CHAPTER I.

THE EXPOSITOR'S BIBLE

EDITED BY THE REV.

W. ROBERTSON NICOLL, M.A., LL.D.

_Editor of "The Expositor"_

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

BY

G. T. STOKES, D.D.

_VOLUME II_

NEW YORK

A. C. ARMSTRONG AND SON

51 EAST TENTH STREET

1892

THE EXPOSITOR'S BIBLE

_Crown 8vo, cloth, price $1 50c. each vol._

FIRST SERIES, 1887-8.

Colossians.

By A. MACLAREN, D.D.

St. Mark.

By Very Rev. the Dean of Armagh.

Genesis.

By Prof. MARCUS DODS, D.D.

1 Samuel.

By Prof. W. G. BLAIKIE, D.D.

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By the same Author.

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SECOND SERIES, 1888-9.

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By Prof. G. G. FINDLAY, B.A.

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By Ven. Archdeacon FARRAR.

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NEW YORK: A. C. ARMSTRONG & SON, 51 EAST TENTH STREET.

THE

ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

BY THE REV.

G. T. STOKES, D.D.

PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN

AND VICAR OF ALL SAINTS', BLACKROCK

_VOLUME II_

NEW YORK

A. C. ARMSTRONG AND SON

51 EAST TENTH STREET

1892

PREFACE.

The following volume terminates my survey and exposition of the Acts

of the Holy Apostles. I have fully explained in the body of this work

the reasons which led me to discuss the latter portion of that book

more briefly than its earlier chapters. I did this of set purpose. The

latter chapters of Acts are occupied to a great extent with the work

of St. Paul during a comparatively brief period, while the first

twenty chapters cover a space of well-nigh thirty years. The riot in

Jerusalem and a few speeches at Cæsarea occupy the larger portion of

the later narrative, and deal very largely with circumstances in St.

Paul's life, his conversion and mission to the Gentiles, of which the

earlier portion of this volume treats at large. Upon these topics I

had nothing fresh to say, and was therefore necessarily obliged to

refer my readers to pages previously written. I do not think, however,

that I have omitted any topic or passage suitable to the purposes of

the _Expositor's Bible_. Some may desiderate longer notices of German

theories concerning the origin and character of the Acts. But, then,

an expositor's Bible is not intended to deal at length with critical

theories. Critical commentaries and works like Dr. Salmon's

_Introduction to the New Testament_ take such subjects into

consideration and discuss them fully, omitting all mere exposition. My

duty is exposition, and the supply or indication of material suitable

for expository purposes. If I had gone into the endless theories

supplied by German ingenuity to explain what seems to us the simplest

and plainest matters of fact demanding no explanation whatsoever, I am

afraid there would have been little space left for exposition, and my

readers would have been excessively few. Those who are interested in

such discussions, which are simply endless, and will last as long as

man's fancy and imagination continue to flourish, will find ample

satisfaction in the eighteenth chapter of Dr. Salmon's _Introduction_.

Perhaps I had better notice one point urged by him, as an illustration

of the critical methods of English common sense. German critics have

tried to make out that the Acts were written in the second century in

order to establish a parallel between St. Peter and St. Paul when men

wished to reconcile and unite in one common body the Pauline and

Petrine parties. This is the view set forth at length by Zeller in his

work on the Acts, vol. ii., p. 278, translated and published in the

series printed some years ago under the auspices of the Theological

Translation Fund. Dr. Salmon's reply seems to me conclusive, as

contained in the following passage, _l.c._, p. 336: "What I think

proves conclusively that the making a parallel between Peter and Paul

was not an idea present to the author's mind, is the absence of the

natural climax of such a parallel--the story of the martyrdom of both

the Apostles. Very early tradition makes both Peter and Paul close

their lives by martyrdom at Rome--the place where Rationalist critics

generally believe the Acts to have been written. The stories told in

tolerably ancient times in that Church which venerated with equal

honour the memory of either apostle, represented both as joined in

harmonious resistance to the impostures of Simon Magus. And though I

believe these stories to be more modern than the latest period to

which any one has ventured to assign the Acts, yet what an opportunity

did that part of the story which is certainly ancient--that both

Apostles came to Rome and died there for the faith (Clem. Rom.,

5)--offer to any one desirous of blotting out the memory of all

differences between the preaching of Peter and Paul, and of setting

both on equal pedestals of honour! Just as the names of Ridley and

Latimer have been united in the memory of the Church of England, and

no count has been taken of their previous doctrinal differences, in

the recollection of their first testimony for their common faith, so

have the names of Peter and Paul been constantly bound together by the

fact that the martyrdom of both has been commemorated on the same day.

And if the object of the author of the Acts had been what has been

supposed, it is scarcely credible that he could have missed so obvious

an opportunity of bringing his book to its most worthy conclusion, by

telling how the two servants of Christ--all previous differences, if

there had been any, reconciled and forgotten--joined in witnessing a

good confession before the tyrant emperor, and encouraged each other

to steadfastness in endurance to the end."

But though I have not dealt in any formal way with the critical

theories urged concerning the Acts, I have taken every opportunity of

pointing out the evidence for its early date and genuine character

furnished by that particular line of historical exposition and

illustration which I have adopted. It will be at once seen how much

indebted I am in this department to the researches of modern scholars

and travellers, especially to those of Professor Ramsay, whose long

residence and extended travels in Asia Minor have given him special

advantages over all other critics. I have made a diligent use of all

his writings, so far as they had appeared up to the time of writing,

and only regret that I was not able to use his paper on St. Paul's

second journey, which appeared in the _Expositor_ for October, after

this work had been composed and printed. That article seems to me

another admirable illustration of the critical methods used by our own

home scholars as contrasted with those current abroad. Professor

Ramsay does not set to work to spin criticisms out of his own

imagination and elaborate theories out of his own inner consciousness

even as a spider weaves its web; but he takes the Acts of the

Apostles, compares it with the facts of Asia Minor, its scenery,

roads, mountains, ruins, and then points out how exactly the text

answers to the facts, showing that the author of it wrote at the time

alleged and must have been an eyewitness of the Apostles' doings.

While again by a similar comparison in the case of the apocryphal acts

of St. Paul and Thecla he demonstrates how easily a forger fell into

grievous mistakes. I do not think a better illustration can be found

of the difference between sound historical criticism and criticism

based on mere imagination than this article by Professor Ramsay.

In conclusion I ought to explain that I systematically quote the

Fathers whenever I can out of the translations published by Messrs. T.

