by his
teaching and vitalised by his example. He was allowed great freedom,
as the Acts declares. Felix "gave orders to the centurion that he
should be kept in charge, and should have indulgence; and not to
forbid any of his friends to minister unto him." If we take the
various centurions to whom he was intrusted, we may be sure that St.
Paul must have omitted no opportunity of leading them to Christ. St.
Paul seems to have known how to make his way to the hearts of Roman
soldiers, as his subsequent treatment by Julius the centurion shows,
and that permission of the governor would be liberally interpreted
when deputies from distant churches sought his presence. Messengers
from the various missions he had founded must have had recourse to
Cæsarea during those two years spent there, and thence too was
doubtless despatched many a missive of advice and exhortation. At
Cæsarea, too, may then have been written the Gospel of St. Luke. Lewin
(vol. i., p. 221), indeed, places its composition at Philippi, where
St. Luke laboured for several years prior to St. Paul's visit in 57
A.D. after leaving Ephesus; and he gives as his reason for this
conclusion that St. Paul called St. Luke in 2 Cor. viii. 18, written
about that time, "the brother whose praise is in the Gospel,"
referring to his Gospel then lately published.[252] I think the
suggestion much more likely that St. Luke took advantage of this
pause in St. Paul's activity to write his Gospel at Cæsarea when he
had not merely the assistance of the Apostle himself, but of Philip
the deacon, and was within easy reach of St. James and the Jerusalem
Church. St. Luke's Gospel bears evident traces of St. Paul's ideas and
doctrine, was declared by Irenæus (_Hær._, iii. 1) to have been
composed under his direction,[253] and may with much probability be
regarded as one of the blessed results flowing forth from St. Paul's
detention as Christ's prisoner given by Him in charge to the Roman
governor.
[252] This involves, however, the supposition that St. Luke's
narrative had then obtained its more modern name of "the Gospel,"
which is in my opinion an anachronism. In the earliest writings
which refer to apostolic narratives they are simply called the
writings or memoirs or commentaries of the apostles, as in
Aristides, c. xvi., and Justin Martyr, _Apol._, i. 67. In
Aristides there is one passage in ch. ii. where the word gospel is
used, but not in the sense of a special title for a book: "This is
taught from that Gospel which a little while ago was spoken among
them as being preached; wherein if ye also will read, ye will
comprehend the power that is upon it." Irenæus, III. xi. 7, 8, is
the earliest I can now recall who uses the word gospel in this
technical sense. He speaks there of the Gospel of St. Matthew,
etc. But this was in the last quarter of the second century. In
the year 57, when Second Corinthians was written, the word gospel
was applied to the whole body of revealed truth held by the
Church, and not to a book.
[253] Iren., iii. 1: "Luke, also the companion of Paul, recorded
in a book the gospel preached by him." With respect to the
relation between St. Paul and St. Luke, see also Iren., iii.,
xiv., xv.
The Apostle's Roman imprisonment again was most profitable to the
Church of the imperial capital. The Church of Rome had been founded by
the efforts of individuals. Private Christians did the work, not
apostles or eminent evangelists. St. Paul came to it first of all as a
prisoner, and found it a flourishing church. And yet he benefited and
blessed it greatly. He could not, indeed, preach to crowded audiences
in synagogues or porticoes as he had done elsewhere. But he blessed
the Church of Rome most chiefly by his individual efforts. This man
came to him into his own hired house, and that man followed him
attracted by the magnetic influence he seemed to bear about. The
soldiers appointed as his keepers were told the story of the Cross and
the glad tidings of the resurrection life, and these individual
efforts were fruitful in vast results, so that even into the household
and palace of the Cæsars did this patient, quiet, evangelistic work
extend its influence.[254] Nowhere else, in fact, not even in Corinth,
where St. Paul spent two whole years openly teaching without any
serious interruption; not even in Ephesus, where he laboured so long
that all who dwelt in Asia heard the word; nowhere else, was the
Apostle's ministry so effective as here in Rome, where the prisoner of
the Lord was confined to individual effort and completely laid aside
from more public and enlarged activity. It was with St. Paul as it is
with God's messengers still. It is not eloquent or excited public
efforts, or platform addresses, or public debates, or clever books
that are most fruitful in spiritual results. Nay, it is often the
quiet individual efforts of private Christians, the testimony of a
patient sufferer perhaps, the witness all-powerful with men, of a life
transformed through and through by Christian principle, and lived in
the perpetual sunshine of God's reconciled countenance. These are the
testimonies that speak most effectually for God, most directly to
souls.
[254] The subject of Christianity and the household of Cæsarea
would form an interesting subject of inquiry did only space
permit. I have, however, the less hesitation in passing it over
because it has been exhaustively discussed by Bishop Lightfoot in
the following places, to which I must refer my readers:
_Philippians_, Introduction pp. 1-28, and in dissertations on, pp.
97-102 and 169-76. This is also the subject of an elaborate
monograph by Professor Harnack in the _Princeton Review_ for July
1878, entitled "Christians and Rome," with which should be
compared Schürer's _Geschichte des Jüdischen Volkes_, ii. 506-512,
and a treatise published by him _Die Gemeindeverfassung der Juden
in Rom._, Leipzig 1879.
Lastly, St. Paul's imprisonment blessed the Church of every age, and
through it blessed mankind at large far more than his liberty and his
external activity could have done in one other direction. Is it not a
contradiction in terms to say that the imprisonment of this courageous
leader, this eloquent preacher, this keen, subtle debater should have
been more profitable to the Church than the exercise of his external
freedom and liberty, when all these dormant powers would have found
ample scope for their complete manifestation? And yet if Christ had
not laid His arresting hand upon the active, external labour in which
St. Paul had been absorbed, if Christ had not cast the busy Apostle
into the Roman prison-house, the Church of all future time would have
been deprived of those masterly expositions of Christian truth which
she now enjoys in the various Epistles of the Captivity, and specially
in those addressed to the churches of Ephesus, Philippi, and Colossæ.
