IV. Attempts at Reformation.

§ 118. ATTEMPTED REFORMS IN CHURCH POLITY.

The struggle between imperialism and hierarchism, which is present

through the whole course of the Middle Ages, rose to a height in the

times of Louis the Bavarian, A.D. 1314-1347 (§ 110, 3, 4), and is

of special interest here because of the literary war waged against

one another by the rival supporters of the emperor and the pope. It

concerns itself first of all only with the questions in debate between

the imperial and the sacerdotal parties; but soon on the imperialist

side there appeared a reforming tendency, which could not be given

effect to without carrying the discussion into a multitude of other

departments where reformation was also needed. Of quite another kind

was the “reformation of head and members” desired by the great councils

of the 15th century. The contention here was based, not so much upon

any superiority claimed by the emperor over the pope and by the State

over the church, but rather upon the subordination of the pope to the

supreme authority of the universal church represented by the œcumenical

councils. Yet both agreed in this, that with like energy they attacked

the corruption of the papacy, in the one case in the interest of the

State, in the other in the interest of the church.

§ 118.1. =The Literary War between Imperialists and Curialists in

the 14th Century.=--The literary controversy over the debatable

land between church and State was conducted with special vigour

in the earlier part of our period, on account of the conflict

between Boniface VIII. and Philip the Fair of France (§ 110, 1).

The ablest vindicators of the independence of the State were the

advocate =Peter Dubois= and the Dominican theologian =John of

Paris=. Among their scholars were the men who twenty years later

sought refuge from the wrath of Pope John XXII. at the court of

Louis the Bavarian at Munich. Of these the most important was the

Italian =Marsilius of Padua=. As teacher of theology, philosophy,

and medicine at Paris, in A.D. 1324, when the dispute between

emperor and pope had reached its height, he composed jointly with

his colleague =John of Jandun= in Champagne a _Defensor pacis_,

a civil and ecclesiastical memoir, which, with an insight and

clearness very remarkable for that age, developed the evangelical

mean of the superiority of the State over the church, and of

the empire over the papacy, historically, exegetically, and

dogmatically; and for this end established theories of Scripture

and tradition, of the tasks and place of the church in the State,

of excommunication and persecution of heretics, of liberty of

faith and conscience, etc., which even transcend the principles

laid down on these points by the Reformation of the 16th century.

Both authors accompanied Louis to Italy in A.D. 1326, and there

John of Jandun died in A.D. 1328. Marsilius continued with the

emperor as his physician, counsellor, and literary defender, and

died at Munich between A.D. 1341-1343. In A.D. 1327 John XXII.

condemned the _Defensor pacis_, and Clement VI. pronounced its

author the worst heretic of all ages. The book, often reprinted

during the 16th century, was first printed at Basel in A.D. 1522.

§ 118.2. Alongside of Marsilius there also stood a goodly array

of schismatical Franciscans, with their general, Michael of

Cesena, at their head (§ 112, 2), who were like himself refugees

at the court of Munich. They persistently contested the heresies

of John XXII. in regard to the vision of God (§ 110, 3) and his

lax theory of poverty. Their polemic also extended to the whole

papal system, and the corruption of church and clergy connected

therewith. The most celebrated of them in respect of scientific

attainments was =William Occam= (§ 113, 3). His earlier treatises

dealt with the pope’s heresies, and only after the Diet of

Rhense (§ 110, 4) did he take up the burning questions about

church and State. In the comprehensive _Dialogus_ he rejects

the infallibility of the pope as decidedly as his temporal

sovereignty, and denies the Divine institution of the primacy.

Also a German prelate, =Leopold of Bebenburg=, Canon of Würzburg,

and from A.D. 1353 Bishop of Bamberg, inspired by genuinely

German patriotism, made his appearance in A.D. 1338 as a brave

and prudent defender of imperial rights against the assumptions

of the papacy.--The ablest of all Marsilius’ opponents was the

Spanish Franciscan =Alvarus Pelagius=, who wrote in A.D. 1330 the

treatise _De planctu ecclesiæ_, in which, while sadly complaining

of the corruption of the church and clergy, he yet ascribes

to the pope as the vicar of Christ unlimited authority over

all earthly principalities and powers, and regards him as the

fountain of all privileges and laws. A still more thoroughgoing

deification of the papacy had appeared a few years earlier

in the _Summa de potestate ecclesiæ ad Johannem Papam_ by

the Augustinian =Augustinus Triumphus= of Ancona. But neither

he nor Pelagius, in view of the manifest contradictions of the

pope’s doctrines of poverty (§ 112, 2), dared go the length of

maintaining papal infallibility. A German canon of Regensburg,

=Conrad of Megensburg=, also took part in the controversy,

seeking to vindicate and glorify the papacy.