& T. Clark, or in the Oxford Library of the Fathers. It would have

been very easy for me to give this book a very learned look by adding

the references in Greek or Latin, but I do not think I should have

thus conduced much to its practical utility. The Fathers are now a

collection of works much spoken of, but very little read, and the

references in the original added to theological works are much more

overlooked than consulted. It would conduce much to a sound knowledge

of primitive antiquity were the works translated of all the Christian

writers who flourished down to the triumph of Christianity. Authors

who fill their pages with quotations in Latin and Greek which they do

not translate forget one simple fact, that ten or twenty years in a

country parish immersed in its endless details make the Latin and

Greek of even good scholars somewhat rusty. And if so, what must be

the case with those who are not good scholars, or not scholars at all,

whether bad or good? I am often surprised noting how much more

exacting from their readers modern scholars are in this direction than

our forefathers of two hundred years ago. Let any one, for instance,

take up the works composed in English by Hammond or Thorndike

discussing the subject of Episcopacy, and it will be found that in

every case when they use a Latin, Greek, or Hebrew quotation while

they give the original they always add the translation. Finally I have

to acknowledge, what every page will show, the great assistance I have

derived from the Lives of St. Paul written by Archdeacon Farrar, Mr.

Lewin, and Messrs. Conybeare & Howson, and to express a hope that this

volume together with the previous one will be found helpful by some as

they strive to form a better and truer conception of the manner in

which the Church of the living God was founded and built up amongst

men.

GEORGE T. STOKES.

ALL SAINTS' VICARAGE, BLACKROCK,

_Nov. 4th, 1892_.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

THE TRAINING OF SAUL THE RABBI.

ACTS vii. 58; xxii. 3.

PAGE

St. Paul's Appearance on the Christian Stage and its

Results--The Tübingen Theory--His Parentage--Birthplace--

Testimony of St. Epiphanius--Early Friends--Education--

Trade--Gamaliel and his Influence--Evidence of Talmud--

Pharisaic Schools--Their Casuistry and Exegesis--Parallel

between Hagar and Sarah 1-21

CHAPTER II.

THE CONVERSION OF THE PERSECUTOR.

ACTS viii. 3; ix. 1-6.

Saul of Tarsus and St. Stephen--Saul and the Sanhedrin--

Conduct of Saul when Unconverted--Continuity of Judaism

and Christianity--Saul and Blasphemy of Christ--Sense of

Sin compatible with Sense of Forgiveness--Hooker on the

Litany--Jeremy Taylor on Humility--Saul's Mission to

Damascus--Domestic Tribunal permitted to the Jews by the

Romans--Used against the Men of the Way--Meaning of this

expression--Influence of it--Saul's Journey--Scene of

Conversion--Lord Lyttelton's _Observations upon St. Paul's

Conversion_--Supernatural Accompaniments appropriate

to--Apostle's own Narrative--Reflections of the

Venerable Bede 22-47

CHAPTER III.

THE NEW CONVERT AND HIS HUMAN TEACHER.

ACTS ix. 10, 11.

Saul and the Vision--Which probably produced Ophthalmia--

Portrait of St. Paul--Ananias of Damascus--Straight

Street--St. Chrysostom on the Spiritual Greatness of

Ananias--Seventeenth-century Travellers in Palestine--

Conversation between Jesus Christ and Ananias--Its

Theology--Meaning of word Saint--Protest against

Antinomianism--St. Paul and title Vas Electionis--And

Doctrine of Election--Balance of Doctrine--The New

Convert and Prayer 48-67

CHAPTER IV.

SAUL AND SINAI.

ACTS ix. 19, 20.

Visit of Ananias to House of Judas--Christ the True

Visitor--Keble's Hymn for Easter Monday--Restoration

of Saul's Sight--His Baptism--Language of Ananias--

Importance of this fact--Saul's Work in Damascus--

Narrative in Acts and in Galatians--Difficulties--

Reconciliation--Saul in Arabia--Ancient Explanations

of--Discipline of--Value of Seasons of Retirement--Waste

of Vital Spiritual Tissues in Activity--Abuse of this

Principle in Monasticism--Celtic Monasticism--Saul, the

Vas Electionis, trained like Jesus Christ 68-91

CHAPTER V.

THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERT.

ACTS x. 1-6.

The Turning-points of Primitive Church History--Conversion

of Saul and of Cornelius--Saul's earliest Ministry at

Jerusalem--His Escape to Tarsus--St. Peter and Church

in Joppa--Temporary Peace after Saul's Conversion--

Caligula's attempt to erect his Statue in Jerusalem--St.

Peter and Simon the Tanner--Time of Conversion of

Cornelius was Providential--Place, Cæsarea-by-the-Sea,

Providential--Cornelius, a Roman Centurion--The Legions

and Palestine--Modern Authorities confirm the Acts--New

Testament and Favourable Estimate of Soldiers--Catholic

Nature of Christianity--Value of Discipline--Lessons

Taught by Example of Cornelius 92-114

CHAPTER VI.

THE PETRINE VISION AT JOPPA.

ACTS x. 9-15.

St. Peter led to Joppa Unconsciously--His Period of

Repose--Joppa and Missions to the Gentile World--

Jonah--Peter and the Hour of Prayer--Value of Forms--

Canonical Hours--Tertullian's Testimony--Nature of

Peter's Vision--Conditioned by his Natural State--

Exactly suited to Destroy his Prejudices--John

Calvin's View--St. Peter at Cæsarea--His Sermon--Not

Latitudinarian, as some Think--But Truly Catholic--Peter

presupposes some Knowledge of Gospel Facts--Evidence of

Resurrection--Necessarily Limited--Unless Course of

Human Affairs was to be Upset--And God's Usual Laws set

Aside--Outpouring of Holy Ghost on Gentiles--Baptism

of Cornelius 115-141

CHAPTER VII.

THE HARVEST OF THE GENTILES.

ACTS xi. 26.

Reception of News of Gentile Conversion at Jerusalem--

Debate and Strife with St. Peter--The Early Church

Knew Nothing of the Privilegium Petri--Fable of Pope

Marcellinus--Origin of Antiochene Church--Foundation

of Antioch--Scenery and History--Orators and Water

Supply--Arrival of Barnabas and of Saul--Invention

of the Name Christians--Remarks of Archbishop Trench--

The Prophet Agabus and the Outgoings of Charity 142-163

CHAPTER VIII.

THE DEFEAT OF PRIDE.

ACTS xii. 1-3, 23, 24.

Contact of Sacred and Secular History in this Chapter--

Story of Herod Agrippa--Illustration of Principle of

Heredity--First Martyrdom among Apostles--Character of

James, Son of Zebedee--His Spiritual Eminence--His Death

a Real Answer to Prayer--St. Peter's Deliverance--Granted

to a Pleading Church--Angelic Interference--And the

Proprieties of Christianity--Clement of Alexandria and

the Pædagogue--Herod's Ostentation and Miserable Death--

Testimony of Josephus 164-187

CHAPTER IX.

ST. PAUL'S ORDINATION AND FIRST MISSIONARY TOUR

ACTS xiii. 2-4, 14; xiv. 1, 26.