We have now noted some of the blessings resulting from St. Paul's five
years' captivity, and indicated a line of thought which may be applied
to the whole narrative contained in the two chapters with which we are
dealing. St. Paul was a captive, and that captivity gave him access at
Cæsarea to various classes of society, to the soldiers, and to all
that immense crowd of officials connected with the seat of government,
quæstors, tribunes, assessors, apparitors, scribes, advocates. His
captivity then led him on board ship, and brought him into contact
with the sailors and with a number of passengers drawn from diverse
lands. A storm came on, and then the Apostle's self-possession, his
calm Christian courage, when every one else was panic-stricken, gave
him influence over the motley crowd. The waves flung the ship of
Alexandria in which he was travelling upon Malta, and his stay there
during the tempestuous winter months became the basis of the
conversion of its inhabitants. Everywhere in St. Paul's life and
course at this season we can trace the outcome of Divine love, the
power of Divine providence shaping God's servant for His own purposes,
restraining man's wrath when it waxed too fierce, and causing the
remainder of that wrath to praise Him by its blessed results.
II. Let us now gather up into a brief narrative the story contained in
these two chapters, so that we may gain a bird's eye view over the
whole. Festus entered upon his provincial rule about June A.D. 60.
According to Roman law the outgoing governor, of whatever kind he was,
had to await his successor's arrival and hand over the reins of
government--a very natural and proper rule which all civilised
governments observe. We have no idea how vast the apparatus of
provincial, or, as we should say, colonial government among the Romans
was, and how minute their regulations were, till we take up one of
those helps which German scholars have furnished towards the knowledge
of antiquity, as, for instance, Mommsen's _Roman Provinces_, which can
be read in English, or Marquardt's _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, vol.
i., which can be studied either in German or French.[255] The very
city where first the new governor was to appear and the method of
fulfilling his duties as the Judge of Assize were minutely laid down
and duly followed a well-established routine. We find these things
indicated in the case of Festus. He arrived at Cæsarea. He waited
three days till his predecessor had left for Rome, and then he
ascended to Jerusalem to make the acquaintance of that very
troublesome and very influential city. Felix then returned to Cæsarea
after ten days spent in gaining an intimate knowledge of the various
points of a city which often before had been the centre of rebellion,
and where he might at any moment be called upon to act with sternness
and decision. He at once heard St. Paul's cause as the Jews had
demanded, brought him a second time before Agrippa, and then in virtue
of his appeal to Cæsar despatched him to Rome in care of a centurion
and a small band of soldiers, a large guard not being necessary, as
the prisoners were not ordinary criminals, but for the most part men
of some position, Roman citizens, doubtless, who had, like the
Apostle, appealed unto the judgment of Cæsar.[256] St. Paul embarked,
accompanied by Luke and Aristarchus, as the ship, being an ordinary
trading vessel, contained not only prisoners, but also passengers as
well. We do not intend to enter upon the details of St. Paul's voyage,
because that lies beyond our range, and also because it has been
thoroughly done in the various _Lives_ of the Apostle, and above all
in the exhaustive work of Mr. James Smith of Jordanhills. He has
devoted a volume to this one topic, has explored every source of
knowledge, has entered into discussions touching the build and rigging
of ancient ships and the direction of Mediterranean winds, has
minutely investigated the scenery and history of such places as Malta
where the Apostle was wrecked, and has illustrated the whole with
beautiful plates and carefully drawn maps. That work has gone through
four editions at least, and deserves a place in every man's library
who wishes to understand the life and labours of St. Paul or study the
Acts of the Apostles. We may, however, without trenching on Mr.
Smith's field, indicate the outline of the route followed by the holy
travellers. They embarked at Cæsarea under the care of a centurion of
the Augustan cohort, or regiment, as we should say, whose name was
Julius.[257] They took their passage at first in a ship of
Adramyttium, which was probably sailing from Cæsarea to lie up for the
winter. Adramyttium was a seaport situated up in the north-west of
Asia Minor near Troas, and the Sea of Marmora, or, to put it in modern
language, near Constantinople. The ship was, in fact, about to travel
over exactly the same ground as St. Paul himself had traversed more
than two years before when he proceeded from Troas to Jerusalem.
Surely, some one may say, this was not the direct route to Rome! But
then we must throw ourselves back into the circumstances of the
period. There was then no regular transport service. People, even the
most exalted, had to avail themselves of whatever means of
communication chance offered. Cicero, when chief governor of Asia,
had, as we have already noted, to travel part of the way from Rome in
undecked vessels, while ten years later than St. Paul's voyage the
Emperor Vespasian himself, the greatest potentate in the world, had
no trireme or warship waiting upon him, but when he wished to proceed
from Palestine to Rome at the time of the great siege of Jerusalem was
obliged to take a passage in an ordinary merchant vessel or corn
ship.[258] It is no wonder, then, that the prisoners were put on board
a coasting vessel of Asia, the centurion knowing right well that in
sailing along by the various ports which studded the shore of that
province they would find some other vessel into which they could be
transferred. And this expectation was realised. The centurion and his
prisoners sailed first of all to Sidon, where St. Paul found a
Christian Church. This circumstance illustrates again the quiet and
steady growth of the gospel kingdom, and also gave Julius an
opportunity of exhibiting his kindly feelings towards the Apostle by
permitting him to go and visit the brethren. In fact, we would
conclude from this circumstance that St. Paul had already begun to
establish an influence over the mind of Julius which must have
culminated in his conversion. Here, at Sidon, he permits him to visit
his Christian friends; a short time after his regard for Paul leads
him to restrain his troops from executing the merciless purposes their
Roman discipline had taught them and slaying all the prisoners lest
they should escape; and yet once again when the prisoners land on
Italian soil and stand beside the charming scenery of the Bay of
Naples he permits the Apostle to spend a week with the Christians of
Puteoli. After this brief visit to the Sidonian Church, the vessel
bearing the Apostle pursues its way by Cyprus to the port of Myra at
the south-western corner of Asia Minor, a neighbourhood which St.