Thirteenth Chapter may be called the Watershed of the

Acts--Calvin and St. Paul's Ordination--Title Apostle

Henceforth Applied to Him--Ember Seasons, Reason of--

First Formal Mission to the Gentile World--Outline of

Apostolic Tour--Saul and Sergius Paulus--Discoveries

of General Cesnola--St. Paul's Sermon at the Pisidian

Antioch--Jewish Jealousy and Opposition--Iconium--Lystra

and Greek Legends--Discovery of Site of Lystra--Roman

Police in Asia Minor--Dialects of Asia Minor--_Museum

of the Evangelical School at Smyrna_--St. Paul and

Church Organisation 188-218

CHAPTER X.

THE FIRST CHRISTIAN COUNCIL.

ACTS xv. 1, 2, 6, 19.

History of the great General Councils--Originates at that

of Jerusalem--Date and Subject-matter--The Controversy

about Circumcision--Social Questions springing from it--

St. Paul's Position--His Apparent Inconsistencies--

Lessons of Apostolic Council--Early Church Scene of

Controversies--No Infallible Guide--Composition of

Council--Lay Element in Church Synods--Hooker and the

Church of England--Witness of Prayer Book--Experience

of Irish Church--Proceedings of the Council--Triumph

of Gentile Freedom 219-244

CHAPTER XI.

APOSTOLIC QUARRELS AND THE SECOND TOUR.

ACTS xv. 36, 39; xvi. 6, 8, 9.

Introduction of Christianity to Greece--St. Peter and his Asserted

Roman Episcopate of Twenty-five Years--Quarrel between

St. Paul and St. Barnabas--Between St. Paul and St. Peter--Patristic

Explanations--St. Augustine and St. Jerome--St.

Paul's Opposition to Nepotism--Barnabas and Mark--Blessings

of Sternness--The Wrath of Man praises God--Outline

of St. Paul's Second Tour--Ramsay's Historical Geography of

Asia Minor--Timothy's Ordination--The Gospel among the

Celts--Jeremy Taylor and the _Via Intelligentiæ_--The Vision

at Troas 245-270

CHAPTER XII.

ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA.

ACTS xvi. 29, 31; xvii. 1, 2, 10.

Ancient Roads and Rome--The Gospel at Philippi--History

of that Town--Constitution of Roman Colonies--Lydia

and Jewish Oratory--Francis de Sales and Small

Congregations--Politics and Christianity--The Apostle

before the Duumviri--The Jailer and the Earthquake--

"Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and Thou shalt be

Saved"--The Philippian Church and Persecution--St. Paul

at Thessalonica and Berœa--The Politarchs 271-300

CHAPTER XIII.

ST. PAUL IN GREECE.

ACTS xvii. 16-18; xviii. 1.

St. Paul and St. Athanasius, a Parallel--Escape to

Athens down the Thermaic Gulf--Visit of Pausanias to

that City--Ideal Character of Athenian Paganism--

Areopagus and St. Paul--The Unknown God--The Greek

Poets--Jesus and the Resurrection--The Primitive

Athenian Church and its Theology--Aristides and his

_Apology_--Dionysius the Areopagite and his reputed

Philosophy--Origin of Corinthian Church--The Saintly

Tentmakers--The Firstfruits of Achaia--Gallio and the

Jews--Philosophy and Christ 301-330

CHAPTER XIV.

THE EPHESIAN CHURCH AND ITS FOUNDATION.

ACTS xviii. 19-21, 24-26; xix. 1.

History of Ephesus--Cenchreæ and its Church--Aquila and

his Vow--Christianity and External Actions--Judaism

and Christianity confounded by Romans--St. Paul's

Journey to Ephesus and Jerusalem--Visit to Galatia--

Ephesus and John's Disciples--Slow Progress of Gospel

in Apostolic Age--Apollos and Meyer's Theory about

Baptism--The Baptismal Formula--The School of

Tyrannus--Ephesian Magic and its Professors--Story

of St. Chrysostom--The Sons of Sceva 331-356

CHAPTER XV.

THE EPHESIAN RIOT AND A PRUDENT TOWN CLERK.

ACTS xix. 23-28.

Duration of St. Paul's Ministry at Ephesus--Date of

1st Corinthians--Diana of Ephesus and her Persian

Worship--Weakness of Argument _e silentio_--Demetrius

and the Craftsmen--Artemisian Festivals and Christian

Sufferings--Testimony of Achilles Tatius--Martyrdom of

Polycarp--Celtic Conventions--Mr. Wood's Discoveries

at Ephesus--Gaius Vibius Salutarius--Extant Specimen

of Ephesian Silverwork--Speech of Demetrius--The

Asiarchs and the Recorder--Apostolic Controversy and

its Methods 357-384

CHAPTER XVI.

ST. PAUL AND THE CHRISTIAN MINISTRY.

ACTS xx. 1, 7, 17-19, 28.

St. Paul's Position in A.D. 57--Personal Character of

St. Luke's Narrative--Defects of German Criticism--

Apostle's Second Visit to Macedonia--"Round about unto

Illyricum"--Visitation of Corinth--Passover at Philippi--

Holy Communion at Troas--The Lord's Day in the Primitive

Church--Argument from Silence, Dangers of--Justin Martyr

on Sunday--Eucharistic Amen--Evening Celebrations--The

Agape--Fasting Communion--St. Paul's Sermon and Eutychus--

Miletus and Charge to Ephesian Elders--Its Apologetic

Tone--St. Paul's view of Sermons--Decay of Modern

Preaching--Apostolic Power of Prevision--The Ministry

and Personal Religion--The Holy Ghost and Ordination--

Origin of Episcopacy--Dr. Hatch's Theories unhistorical--

Irenæus on Bishops--Derived from Apostles--Communicatio

Idiomatum--St. Paul's Farewell 385-421

CHAPTER XVII.

A PRISONER IN BONDS.

ACTS xxi. 2, 3, 17, 33, 39, 40; xxii. 22, 30; xxiv. 1; xxvi. 1.

St. Paul's Voyage from Miletus to Jerusalem--Christianity at

Tyre--"The Seed growing silently"--The Church at Cæsarea

and its Teachers--St. Paul's Interview with St. James--The

Nazarite Vow--St. Paul's Arrest and Appearance before the

Sanhedrin--His Defence before Felix--Felix and Drusilla--

Lessons of St. Paul's Vicissitudes--Agabus and Prophesying--

St. James and Compromise--St. Paul and the High Priest--His

Quickness and Tact--Tertullian on Flight in Persecution--

Quietism and Quakerism--St. Paul and the Herodian Family--

Argument of his Address before Agrippa and Bernice--His

Appeal to Cæsar 422-449

CHAPTER XVIII.

"IN PERILS ON THE SEA."

ACTS xxvii. 1-3; xxviii. 16.

St. Paul as a Traveller and a Prisoner--Length of his

Imprisonment--Blessed Results of his Captivity--"The

Prisoner of the Lord"--Teaching of the Seventeenth

Sunday after Trinity--His Captivity Benefited--(_a_)

His Personal Religion--(_b_) The Church at Cæsarea--(_c_)

The Church at Rome--(_d_) The Universal Church--

Composition of St. Luke's Gospel--Technical Use of word

Gospel--Testimony of Aristides and Irenæus--Epistles of

the Captivity--Story of the Voyage to Rome--Roman

Provincial Organisation--Writings of Mr. James Smith

of Jordanhills--Church at Sidon--The Storm--Malta

and Puteoli--Christianity at Pompeii--Christian

Inscription there Discovered--St. Paul's Approach to

Rome--Intense Humanity of the Apostle--Interview with

the local Jewish Sanhedrin--Christianity at Rome--

Investigations of Harnack and Schürer 450-471

CHAPTER I.

_THE TRAINING OF SAUL THE RABBI._

"A young man named Saul."--ACTS vii. 58.

"I am a Jew, born in Tarsus of Cilicia, but brought up in this

city, at the feet of Gamaliel, instructed according to the strict

manner of the law of our fathers, being zealous for God, even as

ye all are this day."--ACTS xxii. 3.

The appearance of St. Paul upon the stage of Christian history marks a

period of new development and of more enlarged activity. The most

casual reader of the Acts of the Apostles must see that a personality

of vast power, force, individuality, has now entered the bounds of the

Church, and that henceforth St. Paul, his teaching, methods, and

actions, will throw all others into the shade. Modern German critics

have seized upon this undoubted fact and made it the foundation on

which they have built elaborate theories concerning St. Paul and the

Acts of the Apostles. Some of them have made St. Paul the inventor of

a new form of Christianity, more elaborate, artificial, and dogmatic

than the simple religion of nature which, as they think, Jesus Christ

taught. Others have seen in St. Paul the great rival and antagonist of

St. Peter, and have seen in the Acts a deliberate attempt to reconcile

the opposing factions of Peter and Paul by representing St. Paul's

career as modelled upon that of Peter's.[1] These theories are, we

believe, utterly groundless; but they show at the same time what an

important event in early Church history St. Paul's conversion was, and

how necessary a thorough comprehension of his life and training if we

wish to understand the genesis of our holy religion.

[1] See this portion of Baur's theory refuted in Dr. Salmon's

_Introduction to the New Testament_, ch. xviii., p. 335, 4th ed.,

where the writer admits a certain parallelism between the history

of SS. Peter and Paul in the Acts, but denies that it was an

invented parallelism. He remarks on the next page, "What I think

proves decisively that the making a parallel between St. Peter and

St. Paul was not an idea present to the author's mind is the

absence of the natural climax of such a parallel--the story of the

martyrdom of both the Apostles.... If the object of the author of

the Acts had been what has been supposed, it is scarcely credible

that he could have missed so obvious an opportunity of bringing

his book to its most worthy conclusion, by telling how the two

servants of Christ--all previous differences, if there had been

any, reconciled and forgotten--joined in witnessing a good

confession before the tyrant emperor, and encouraged each other in

steadfastness in endurance to the end."

Who and whence, then, was this enthusiastic man who is first

introduced to our notice in connexion with St. Stephen's martyrdom?

What can we glean from Scripture and from secular history concerning

his earlier career? I am not going to attempt to do what Conybeare and

Howson thirty years ago, or Archdeacon Farrar in later times, have

executed with a wealth of learning and a profuseness of imagination

which I could not pretend to possess. Even did I possess them it would

be impossible, for want of space, to write such a biography of St.

Paul as these authors have given to the public. Let us, however,

strive to gather up such details of St. Paul's early life and training

as the New Testament, illustrated by history, sets before us. Perhaps

we shall find that more is told us than strikes the ordinary

superficial reader. His parentage is known to us from St. Paul's own

statement. His father and mother were Jews of the Dispersion, as the

Jews scattered abroad amongst the Gentiles were usually called; they

were residents at Tarsus in Cilicia, and by profession belonged to the

Pharisees who then formed the more spiritual and earnest religious

section of the Jewish people. We learn this from three passages. In

his defence before the Council, recorded in Acts xxiii. 6, he tells us

that he was "a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees." There was no division in

religious feeling between the parents. His home life and his earliest

years knew nothing of religious jars and strife. Husband and wife were

joined not only in the external bonds of marriage, but in the

profounder union still of spiritual sentiment and hope, a memory which

may have inspired a deeper meaning begotten of personal experience in

the warning delivered to the Corinthians, "Be not unequally yoked with

unbelievers." Of the history of his parents and ancestors we know

practically nothing more for certain, but we can glean a little from

other notices. St. Paul tells us that he belonged to a special

division among the Jews, of which we have spoken a good deal in the

former volume when dealing with St. Stephen. The Jews at this period

were divided into Hebrews and Hellenists: that is, Hebrews who by

preference and in their ordinary practice spoke the Hebrew tongue, and

Hellenists who spoke Greek and adopted Greek civilisation and customs.

St. Paul tells us in Philippians iii. 5 that he was "of the stock of

Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews," a statement

which he substantially repeats in 2 Corinthians xi. 22. Now it was

almost an impossibility for a Jew of the Dispersion to belong to the

Hebrews. His lot was cast in a foreign land, his business mixed him

up with the surrounding pagans, so that the use of the Greek language

was an absolute necessity; while the universal practice of his

fellow-countrymen in conforming themselves to Greek customs, Greek

philosophy, and Greek civilisation rendered the position of one who

would stand out for the old Jewish national ideas and habits a very

trying and a very peculiar one. Here, however, comes in an ancient

tradition, recorded by St. Jerome, which throws some light upon the

difficulty. Scripture tells us that St. Paul was born at Tarsus. Our

Lord, in His conversation with Ananias in Acts ix. 11, calls him "Saul

of Tarsus," while again the Apostle himself in the twenty-second

chapter describes himself as "a Jew born in Tarsus". But then the

question arises, how came his parents to Tarsus, and how, being in

Tarsus, could they be described as Hebrews while all around and about

them their countrymen were universally Hellenists? St. Jerome here

steps in to help us. He relates, in his _Catalogue of Illustrious

Writers_, that "Paul the Apostle, previously called Saul, being

outside the number of the Twelve, was of the tribe of Benjamin and of

the city of the Jewish Gischala; on the capture of which by the Romans

he migrated with them to Tarsus." Now this statement of Jerome,

written four hundred years after the event, is clearly inaccurate in

many respects, and plainly contradicts the Apostle's own words that he

was born in Tarsus.

But yet the story probably embodies a tradition substantially true,

that St. Paul's parents were originally from Galilee. Galilee was

intensely Hebrew. It was provincial, and the provinces are always far

less affected by advance in thought or in religion than the towns,

which are the chosen homes of innovation and of progress. Hellenism

might flourish in Jerusalem, but in Galilee it would not be tolerated;

and the tough, sturdy Galileans alone would have moral and religious

grit enough to maintain the old Hebrew customs and language, even amid

the abounding inducements to an opposite course which a great

commercial centre like Tarsus held out. Assuredly our own experience

affords many parallels illustrating the religious history of St.