Paul knew right well and had often visited. It was there at Patara
close at hand that he had embarked on board the vessel which carried
him two years before to Palestine, and it was there too at Perga of
Pamphylia that he had first landed on the shores of the Asiatic
province seeking to gather its teeming millions into the fold of Jesus
Christ. Here at Myra the centurion realised his expectations, and
finding an Alexandrian transport sailing to Italy he put the prisoners
on board. From Myra they seem to have sailed at once, and from the day
they left it their misfortunes began. The wind was contrary, blowing
from the west, and to make any way they had to sail to the island
Cnidus, which lay north-west of Myra. After a time, when the wind
became favourable, they sailed south-west till they reached the island
of Crete, which lay half-way between Greece and Asia Minor. They then
proceeded along the southern coast of this island till they were
struck by a sudden wind coming from the north-east, which drove them
first to the neighbouring island of Clauda, and then, after a
fortnight's drifting through a tempestuous sea, hurled the ship upon
the shores of Malta. The wreck took place towards the close of October
or early in November, and the whole party were obliged to remain in
Malta till the spring season permitted the opening of navigation.
During his stay in Malta St. Paul performed several miracles. With his
intensely practical and helpful nature the Apostle flung himself into
the work of common life, as soon as the shipwrecked party had got safe
to land. He always did so. He never despised, like some religious
fanatics, the duties of this world. On board the ship he had been the
most useful adviser to the whole party. He had exhorted the captain of
the ship not to leave a good haven; he had stirred up the soldiers to
prevent the sailors' escape; he had urged them all alike, crew and
passengers and soldiers, to take food, foreseeing the terrible
struggle they would have to make when the ship broke up. He was the
most practical adviser his companions could possibly have had, and he
was their wisest and most religious adviser too. His words on board
ship teem with lessons for ourselves, as well as for his
fellow-passengers. He trusted in God, and received special revelations
from heaven, but he did not therefore neglect every necessary human
precaution. The will of God was revealed to him that he had been given
all the souls that sailed with him, and the angel of God cheered and
comforted him in that storm-driven vessel in Adria, as often before
when howling mobs thirsted like evening wolves for his blood. But the
knowledge of God's purposes did not cause his exertions to relax. He
knew that God's promises are conditional upon man's exertions, and
therefore he urged his companions to be fellow-workers with God in the
matter of their own salvation from impending death. And as it was on
board the ship, so was it on the shore. The rain was descending in
torrents, and the drenched passengers were shivering in the cold. St.
Paul shows the example, so contagious in a crowd, of a man who had his
wits about him, knew what to do, and would do it. He gathered
therefore a bundle of sticks, and helped to raise a larger fire in the
house which had received him. A man is marvellously helpful among a
cowering and panic-stricken crowd which has just escaped death who
will rouse them to some practical efforts for themselves, and will
lead the way as the Apostle did on this occasion. And his action
brought its own reward. He had gained influence over the passengers,
soldiers, and crew by his practical helpfulness. He was now to gain
influence over the barbarian islanders in exactly the same way. A
viper issued from the fire and fastened on his hand. The natives
expected to see him fall down dead; but after looking awhile and
perceiving no change, they concluded him to be a god who had come to
visit them. This report soon spread. The chief man therefore of the
island sought out St. Paul and entertained him. His father was sick of
dysentery and the Apostle healed him, using prayer and the imposition
of hands as the outward symbols and means of the cure, which spread
his fame still farther and led to other miraculous cures. Three months
thus passed away. No distinct missionary work is indeed recorded by
St. Luke, but this is his usual custom in writing his narrative. He
supposes that Theophilus, his friend and correspondent, will
understand that the Apostle ever kept the great end of his life in
view, never omitting to teach Christ and Him crucified to the
perishing multitudes where his lot was cast. But St. Luke was not one
of those who are always attempting to chronicle spiritual successes or
to tabulate the number of souls led to Christ. He left that to another
day and to a better and more infallible judge. In three months' time,
when February's days grew longer and milder winds began to blow, the
rescued travellers joined a corn ship of Alexandria which had wintered
in the island, and all set forward towards Rome. They touched at
Syracuse in Sicily, sailed thence to Rhegium, passing through the
Straits of Messina, whence, a favourable south wind springing up, and
the vessel running before it at the rate of seven knots an hour, the
usual speed for ancient vessels under such circumstances, they arrived
at Puteoli, one hundred and eighty-two miles distant from Rhegium, in
the course of some thirty hours. At Puteoli the sea voyage ended. It
may at first seem strange to us with our modern notions that St. Paul
was allowed to tarry at Puteoli with the local Christian Church for
seven days. But then we must remember that St. Paul and the centurion
did not live in the days of telegraphs and railway trains. There was
doubtless a guard-room, barrack or prison in which the prisoners could
be accommodated. The centurion and guard were weary after a long and
dangerous journey, and they would be glad of a brief period of repose
before they set out again towards the capital. This hypothesis alone
would be quite sufficient to account for the indulgence granted to St.