Paul's family. The Evangelical revival, the development of Ritual in

the Church of England, made their mark first of all in the towns, and

did not affect the distant country districts till long after. The

Presbyterianism of the Highlands is almost a different religion from

the more enlightened and more cultured worship of Edinburgh and

Glasgow. The Low Church and Orange developments of Ulster bring us

back to the times of the last century, and seem passing strange to the

citizens of London, Manchester, or Dublin, who first make their

acquaintance in districts where obsolete ideas and cries still retain

a power quite forgotten in the vast tide of life and thought which

sways the great cities. And yet these rural backwaters, as we may call

them, retain their influence, and show strong evidence of life even in

the great cities; and so it is that even in London and Edinburgh and

Glasgow and Dublin congregations continue to exist in their remoter

districts and back streets where the prejudices and ideas of the

country find full sway and exercise. The Presbyterianism of the

Highlands and the Orangeism of Ulster will be sought in vain in

fashionable churches, but in smaller assemblies they will be found

exercising a sway and developing a life which will often astonish a

superficial observer.

So it was doubtless in Tarsus. The Hebrews of Galilee would delight

to separate themselves. They would look down upon the Hellenism of

their fellow-countrymen as a sad falling away from ancient orthodoxy,

but their declension would only add a keener zest to the zeal with

which the descendants of the Hebrews of Gischala, even in the third

and fourth generations, as it may have been, would retain the ancient

customs and language of their Galilean forefathers.[2]

[2] The tradition mentioned by St. Jerome is not the only one

which deals with the early life of St. Paul. Another very learned

writer of the same, or perhaps we should rather say of a still

earlier, period was St. Epiphanius, the historian of Heresies and

bishop of Constantia, or Salamis, in Cyprus. He wrote a great work

describing the various heresies which had sprung up in the Church,

containing much valuable information which his research and early

date enabled him to incorporate in his pages. He describes,

amongst others, the Ebionites, telling us of their hostility to

St. Paul and of the charges they brought against him. The

Ebionites denied that he was a Jew at all. The words of Epiphanius

are "They say that he was a Greek, and sprung from the Gentiles,

and then afterwards became a proselyte," in opposition to which he

quotes the Apostle's own words in Phil. iii. 5 and in 2 Cor. xi.

22. Epiphanius then proceeds to explain how St. Paul might have

been born in Tarsus and yet have been a Jew by nation, because

that, under Antiochus Epiphanes and at other times, vast numbers

of the Jews had been dispersed as captives among the Gentiles. See

Epiphanius, in _Corpus Hæreseologicum_, Ed. Oehler, vol. ii., p.

283. Berlin, 1859. This is a good instance how the Jewish

hostility, which pursued St. Paul through life, had not quite died

out three centuries later. Epiphanius was born about A.D. 310. He

wrote his work on Early Heresies about A.D. 375, calling it

_Panarion_, or, as he himself explains in his introductory

epistle, the Medicine Chest, full of remedies against the bite of

the Old Serpent. Epiphanius must have had a great store of early

literature at his command which has now completely perished. See a

long and critical account of him and his writings, written by Dr.

R. A. Lipsius, in the _Dict. Christ. Biog._, vol. ii.

St. Paul and his parents might seem to an outsider mere Hellenists,

but their Galilean origin and training enabled them to retain the

intenser Judaism which qualified the Apostle to describe himself as

not only of the stock of Israel, but as a Hebrew of the Hebrews.

St. Paul's more immediate family connexions have also some light

thrown upon them in the New Testament. We learn, for instance, from

Acts xxiii. 16, that he had a married sister, who probably lived at

Jerusalem, and may have been even a convert to Christianity; for we

are told that her son, having heard of the Jewish plot to murder the

Apostle, at once reported it to St. Paul himself, who thereupon put

his nephew into communication with the chief captain in whose custody

he lay. While again, in Romans xvi. 7, 11, he sends salutations to

Andronicus, Junias, and Herodion, his kinsmen, who were residents in

Rome; and in verse 21 of the same chapter joins Lucius and Jason and

Sosipater, his kinsmen, with himself in the Christian wishes for the

welfare of the Roman Church, with which he closes the Epistle. It is

said, indeed, that this may mean simply that these men were Jews, and

that St. Paul regarded all Jews as his kinsmen. But this notion is

excluded by the form of the twenty-first verse, where he first sends

greetings from Timothy, whom St. Paul dearly loved, and who was a

circumcised Jew, not a proselyte merely, but a true Jew, on his

mother's side, at least; and then the Apostle proceeds to name the

persons whom he designates his kinsmen. St. Paul evidently belonged to

a family of some position in the Jewish world, whose ramifications

were dispersed into very distant quarters of the empire. Every scrap

of information which we can gain concerning the early life and

associations of such a man is very precious; we may therefore point

out that we can even get a glimpse of the friends and acquaintances of

his earliest days. Barnabas the Levite was of Cyprus, an island only

seventy miles distant from Tarsus. In all probability Barnabas may

have resorted to the Jewish schools of Tarsus, or may have had some

other connexions with the Jewish colony of that city. Some such early

friendship may have been the link which bound Paul to Barnabas and

enabled the latter to stand sponsor for the newly converted Saul when

the Jerusalem Church was yet naturally suspicious of him. "And when he

was come to Jerusalem, he assayed to join himself to the disciples:

and they were all afraid of him, not believing that he was a disciple.

But Barnabas took him, and brought him to the apostles" (Acts ix. 26,

27). This ancient friendship enabled Barnabas to pursue the Apostle

with those offices of consolation which his nascent faith demanded. He

knew Saul's boyhood haunts, and therefore it is we read in Acts xi. 25

that "Barnabas went forth to Tarsus to seek for Saul" when a multitude

of the Gentiles began to pour into the Church of Antioch. Barnabas

knew his old friend's vigorous, enthusiastic character, his genius,

his power of adaptation, and therefore he brought him back to Antioch,

where for a whole year they were joined in one holy brotherhood of

devout and successful labour for their Master. The friendships and

love of boyhood and of youth received a new consecration and were

impressed with a loftier ideal from the example of Saul and of

Barnabas.

Then again there are other friends of his youth to whom he refers.

Timothy's family lived at Lystra, and Lystra was directly connected

with Tarsus by a great road which ran straight from Tarsus to Ephesus,

offering means for that frequent communication in which the Jews ever

delighted. St. Paul's earliest memories carried him back to the devout

atmosphere of the pious Jewish family at Lystra, which he had long

known, where Lois the grandmother and Eunice the mother had laid the

foundations of that spiritual life which under St. Paul's own later

teaching flourished so wondrously in the life of Timothy.[3] Let us

pass on, however, to a period of later development. St. Paul's

earliest teaching at first was doubtless that of the home. As with

Timothy so with the Apostle; his earliest religious teacher was

doubtless his mother, who from his infancy imbued him with the great

rudimentary truths which lie at the basis of both the Jewish and the

Christian faith. His father too took his share. He was a Pharisee, and

would be anxious to fulfil every jot and tittle of the law and every

minute rule which the Jewish doctors had deduced by an attention and a

subtlety concentrated for ages upon the text of the Old Testament. And

one great doctor had laid down, "When a boy begins to speak, his

father ought to talk with him in the sacred language, and to teach him

the law"; a rule which would exactly fall in with his father's natural

inclination.[4] He was a Hebrew of the Hebrews, though dwelling among

Hellenists. He prided himself on speaking the Hebrew language alone,

and he therefore would take the greatest pains that the future

Apostle's earliest teachings should be in that same sacred tongue,

giving him from boyhood that command over Hebrew and its dialects

which he afterwards turned to the best of uses.