Paul, even supposing that his Christian teaching had made no
impression on the centurion. The Church existing then at Puteoli is
another instance of that quiet diffusion of the gospel which was going
on all over the world without any noise or boasting. We have
frequently called attention to this, as at Tyre, Ptolemais, Sidon, and
here again we find a little company of saintly men and women gathered
out of the world and living the ideal life of purity and faith beside
the waters of the Bay of Naples. And yet it is quite natural that we
should find them at Puteoli, because it was one of the great ports
which received the corn ships of Alexandria and the merchantmen of
Cæsarea and Antioch into her harbour, and in these ships many a
Christian came bringing the seed of eternal life which he diligently
sowed as he travelled along the journey of life. In fact, seeing that
the Church of Rome had sprung up and flourished so abundantly, taking
its origin not from any apostle's teaching, but simply from such
sporadic effects, we cannot wonder that Puteoli, which lay right on
the road from the East to Rome, should also have gained a
blessing.[259] A circumstance, however, has come to light within the
last thirty years which does surprise us concerning this same
neighbourhood, showing how extensively the gospel had permeated and
honeycombed the country parts of Italy within the lifetime of the
first apostles and disciples of Jesus Christ. Puteoli was a trading
town, and Jews congregated in such places, and trade lends an element
of seriousness to life which prepares a ground fitted for the good
seed of the kingdom. But pleasure pure and unmitigated and a life
devoted to its pursuit does not prepare such a soil. Puteoli was a
trading city, but Pompeii was a pleasure-loving city thinking of
nothing else, and where sin and iniquity consequently abounded. Yet
Christianity had made its way into Pompeii in the lifetime of the
apostles. How then do we know this? This is one of the results of
modern archæological investigations and of epigraphical research, two
great sources of new light upon early Christian history which have
been only of late years duly appreciated. Pompeii, as every person of
moderate education knows, was totally overthrown by the first great
eruption of Mount Vesuvius in the year 79 A.D. It is a curious
circumstance that contemporaneous authors make but the very slightest
and most dubious references to that destruction, though one would
have thought that the literature of the time would have rung with it;
proving conclusively, if proof be needed, how little the argument from
silence is worth, when the great writers who tell minutely about the
intrigues and vices of emperors and statesmen of Rome do not bestow a
single chapter upon the catastrophe which overtook two whole cities of
Italy.[260] These cities remained for seventeen hundred years
concealed from human sight or knowledge till revealed in the year 1755
by excavations systematically pursued. All the inscriptions found
therein were undoubtedly and necessarily the work of persons who lived
before A.D. 79 and then perished. Now at the time that Pompeii was
destroyed there was a municipal election going on, and there were
found on the walls numerous inscriptions formed with charcoal which
were the substitutes then used for the literature and placards with
which every election decorates our walls. Among these inscriptions of
mere passing and transitory interest, there was one found which
illustrates the point at which we have been labouring, for there, amid
the election notices of 79 A.D., there appeared scribbled by some idle
hand the brief words, "Igni gaude, Christiane" ("O Christian, rejoice
in the fire"), proving clearly that Christians existed in Pompeii at
that time, that they were known as Christians and not under any other
appellation, that persecution and death had reached them, and that
they possessed and displayed the same undaunted spirit as their great
leader and teacher St. Paul, being enabled like him to rejoice even
amid the sevenfold-heated fires, and in view of the resurrection life
to lift the victorious pæan, "Thanks be to God, which giveth us the
victory through our Lord Jesus Christ."[261]
[255] The governors brought with them regular bodies of assessors,
who assisted them like a privy council. There is a reference to
this council in Acts xxv. 12 and xxvi. 30. These councils served
as training schools in law and statesmanship for the young Roman
nobility. See Marquardt, _l.c._, p. 391.
[256] Roman citizens had the right of appeal no matter where they
were born or of what race they came or how humble their lot in
life. Mere provincials devoid of citizenship, no matter how
distinguished their position, had not that right.
[257] Julius is one of those unknown characters of Scripture about
whom we would desire more information. He is described as a
centurion of the Augustan band, which was the imperial guard, and
was always stationed at Rome. Julius may possibly have been an
officer of this guard sent out with Festus and now returning back
to his duties.
[258] See Josephus, _Wars_, VII. ii. 1. It was exactly the same
with Titus, Vespasian's son, after the war ended. He travelled
from Alexandria to Italy in a trading vessel. Suet., _Tit._, c. 5.
[259] The accuracy of the Acts in representing Puteoli as the seat
of an early church has been amply illustrated by modern
investigations. Judaism was flourishing there from the earliest
times. In the year 4 B.C. a colony of wealthy Jews was established
at Puteoli (Josephus, _Wars_, II. vii. 1). An inscription has been
found there commemorating a Jewish merchant of Ascalon named Herod
(Schürer's _Jüdisch. Volk._, I. 234).
[260] This point is elaborated by Mr. Cazenove in an article on
the Theban Legion contained in the _Dictionary of Christian
Biography_, iii. 642.
[261] This interesting inscription will be found in Mommsen,
_Corpus of Latin Inscriptions_, vol. iv., No. 679. I described it
in the _Contemporary Review_ for January 1881, p. 97, in an
article on Latin Christian Inscriptions. This inscription fully
bears out Lord Lytton in the picture he gives of the introduction
of Christianity into the neighbourhood of Vesuvius and Naples in
his _Last Days of Pompeii_.
After the week's rest at Puteoli the centurion marched towards Rome.