[3] See 2 Tim. i. 5, and iii. 14, 15. It is evident that St.

Paul's language implies an acquaintance with Timothy's family of

very long standing.

[4] Schœttgen's _Hor. Hebr._, vol. i., p. 89; Lewin's _St.

Paul_, vol. i., p. 7.

At five years old Jewish children of parents like St. Paul's advanced

to the direct study of the law under the guidance of some doctor,

whose school they daily attended, as another rabbi had expressly

enacted, "At five years old a boy should apply himself to the study of

Holy Scripture." Between five and thirteen Saul was certainly educated

at Tarsus, during which period his whole attention was concentrated

upon sacred learning and upon mechanical or industrial training. It

was at this period of his life that St. Paul must have learned the

trade of tentmaking, which during the last thirty years of his life

stood him in such good stead, rendering him independent of all

external aid so far as his bodily wants were concerned. A question has

often been raised as to the social position of St. Paul's family; and

people, bringing their Western ideas with them, have thought that the

manual trade which he was taught betokened their humble rank. But this

is quite a mistake. St. Paul's family must have occupied at least a

fairly comfortable position, when they were able to send a member of

their house to Jerusalem to be taught in the most celebrated

rabbinical school of the time. But it was the law of that school--and

a very useful law it was too--that every Jew, and especially every

teacher, should possess a trade by which he might be supported did

necessity call for it. It was a common proverb among the Jews at that

time that "He who taught not his son a trade taught him to be a

thief." "It is incumbent on the father to circumcise his son, to

redeem him, to teach him the law, and to teach him some occupation,

for, as Rabbi Judah saith, whosoever teacheth not his son to do some

work is as if he taught him robbery." "Rabbin Gamaliel saith, He that

hath a trade in his hand, to what is he like? He is like to a vineyard

that is fenced." Such was the authoritative teaching of the schools,

and Jewish practice was in accordance therewith. Some of the most

celebrated rabbis of that time were masters of a mechanical art or

trade. The Vice-president of the Sanhedrin was a merchant for four

years, and then devoted himself to the study of the law. One rabbi was

a shoemaker; Rabbi Juda, the great Cabbalist, was a tailor; Rabbi Jose

was brought up as a tanner; another rabbi as a baker, and yet another

as a carpenter.[5] And so as a preparation for the office and life

work to which his father had destined him, St. Paul during his earlier

years was taught one of the common trades of Tarsus, which consisted

in making tents either out of the hair or the skin of the Angora goats

which browsed over the hills of central Asia Minor. It was a trade

that was common among Jews. Aquila and his wife Priscilla were

tentmakers, and therefore St. Paul united himself to them and wrought

at his trade in their company at Corinth (Acts xviii. 3). It has often

been asserted that at this period of his life St. Paul must have

studied Greek philosophy and literature, and men have pointed to his

quotations from the Greek poets Aratus, Epimenides, and Menander to

prove the attention which the Apostle must have bestowed upon

them.[6] Tarsus was certainly one of the great universities of that

age, ranking in the first place along with Athens and Alexandria. So

great was its fame that the Roman emperors even were wont to go to

Tarsus to look for tutors to instruct their sons. But Tarsus was at

the very same time one of the most morally degraded spots within the

bounds of the Roman world, and it is not at all likely that a strict

Hebrew, a stern Pharisee, would have allowed his son to encounter the

moral taint involved in freely mixing with such a degraded people and

in the free study of a literature permeated through and through with

sensuality and idolatry. St. Paul doubtless at this early period of

his life gained that colloquial knowledge of Greek which was every day

becoming more and more necessary for the ordinary purposes of secular

life all over the Roman Empire, even in the most backward parts of

Palestine.[7] But it is not likely that his parents would have

sanctioned his attendance at the lectures on philosophy and poetry

delivered at the University of Tarsus, where he would have been

initiated into all the abominations of paganism in a style most

attractive to human nature.

[5] Josephus, _Antiqq._, XVIII., ix., 1, says of certain Jews of

Babylon, "Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, brethren to

one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put

them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed a

disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth." Then we find

in the New Testament Simon of Joppa was a tanner, Aquila a

tentmaker, the apostles fishermen, and our Lord a carpenter. See a

long note on this subject by Mr. Lewin in his _Life of St. Paul_,

vol. i., p. 8. Massutius, a Jesuit commentator on St. Paul's life,

lib. i., cap. iii., notices that Charlemagne, according to his

biographer Eginhard, would have his sons and daughters taught some

mechanical trade.

[6] See Acts xvii. 28; Titus i. 12; 1 Cor. xv. 33.

[7] See an article on "Greek the Language of Galilee in the time

of Christ," by the Rev. Dr. Abbott, Professor of Hebrew in the

University of Dublin, in his _Essays chiefly on the Original Texts

of the Old and New Testaments_. London, 1891.

At thirteen years of age, or thereabouts, young Saul, having now

learned all the sacred knowledge which the local rabbis could teach,

went up to Jerusalem just as our Lord did, to assume the full

obligations of a Jew and to pursue his higher studies at the great

Rabbinical University of Jerusalem. To put it in modern language, Saul

went up to Jerusalem to be confirmed and admitted to the full

privileges and complete obligations of the Levitical Law, and he also

went up to enter college. St. Paul himself describes the period of

life on which he now entered as that in which he was brought up at the

feet of Gamaliel. We have already touched in a prior volume upon the

subject of Gamaliel's history and his relation to Christianity, but

here it is necessary to say something of him as a teacher, in which

capacity he laid the foundations of modes of thought and reasoning,

the influence of which moulded St. Paul's whole soul and can be traced

all through St. Paul's Epistles.

Gamaliel is an undoubtedly historical personage. The introduction of

him in the Acts of the Apostles is simply another instance of that

marvellous historical accuracy which every fresh investigation and

discovery show to be a distinguishing feature of this book. The Jewish

Talmud was not committed to writing for more than four centuries after

Gamaliel's time,[8] and yet it presents Gamaliel to us in exactly the

same light as the inspired record does, telling us that "with the

death of Gamaliel I. the reverence for the Divine law ceased, and the

observance of purity and abstinence departed." Gamaliel came of a

family distinguished in Jewish history both before and after his own

time. He was of the royal House of David, and possessed in this way

great historical claims upon the respect of the nation. His

grandfather Hillel and his father Simeon were celebrated teachers and

expounders of the law. His grandfather had founded indeed one of the

leading schools of interpretation then favoured by the rabbis. His

father Simeon is said by some to have been the aged man who took up

the infant Christ in his arms and blessed God for His revealed

salvation in the words of the _Nunc Dimittis_; while, as for Gamaliel

himself, his teaching was marked by wisdom, prudence, liberality, and

spiritual depth so far as such qualities could exist in a professor of

rabbinical learning. Gamaliel was a friend and contemporary of Philo,

and this fact alone must have imported an element of liberality into

his teaching. Philo was a widely read scholar who strove to unite the

philosophy of Greece to the religion of Palestine, and Philo's ideas

must have permeated more or less into some at least of the schools of

Jerusalem, so that, though St. Paul may not have come in contact with

Greek literature in Tarsus, he may very probably have learned much

about it in a Judaised, purified, spiritualised shape in Jerusalem.

But the influence exercised on St. Paul by Gamaliel and through him by

Philo, or men of his school, can be traced in other respects.[9]

[8] Basnage, in his _History of the Jews_, translated by Thomas

Taylor, Book III., ch. vi., p. 168 (London, 1708), states, "It is

agreed by the generality of Jewish and Christian doctors that the

Talmud was completed in the 505th year of the Christian Æra." Cf.

Serarius, _De Rabbinis_, Lib. I., c. ix., p. 251; Bartolocci,

_Bibl. Rabbin._, t. i., p. 488, t. iii., p. 359; Morinus, _Exerc.

Bibl._, Lib. II., ex. 6, c. ii. and iii., p. 294. Schaff's

_Encyclopædia of Historical Theology_, vol. iii., pp. 2292-96, has

a good article on the Talmud, giving a long list of authorities to

which reference may be made by any one interested in this subject.

[9] Philo is the subject of a very long and learned article by Dr.

Edersheim in Smith's _Dict. Christ. Biog._, vol. iv., with which

may be compared a shorter article in Schaff's _Encyclopædia of

Hist. Theol._, vol. ii.

The teaching of Gamaliel was as spiritual, I have said, as rabbinical

teaching could have been; but this is not saying very much from the

Christian point of view. The schools at Jerusalem in the time of

Gamaliel were wholly engaged in studies of the most wearisome, narrow,

petty, technical kind. Dr. Farrar has illustrated this subject with a

great wealth of learning and examples in the fourth chapter of his

_Life of St. Paul_. The Talmud alone shows this, throwing a fearful

light upon the denunciations of our Lord as regards the Pharisees, for

it devotes a whole treatise to washings of the hands, and another to

the proper method of killing fowls. The Pharisaic section of the Jews

held, indeed, that there were two hundred and forty-eight commandments

and three hundred and sixty-five prohibitions involved in the Jewish

Law, all of them equally binding, and all of them so searching that if

only one solitary Jew could be found who for one day kept them all and

transgressed in no one direction, then the captivity of God's people

would cease and the Messiah would appear.[10]

[10] These facts throw much light upon our Lord's words in Matt.

xv. 1-9 and xxii. 34-40.

I am obliged to pass over this point somewhat rapidly, and yet it is a

most important one if we desire to know what kind of training the

Apostle received; for, no matter how God's grace may descend and the

Divine Spirit may change the main directions of a man's life, he never

quite recovers himself from the effects of his early teaching. Dr.

Farrar has bestowed much time and labour on this point. The following

brief extract from his eloquent words will give a vivid idea of the

endless puerilities, the infinite questions of pettiest, most minute,

and most subtle bearing with which the time of St. Paul and his

fellow-students must have been taken up, and which must have made him

bitterly feel in the depths of his inmost being that, though the law

may have been originally intended as a source of life, it had been

certainly changed as regards his own particular case, and had become

unto him an occasion of death.

"Moreover, was there not mingled with all this nominal adoration of

the Law a deeply seated hypocrisy, so deep that it was in a great

measure unconscious? Even before the days of Christ the rabbis had

learnt the art of straining out gnats and swallowing camels. They had

long learnt to nullify what they professed to defend. The ingenuity of

Hillel was quite capable of getting rid of any Mosaic regulation which

had been found practically burdensome. Pharisees and Sadducees alike

had managed to set aside in their own favour, by the devices of the

mixtures, all that was disagreeable to themselves in the Sabbath

scrupulosity.[11] The fundamental institution of the Sabbatic year had

been stultified by the mere legal fiction of the Prosbol.[12] Teachers

who were on the high road to a casuistry which could construct rules

out of every superfluous particle, had found it easy to win credit for

ingenuity by elaborating prescriptions to which Moses would have

listened in mute astonishment. If there be one thing more definitely

laid down in the Law than another, it is the uncleanness of creeping

things; yet the Talmud assures us that 'no one is appointed a member

of the Sanhedrin who does not possess sufficient ingenuity to prove

from the written Law that a creeping thing is ceremonially clean'; and

that there was an unimpeachable disciple at Jabne who could adduce one

hundred and fifty arguments in favour of the ceremonial cleanness of

creeping things. Sophistry like this was at work even in the days when

the young student of Tarsus sat at the feet of Gamaliel; and can we

imagine any period of his life when he would not have been wearied by

a system at once so meaningless, so stringent, and so insincere?"

[11] The rabbinical device of mixtures is fully explained in

Buxtorf's _Lexicon_, col. 1657, Ed. Basil (1639), or in Kitto's

_Biblical Encyclopædia_, under the article "Sabbath." The Talmud

had a special treatise called _Tractatus Mixtorum_, which taught

how, for instance, dwellings might be mixed or mingled so as to

avoid technical breaches of the Sabbatical law. Planks were laid

across intervening residences, so that houses at a very great

distance might be brought into touch and connexion, and thus

regarded as one common dwelling for a number of people who wished

for a common feast on the Sabbath. This was called _Mixtio

conclavium_. It was simply one of those wretched devices to which

casuistry always leads; something like the rules for banquets on

fast days, which we find in Lacroix, _Manners of the Middle Ages_,

p. 170, where a most sumptuous Episcopal banquet is described. It

was given on a fast day, therefore no flesh is included; but its

place was amply supplied by rare fish and other dainties: see G.

T. Stokes, _Ireland and Anglo-Norman Church_, p. 143.

[12] Prosbol is simply a transliteration into Hebrew of two Greek

words, πρὸς βουλήν. The Jewish Law enacted a cancelling of all

debts in the Sabbatic year on the part of Jews towards their

brethren. This enactment was found to hinder commerce about the

time of Hillel--_i.e._, 75 years B.C. The rich would not lend to

the poor on account of the Sabbatical year. So the doctors devised

the Prosbol, which was a declaration to the effect that the

Sabbatical year was not to affect the debt. There was a legal

fiction invented which made void the law. The creditor said to the

debtor, "In accordance with the Sabbatical year I remit thee the

debt," and then the debtor replied, "Nevertheless I wish to pay

it," and then the creditor was free from the obligation of Deut.

xv.