The Roman congregation had received notice of St. Paul's arrival by
this time, and so the brethren despatched a deputation to meet an
apostle with whom they were already well acquainted through the
epistle he had sent them, as well as through the reports of various
private Christians like Phœbe, the deaconness of Cenchreæ.[262] Two
deputations from the Roman Church met him, one at Appii Forum, about
thirty miles, another at the Three Taverns, about twenty miles, from
the city. How wonderfully the heart of the Apostle must have been
cheered by these kindly Christian attentions! We have before noticed
in the cases of his Athenian sojourn and elsewhere how keenly alive he
was to the offices of Christian friendship, how cheered and
strengthened he was by Christian companionship. It was now the same
once again as it was then. Support and sympathy were now more needed
than ever before, for St. Paul was going up to Rome not knowing what
should happen to him there or what should be his sentence at the hands
of that emperor whose cruel character was now famous. And as it was
at Athens and at Corinth and elsewhere, so was it here on the Appian
Way and amid the depressing surroundings and unhealthy atmosphere of
those Pomptine Marshes through which he was passing; "when Paul saw
the brethren, he thanked God, and took courage." And now the whole
company of primitive Christians proceeded together to Rome, allowed
doubtless by the courtesy and thoughtfulness of Julius ample
opportunities of private conversation. Having arrived at the imperial
city, the centurion hastened to present himself and his charge to the
captain of the prætorian guard, whose duty it was to receive prisoners
consigned to the judgment of the Emperor. Upon the favourable report
of Julius, St. Paul was not detained in custody, but suffered to dwell
in his own hired lodgings, where he established a mission station
whence he laboured most effectively both amongst Jews and Gentiles
during two whole years. St. Paul began his work at Rome exactly as he
did everywhere else. He called together the chief of the Jews, and
through them strove to gain a lodgment in the synagogue. He began work
at once. After three days, as soon as he had recovered from the
fatigue of the rapid march along the Appian Way, he sent for the
chiefs of the Roman Synagogues which were very numerous.[263] How, it
may be thought, could an unknown Jew entering Rome venture to summon
the heads of the Jewish community, many of them men of wealth and
position? But, then, we must remember that St. Paul was no ordinary
Jew from the point of view taken by Roman society. He had arrived in
Rome a state prisoner, and he was a Roman citizen of Jewish birth, and
this at once gave him position entitling him to a certain amount of
consideration. St. Paul told his story to these chief men of the Jews,
the local Sanhedrin perhaps, recounted the bad treatment he had
received at the hands of the Jews of Jerusalem, and indicated the
character of his teaching which he wished to expound to them. "For
this cause therefore did I entreat you to see and speak with me: for
because of the hope of Israel I am bound with this chain," emphasizing
the Hope of Israel, or their Messianic expectation, as the cause of
his imprisonment, exactly as he had done some months before when
pleading before King Agrippa (ch. xxvi. 6, 7, 22, 23). Having thus
briefly indicated his desires, the Jewish council intimated that no
communication had been made to them from Jerusalem about St. Paul. It
may have been that his lengthened imprisonment at Cæsarea had caused
the Sanhedrin to relax their vigilance, though we see that their
hostility still continued as bitter as ever when Festus arrived in
Jerusalem and afterwards led to St. Paul's appeal; or perhaps they had
not had time to forward a communication from the Jerusalem Sanhedrin
to the Jewish authorities at Rome; or perhaps, which is the most
likely of all, they thought it useless to prosecute their suit before
Nero, who would scoff at the real charges which dealt merely with
questions of Jewish customs, and which imperial lawyers therefore
would regard as utterly unworthy the imprisonment or death of a Roman
citizen. At any rate the Jewish council gave him a hearing, when St.
Paul followed exactly the same lines as in the synagogue at Antioch of
Pisidia and in his speech before Agrippa. He pointed out the gradual
development of God's purposes in the law and the prophets, showing how
they had been all fulfilled in Jesus Christ. It was with the Jews at
Rome as with the Jews elsewhere. Some believed and some believed not
as Paul preached unto them. The meeting was much more one for
discussion than for addresses. From morning till evening the
disputation continued, till at last the Apostle dismissed them with
the stern words of the Prophet Isaiah, taken from the sixth chapter of
his prophecy, where he depicts the hopeless state of those who
obstinately close their ears to the voice of conviction. But the Jews
of Rome do not seem to have been like those of Thessalonica, Ephesus,
Corinth, and Jerusalem in one respect. They did not actively oppose
St. Paul or attempt to silence him by violent means, for the last
glimpse we get of the Apostle in St. Luke's narrative is this: "He
abode two whole years in his own hired dwelling, and received all that
went in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching the
things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness, none
forbidding him."[264]
[262] Romans xvi. is a sufficient witness of the intimate
knowledge of the Roman Church and its membership possessed by St.
Paul. We may be sure that many mentioned in that catalogue written
three or four years before found a place in the two deputations
who went to meet St. Paul.
[263] See for proof of this Harnack's article in the _Princeton
Review_, quoted above.
[264] The various biographies of the Apostle, and specially that
of Conybeare & Howson, follow the Apostle's history in great
detail during these two years; but the story of that period more
properly falls under the consideration of the writers upon the
Epistles of the Captivity than of one dealing with the Acts of the
Apostles. If I were to discuss St. Paul's life at Rome I should
have simply to borrow all my details from these Epistles. The
abruptness of St. Luke's termination of his narrative is very
noteworthy, and the best proof of the early date of the Acts. I do
not think I need add anything to Dr. Salmon's argument on this
point contained in the following words, which I take from chap.
xviii. of his _Introduction_: "To my mind the simplest explanation
why St. Luke has told us no more is, that he knew no more; and
that he knew no more, because at the time nothing more had
happened--in other words, that the book of the Acts was written a
little more than two years after Paul's arrival in Rome."
INDEX.
Abbott, Dr., _Biblical Essays_, 12, 43.
Abgar, King, 53.
Achaia, Province of, 326.
Achilles Tatius, 367.
Acoimetæ, or Watching Monks, 176.
_Acta Sanctorum_, 56, 141, 200, 213, 247.
Æneas, 97.
Agabus, the prophet, 162, 426, 434.
Agape, 399, 400.
Agrippa II., 432, 448.
Alabarch, 81, 153.
Alexander, the Coppersmith, 378.
Amen, Eucharistic, 396.
Ammianus Marcellinus, 152.
Ananias, of Damascus, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 68.
Ananias, the high priest, 431, 440-443.
Ancyra, 339, 367.
Annas, 30.
Antinomianism, 62.
Antioch, (Syrian) church of, 146, 154.
---- city of, 150-13.
---- synagogue of, 155.
---- people of, and nicknames, 159.
---- of Pisidia, 198.
Apollos, 341-43, 347.
Apostle, meaning of, 83, 84, 193.
Apostolic Constitt., 344.
Aquila and Priscilla, 322, 323, 332, 333, 337, 341, 347.
Aquileia, church of, 247.
Aratus, 11, 315.
Areopagus, court of, 309-17.
Aretas, 30, 81.
Aristides, 35, 214, 318-20.
Artemas, bishop of Lystra, 213.
Artemis (see Diana), 360, 362, 376.
Artemisius, month of, 362.
Asiarchs, 375-78.
Assize Courts, 382.
Athanasius, St., 301.
Athenagoras, _Apol._, 282.
---- church of, 321.
Athens, topography of, 312.
Attalia, 201, 276.
Augustine, St., _Confessions_ of, 29, 286.
---- _Epp._, 398, 401.
Aurelius, Victor, 163.
Baptismal formula, 345.
Barclay, Robert, 122.
Barnabas, St., 7, 8, 81, 155, 258.
Baronius, _Annals_ of, 259.
Bartolocci, _Bibl. Rabbin._, 13.
Basnage, _History of the Jews_, 13, 19.
Baur, 1.
Bayet, _De Titulis Atticæ Christ._, 308, 321.
Bent, J. T., 374.
Bernard, St., _Life of St. Malachy_, 417.
Bernice, 432, 448.
Berœa, 296, 302.
Bingham's _Antiqq._, 176, 396.
Bishops, origin of, 416-18.
Blomfield, Bishop, 229.
Boeckh, _Gr. Ins., Corp._ 205, 278, 300, 363, 366.
Butler, Bishop, _Analogy_ of, 133, 413.
Butler's _Coptic Churches_, 256.
Buxtorf's _Lexicon_, 16.
Cæsar, Augustus, 273.
---- Claudius, 323.
---- Julius, 31.
---- Tiberius, 36, 166, 185.
Cæsarea-on-the-Sea, 101, 147.
Caiaphas, 30.
Caligula, 82, 94, 166, 167.
Calvin's _Commentary N.T._, 128, 383.
Capes, W. W., _The Early Empire_, 109.
Cave's _Lives of the Apostles_, 256, 259, 263.
Celebrations, evening, 398-401.
Celtic language, 264.
Cenchreæ, 332.
Cesnola, General, 205.
Charlemagne, 11.
Chosroes, King, 159.
Christian Library, 394.
Christian, title of, 159-62, 211.
Chrysostom, Dion, 276, 377.
Chrysostom, St., 46, 84, 251, 352.
---- _Homilies_, 55.
Cicero, 275, 304, 327.
Circumcision, controversy about, 222, 228.
Cistercians, 227.
Cleanthes, 315.
Clement of Alexandria, _Pædagogue_, 180.
---- _Stromata_, 356, 446.
Clement, _Recognitions_ of, 259, 344.
---- _Homilies_, 344.
Clermont Ganneau, 428.
Communion Office, rubrics of, 335, 336.
---- evening, 398-401.
"Communicatio Idiomatum," 419.
Constantine, Emperor, 238, 273.
_Contemporary Review_, 468.
Conybeare and Howson, _St. Paul_, 46, 57.
Corinth, First Epistle to, date of, 359, 387.
Cornelius à Lapide, 46.
Cornelius, the Centurion, chaps. v., vi.
---- baptism of, 140.
Council of Jerusalem, chap. x.
Councils, histories of, 219.
Cramer's _Catena_, 46.
Crispus, 325, 326.
Cudworth's _Intellect. Syst._, 315.
Cyprus, gospel in, 196, 201-206, 258.
Cyril of Jerusalem, 396.
Damascus, 30, 36.
Daphne, 157, 158.
De Broglie, _L'Église et l'Empire_, 273.
Demetrius, 350, 369, 372-75.
Derbe, 200, 216, 260.
Derenbourg and Saglio, _Dict. des Antiqq._, 361.
Diana (see Artemis), 331, 360.
Didache, 34, 345.
Dion Cassius, 163, 204.
Dion Chrysostom, 276, 377.
Dionysius, Areop., 317, 318, 320.
Discipline, 107.
Dods, Dr. M., _Introd. N.T._, 360.
Döllinger, Dr., 145.
Dorcas, 97.
Drusilla, 431, 447.
Duhr's _Journeys of Hadrian_, 306.
Duumviri, 275.
Ebionites, 6.
Eckhel, _on Coins_, 163.
Edersheim, Dr., 14.
Egnatian Road, 271.
Elymas, 203.
Ember seasons, 194.
Enthusiasm, power of, 269.
Epaphras, 350.
Ephesian letters, 355.
Ephesus, council of, 258.
Epimenides, 11.
Epiphanes, Antiochus, 6.
Epiphanius, in _Corpus Hæreseolog._, 6.
Ethnarch, 153.
Eucharist, celebration of, 393-401.
Eusebius, _H. E._, 171, 181, 199, 241, 320.
Eutychus, 403.
_Expositor_, viii.
Fabricius, _Biblioth. Græc._, 315, 367.
Farrar's _St. Paul_, 15, 16, 19, 20, 50, 51, 152.
Fayûm MSS., 356.
Fechin, St., 89, 278.
Felix, 430-432.
Fell, Bishop, on Cyprian, 401.
Ferrar, Nicholas, 176.
Festus, 448.
Findlay, _Epp. of St. Paul_, 60, 295.
---- on Galatians, 234.
Fitz Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh, 227.
Fleury's _Eccles. Hist._, 246.
Forms, use of, 121.
Fox, George, 122.
Francis de Sales, St., 279.
Friends, Society of, 122, 142.
Gaius, 326.
Galerius, Emperor, 273.
Gallio, 327-29.
Gamaliel, 13, 14, 15.
Geikie, _Holy Land_, 38, 101, 119.
German criticism, 386.
Gibbon, _Decline and Fall_, 150, 158, 273.
Gischala, 4, 6.
Gnosticism, 420.
Godefroy's _Comment. on Theodos. Code_, 273.
Gospel, slow progress of, 269.
Goulburn's _Personal Religion_, 121.
Guhl's _Ephesiaca_, 356, 362, 367.
Guyon, Madame, 446.
Habakkuk, 20.
Hadrian, Emperor, 306.
Harris, Rendal, on Aristides, 321.
Hatch, Dr., on Episcopacy, 416.
Hefele's _Councils_, 379.
Hegesippus, 241.
Helena, Queen, 186.
Heliogabalus, 36.
Hemerobaptists, 344.
Hermas, 434.
Herod the Great, 102, 151, 166.
---- Antipas, 30, 166.
---- Agrippa, 95, 164, 168, 183-187.
Heuzey, Leon, _Mission Archéol._, 274, 281.
Hilary, 84.
Hiram of Tyre, 183.
Hogarth, D. G., 261.
Holy Ghost and Ordination, 414.
Hooker, _Eccles. Pol._, 29, 74, 238, 396, 419.
Horace's _Satires_, 276.
Hours, canonical, 122.
Hypæpa, 198.