These words are true, thoroughly true, in their extremest sense.

Casuistry is at all times a dangerous weapon with which to play, a

dangerous science upon which to concentrate one's attention. The mind

is so pleased with the fascination of the precipice that one is

perpetually tempted to see how near an approach can be made without a

catastrophe, and then the catastrophe happens when it is least

expected. But when the casuist's attention is concentrated upon one

volume like the law of Moses, interpreted in the thousand methods and

combinations open to the luxuriant imagination of the East, then

indeed the danger is infinitely increased, and we cease to wonder at

the vivid, burning, scorching denunciations of the Lord as He

proclaimed the sin of those who enacted that "Whosoever shall swear by

the temple, it is nothing; but whosoever shall swear by the gold of

the temple, he is a debtor." St. Paul's whole time must have been

taken up in the school of Gamaliel with an endless study of such

casuistical trifles; and yet that period of his life left marks which

we can clearly trace throughout his writings. The method, for

instance, in which St. Paul quotes the Old Testament is thoroughly

rabbinical. It was derived from the rules prevalent in the Jewish

schools, and therefore, though it may seem to us at times forced and

unnatural, must have appeared to St. Paul and to the men of his time

absolutely conclusive. When reading the Scriptures we Westerns forget

the great difference between Orientals and the nations of Western

Europe. Aristotle and his logic and his logical methods, with major

and minor premises and conclusions following therefrom, absolutely

dominate our thoughts. The Easterns knew nothing of Aristotle, and his

methods availed nothing to their minds. They argued in quite a

different style, and used a logic which he would have simply scorned.

Analogy, allegory, illustration, form the staple elements of Eastern

logic, and in their use St. Paul was elaborately trained in Gamaliel's

classes, and of their use his writings furnish abundant examples; the

most notable of which will be found in his allegorical interpretation

of the events of the wilderness journey of Israel in 1 Corinthians x.

1-4, where the pillar of cloud, and the passage of the Red Sea, and

the manna, and the smitten rock become the emblems and types of the

Christian Sacraments; and again, in St. Paul's mystical explanation of

Galatians iv. 21-31, where Hagar and Sarah are represented as typical

of the two covenants, the old covenant leading to spiritual bondage

and the new introducing to gospel freedom.[13]

[13] The parallel between Hagar and Sarah is drawn out at full

length after the rabbinical method in Basnage's _History of the

Jews_ (Taylor's translation), book iii., ch. 22; in Lightfoot's

_Galatians_, pp. 178, 179, 189-99, and Farrar's _St. Paul_, ch.

iii. Philo in his writings uses the very same illustration.

Perhaps it may be well to add the concluding words of Bishop

Lightfoot when discussing on p. 197 of his _Galatians_, the

similar use made by St. Paul and by Philo of this illustration of

Hagar: "At the same time we need not fear to allow that St. Paul's

method of teaching here is coloured by his early education in the

rabbinical schools. It were as unreasonable to stake the Apostle's

inspiration on the turn of a metaphor or the character of an

illustration or the form of an argument, as on purity of diction.

No one now thinks of maintaining that the language of the inspired

writers reaches the classical standard of correctness and

elegance, though at one time it was held almost a heresy to deny

this. 'A treasure contained in earthen vessels,' 'strength made

perfect in weakness,' 'rudeness in speech, yet not in knowledge,'

such is the far nobler conception of inspired teaching, which we

may gather from the Apostle's own language. And this language we

should do well to bear in mind. But, on the other hand it were

mere dogmatism to set up the intellectual standard of our own age

or country as an infallible rule. The power of allegory has been

differently felt in different ages, as it is differently felt at

any one time by diverse nations. Analogy, allegory, metaphor--by

what boundaries are these separated the one from the other? What

is true or false, correct or incorrect, as an analogy or an

allegory? What argumentative force must be assigned to either? We

should at least be prepared with an answer to these questions

before we venture to sit in judgment on any individual case."

These, indeed, are the most notable examples of St. Paul's method of

exegesis derived from the school of Gamaliel, but there are

numberless others scattered all through his writings. If we view them

through Western spectacles, we shall be disappointed and miss their

force; but if we view them sympathetically, if we remember that the

Jews quoted and studied the Old Testament to find illustrations of

their own ideas rather than proofs in our sense of the word, studied

them as an enthusiastic Shakespeare or Tennyson or Wordsworth student

pores over his favourite author to find parallels which others, who

are less bewitched, find very slight and very dubious indeed,[14] then

we shall come to see how it is that St. Paul quotes an illustration of

his doctrine of justification by faith from Habakkuk ii. 4--"The soul

of the proud man is not upright, but the just man shall live by his

steadfastness"; a passage which originally applied to the Chaldeans

and the Jews, predicting that the former should enjoy no stable

prosperity, but that the Jews, ideally represented as the just or

upright man, should live securely because of their fidelity;[15] and

can find an allusion to the resurrection of Christ in "the sure

mercies of David," which God had promised to give His people in the

third verse of the fifty-fifth of Isaiah.[16]

[14] The latest instance of this method which I have noticed is

_Illustrations of Tennyson_, by J. C. Collins, reviewed by the

Dean of Armagh in the January number of the _Bookman_, where a

number of such parallelisms are quoted which seem to me rather

dubious.

[15] Bishop Lightfoot, on Galatians iii. 11, says of this verse,

"In its original context the passage has reference to the temporal

calamities inflicted by the Chaldean invasion. Here a spiritual

meaning and general application are given to words referring

primarily to special external incidents." See also Farrar on St.

Paul's method of scriptural quotation, in his _Life of St. Paul_,

ch. iii.

[16] See St. Paul's address to the Jews of the Pisidian Antioch in

Acts xiii. 34. Other specimens of the same rabbinical method used

by St. Paul will be found in Rom. iii., iv., and ix. 33; 1 Cor.

ix. Eph. iv. 8.

Rabbinical learning, Hebrew discipline, Greek experience and life,

these conspired together with natural impulse and character to frame

and form and mould a man who must make his mark upon the world at

large in whatever direction he chooses for his walk in life. It will

now be our duty to show what were the earliest results of this very

varied education.[17]

[17] The great leaders in the divine struggle for righteousness,

in every great onward movement on behalf of truth have always been

men of this varied training. Moses, David, Elijah, Ezra, Saul of

Tarsus, were great leaders of thought and action and they were all

men whose education had been developed in very various schools.

They were not men of books merely, nor men of action alone. They

gained the flexibility of mind, the genuine liberality of thought

which led them out of the old rucks by experiences gained from

very opposite directions. The mere man of books may be very

narrow; the practical man, whose knowledge is limited to every day

affairs and whose horizon is bounded by to-morrow, is often an

unthinking bigot. A man trained like Moses, or David, or Saul is

the true leader of men for his mind is trained to receive truths

from every quarter.

The Expositor's Bible: The Acts of the Apostles, Vol. 2 · 第 1 / 18 章