Hyrcanus, 31.
Iconium, 199, 260.
Imposition of hands, 414.
Incarnation, delay of, 99.
Inscriptions on Temple wall, 428.
Irenæus, 416-418.
Irenarch, 216.
Irish Academy, Royal, 89.
Island monasteries, 89.
Italian band, 103.
Jailor, Phillippian, 286-90.
James, apostle and martyr, 168-74.
James, Bishop of Jerusalem, 241, 426, 427.
Jebb, Bishop, 99.
Jerome, St., 84, 141, 251.
---- _Cat. of Illust. Writers_, 4, 6.
Jews, hostility of, to early Church, 212.
---- at Athens, 308.
---- at Ephesus, 427.
Johannes Scotus, 318.
John's Eve, St., 335.
John Baptist, disciples of, 342-44.
Jonah, 119.
Jonathan, 30.
Joppa, 118.
Josephus, _Antiqq._, 11, 31, 32, 33.
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 261, 265, 364, 372, 374,
53, 95, 102, 185, 428.
---- _Wars_, 95, 102, 428.
Joyce's _Acts of the Church_, 237.
---- _Irish Names_, 88.
Judas, 56.
Julius, the centurion 460.
Justin Martyr, _Apologies_, 27, 267, 282, 395, 396.
Justus, 325.
Juvenal's _Satires_, 152.
Keble, John, 70.
King, Rev. Robert, _The Ruling Elder_, 417.
Kitto's _Bib. Encycl._, 16.
Knox, Alexander, 100.
Kühn's _Journal Comp. Philol._, 265.
Lacroix, _Manners of Middle Ages_, 16.
Laymen in synods, 236.
Le Bas and Waddington, _Voy. Archéol._, 216.
Legions in Palestine, 103.
Lewin, _Fasti_, 31, 60, 163, 167, 360.
---- _St. Paul_, 31, 32, 39, 45, 80, 102, 119, 186, 198.
Libanius, 151, 152.
Liddon's, _Bampt. Lect._, 420.
Lightfoot, Bishop, on the Essenes, 344.
---- _Colossians_, 252, 350.
---- _Essays_, 96, 300.
---- _Galatians_, 19, 20, 50, 79, 84, 247, 251, 264, 266.
---- _Ignatius_, 363, 378, 427.
---- _Philippians_, 173, 291-93, 417.
Lightfoot, Dr. J., _Hor. Heb._, 32, 57, 441.
Lipsius, R. A., 5.
---- _Apoc. Acts_, 53.
Lord's Day, observance of, 393-397.
Lucian's _Philopatris._, 312.
Luke, St., at Philippi, 391.
Lycaonia, language of, 212, 265.
Lydia, 278.
Lysias, Claudius, 429.
Lystra, 200, 212-17, 260.
Lyttelton, Lord, on _Conver. St. Paul_, 40.
Lytton, Lord, _Last Days of Pompeii_.
_Macmillan's Mag._, 377.
Magic at Ephesus, 352.
Malalas, John, 157.
Malta, 462.
Mandeans, 344.
Mansi's _Councils_, 220, 259, 379.
Maps, use of, 100.
Marcellinus, Pope, 144.
Mark, St., 252-54, 256.
Marquardt, 104, 458.
Marseilles, 374, 390.
Mason's _Diocletian Persecution_, 367.
Massutius, _Vita S. Pauli_, 11, 55, 60.
Melville, Henry, _Voices of the Year_, 114.
Menander, 11.
Mendicant orders, 227.
Meyer's Theory of Baptism, 342.
Miletus, 405.
Milligan, Dr., on _Resurrection_, 134.
Misopogon, 159.
Mithras, 35.
Mnason, 426.
Molinos, 446.
Mommsen's _Provinces_, 96, 103, 150, 378.
---- _Corp. Ins. Lat._, 281, 468.
---- in _Ephem. Epig._, 140.
Monasticism, Celtic, 88.
Morinus, _Exerc. Bibl._, 13.
Müller's _Antiqq. of Antioch._, 150.
_Museum Evang. Sch. of Smyrna_, 264.
Nazarite vow, 333, 436.
Neapolis, 272.
Nelson's _Fasts and Festivals_, 256.
Neocoros, 379, 380.
Nero, Emperor, 433, 470.
Nestorianism, 258.
Œcumenius, 84.
Oehler, 6.
Ordination and imposition of hands, 194, 414.
Ornaments rubric, 239.
Orontes, 151, 196.
Paley's _Horæ Paulinæ_, 291, 360.
Pangæus, Mount, 276.
Papal Infallibility, 230.
---- Supremacy, rise of, 144.
Paphos, 197, 201.
Paul, St., in Antioch (Pisidian), 206-10.
---- in Antioch (Syrian), 157.
---- in Arabia, 77-91.
---- in Athens, 305-21.
---- baptism of, 72-77.
---- birthplace of, 4.
---- at Cæsarea, chap. xvii.
---- and Church organisation, 216.
---- and circumcision, 225-28, 392, 435.
---- conversion of, chap. ii.
---- at Corinth, chap. xiii.
---- dispute at Antioch, 247.
---- at Ephesus, chaps. xiv., xv.
---- exegesis of, 18, 19, 207.
---- family of, 7.
---- in Galatia, 263.
---- language of, 9.
---- in Macedonia, chap. xii.
---- at Malta, chap. xviii.
---- martyrdom of, 246.
---- at Miletus, 405-21.
---- on ordination, 414, 415.
---- ordination of, chap. ix.
---- at Patara, 424.
---- portrait of, 51.
---- at Puteoli, 465.
---- quarrel with Barnabas, 248-251.
---- and Roman. See, 246.
---- and Sanhedrin, 23, 429, 442.
---- second tour of, chap. xi.
---- at Sidon, 461.
---- speech at Apostolic Council, 241.
---- thorn in flesh, 49, 296.
---- trade of, 10, 348.
---- at Troas, 268, 392-406.
---- at Tyre, 425.
---- voyage to Rome, chap. xviii.
Paulinus of Nola, St., 369.
Pausanius, _Descr. of Greece_, 305, 308, 312, 363, 365.
Perga, 197, 201, 364.
Persecution, religious, 192.
Peter, St., on baptism, 140.
---- on the resurrection, 133.
---- sermon at Cæsarea, 131-41.
---- vision at Joppa, chap. vi.
---- in prison, 174-82.
Petrie's _Tara_, 37.
Petronius, 95.
Pfitzner, 104.
Phalerum, 303.
Pharisees, 33.
Philemon and Baucis, story of, 213.
Philip, St., evangelist, 143, 426.
Philippi, gospel at, 273-89.
Philo, 14, 19, 23, 96, 307.
Philostratus, _Life of Apollonius_, 312.
Phœbe, 332.
Photius, 263.
Pliny, _Epistles of_, 28, 35, 266, 383.
---- _Nat. Hist._, 199.
Police, Roman, 216.
Politarchs, 300.
Polycarp, 367, 446.
Pompeii, 466.
Pontius Pilate, 30.
Pork, use of, 128.
Porter's _Damascus_, 38, 53.
Postal service under the Romans, 272.
Prayer, 66.
Preaching, decline of, 409.
Prion, Mount, 263.
Procter on _B. C. P._, 336.
Prophets, 434.
Prosbol, 16.
Proselytes, 110, 210.
Provinces, Roman, division of, 203-206.
Ptolemais, 96, 425.
Puteoli, 465.
Quadratus, 318.
Quaresmius, _Eluc. Ter. Sanct._, 57.
Quietism, 446.
Radzivilus, _Peregrinatio_, 57.
Ramsay, Prof., _Hist. Geog._, 100, 198, 200, 213, 260,
261, 363, 364.
---- on Artemis worship, 374.
Rénan, 215, 369.
Renaudot, 256.
Resurrection, evidence of, 133.
_Revue Archéol._, 198, 361, 364, 374.
Roads, ancient, 37, 260, 271.
Robbers and the Apostles, 199.
Ruinart's _Acta Sincera_, 267.
Sabbath, 16, 397.
Sabians, 344.
Sadducees, 33.
Sadler _on the Acts_, 289.
Saint, meaning of, 60, 62, 63, 64.
Salamis, 197.
Salmon, Dr., _Introduction to N. T._, vi. 1, 413.
---- on Clementine literature, 259.
Sceva's sons, 355.
Schaff's _Encyclop._, 13, 110, 247.
Schœttgen's _Hor. Hebr._, 9.
Schürer, 25, 431.
Seleucia, 157, 196.
Senior, title of, 417.
Serarius, _De Rabbinis_, 13.
Sergius Paulus, 201-206.
Shrine-makers, Ephesian, 369.
Sidon, church at, 461.
Silas, 257, 325.
Silence, argument from, 342, 361, 393.
Simon the Tanner, 119.
Singon Street, 157.
Sinuessa, Council of, 144.
Skelligs, 88.
Slavery, 314.
Smith, Mr. James, of Jordanhills, on _Voyage of St. Paul_, 459.
Smith, _Dict. Christ. Biog._, 6, 14, 259, 273, 344, 353, 367, 434.
---- _Dict. Rom. Antiqq._, 104.
---- _Dict. Christ. Antiqq._, 176.
---- _Dict. of Class. Biog._, 213.
Sosipatros, 199.
Spon and Wheeler, 312.
Stanley, Dean, 57.
---- _Hist. East. Ch._, 301.
Stephanas, 326.
Stephens' _St. Chrysost._, 352.
Sterrett's _Epig. Journ._, 200, 213.
Stokes, G. T., _Anglo-Norman Church_, 16, 227.
---- _Celtic Church_, 37, 89.
Strabo, 199, 204.
Straight Street, 52.
Suetonius, 163, 273, 323, 327.
Survey of Palestine, _Memoirs_ of, 101.
Synagogue, 277.
Tacitus, _Annals_, 352, 363.
Talmud, 13, 16.
Tanning, 120.
Taylor, Jeremy, _Holy Living_, 29, 334.
---- _Via Intellig._, 267.
Tertullian, _Apol._, 36.
---- _De Corona_, 400.
---- _De Fuga_, 445.
---- _De Pudic._, 50.
---- _on Prayer_, 122-24, 195.
Texier on Galatia, 266.
Thayer's edition of Grimm's _Lex. N. T._, 252.
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 84.
Theodoret, 84.
Theodosian Code, 370.
Theophilus, 30, 32.
Thessalonica, 294-300.
Timothy, 325, 347.
---- and circumcision, 227.
---- family of, 8, 9.
---- martyrdom of, 263.
---- ordination of, 261.
Tozer's _Highlands of Turkey_, 294, 300, 303.
Trajan, 28.
Trench, Archbishop, _on Words_, 159.
Tridentine Council, 238.
Tyrannus, 347.
Ussher's Works, 318, 362.
Valens, Emperor, 352.
Valesius, 439.
"Vas Electionis," 64, 65.
Vatican Council, 238.
Vespasian, Emperor, 460.
Vibius Salutarius, Gaius, 370, 371.
Vincentian rule, 100.
Virgil, 70.
Vitellius, 30, 33.
Waldstein, C., 372.
Way, meaning of, 32, 33, 34, 347, 362, 423.
Wesley, Charles, 381.
---- John, 394.
Whately, Archbishop, 73.
Wickliffe, 227.
Wieseler's _Die Christenverfolg. der Cäsaren_, 336.
Williams, Dr., 64.
Wood's _Ephesus_, 281, 362.
Xenoi Tekmoreioi, Societies of, 364.
Zeller, _On the Acts_, vi.
THE END.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained
except in obvious cases of typographical error.
Missing page numbers are page numbers that were not shown in the
original text.
Page 165: Footnote 93 "... he jokingly said, 'It were better to be
Herod's pigs ...'" The transcriber has added the word "It".
Page 378: Footnote anchor number 213 was missing and was supplied by
the transcriber. "The Ephesian mob ...".
The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the
transcriber and is placed in the public domain.