§ 118.3. =Reforming Councils of the 15th Century.=--The

longing for reform during this period found most distinct

expression in the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel

(§ 110, 7-9). The fruitlessness of these endeavours, though

they had the sympathy of the people generally, shows that there

was something essentially defective in them. The movement had

kept itself aloof from all sectaries and separatists, wishing to

hold by and reform the presently existing church. But its fault

was this, that it insisted only upon a reformation in the head

and members, not in the spirit, that it aimed at lopping off

the wild growths of the tree, without getting rid of the corrupt

sap from which the very same growths would again proceed. Only

that which was manifestly unchristian in the pretensions of

the hierarchy, the covetousness and greed of the pope, the

immorality of the clergy, the depravity and ignorance of

the monks, etc.--in short, only abuses in hierarchical

constitution and discipline--were dealt with. There was no

word about doctrine. The Romish system, in spite of all its

perversions, was allowed to stand. The current forms of worship,

notwithstanding the introduction of many unevangelical elements

and pagan superstitions, were left untouched. It was not seen

that what was most important of all was the revival of the

preaching of repentance and of justification through Him who

is the justifier of the ungodly. And so it happened that at

Constance Huss, who had pointed out and followed this way, was

sent to the stake, and at Basel the doctrine of the immaculate

conception (§ 112, 4) was admitted as a doctrine of the church.

It was not merely the election of a new pope opposed to the

Reformation that rendered the negotiations at Pisa and Constance

utter failures, the wrong principle upon which they proceeded

insured a disappointing result.

§ 118.4. =Friends of Reform in France during the 15th Century.=

1. =Peter d’Ailly=, professor and chancellor of the University

of Paris, Bishop of Cambray in A.D. 1397 and cardinal in

A.D. 1411, was one of the ablest members of the councils of

Pisa and Constance. He died in A.D. 1425 as cardinal-legate

in Germany. His chief dogmatic treatise, the _Quæstiones_

on the Sentences of the Lombard, occupies the standpoint

of Occam. In many of his other works he falls back upon

the position of the mystics of St. Victor (§ 102, 4),

and recommends with much warmth the diligent study of the

Scriptures. His ideas about church reform are centred in

the affirmation of the Gallican Liberties, which he had

to maintain as a French bishop, but are expressed with the

moderation becoming a Roman cardinal. In opposition to Occam

and the Spirituals, he founds the temporal sovereignty of

the pope on the _Donatio Constantini_. He also holds by

the primacy of the Roman bishop, as firmly established by

Scripture. But the πέτρα of Matthew xvi. 18 he understands

not of Peter, but of Christ. In this passage therefore no

pre-eminence is given to Peter over the other apostles in

the _potestas ordinis_, but by the injunction of John xx.,

“Feed My sheep,” such pre-eminence is given in the _potestas

regiminis_. The œcumenical council, as representative of the

whole church, stands superior to the pope as administrative

head.

2. d’Ailly’s successor as professor and chancellor was the

celebrated =Jean Charlier=, better known from the name of

his birthplace near Rheims as =Gerson=. Having denounced the

Duke of Burgundy’s murder of the Duke of Orleans, and having

thus incurred that prince’s hatred, he withdrew after the

Council of Constance into Bavaria. Soon after the duke’s

death, in A.D. 1419, he returned to France, and settled

at Lyons, where he died in A.D. 1429. Like d’Ailly, Gerson

was a decided nominalist, and sought to give new life

to scholasticism by combining with it Scripture study

and mysticism. He, too, was powerfully influenced by the

Victorine mystics, and yet more by Bonaventura He had

no appreciation of the speculative element in German

mysticism. Gerson was the first French theologian who

employed the language of the people, particularly in his

smaller practical tracts. He was mainly instrumental in

bringing about the Council of Pisa. In the Council of

Constance he was one of the most conspicuous figures.

Restrained by no personal or official relationship with

the curia, he could by speech and writing express himself

much more freely than d’Ailly. The principle and means

of the reform of the church, in its head and members, was

recognised by Gerson in his statement that the highest

authority of the church is to be sought not in the pope,

but in the œcumenical council. He held however in every

point to the Romish system of doctrine. He did indeed

unweariedly proclaim the Bible the one norm and source

of all Christian knowledge, but he would not allow the

reading of it in the vernacular, and regarded all as

heretics who did not in the interpretation of it submit

unconditionally to the judgment of the church.

3. Nicholas of Clemanges was in A.D. 1393 rector of the

University of Paris, but afterwards retired into solitude.

He had the profoundest insight into the corruption of the

church, and acknowledged Holy Scripture to be the only

source of saving truth. From this standpoint he demanded

a thorough reform in theological study and the whole

constitution of the church.

4. Louis d’Aleman, cardinal and Archbishop of Arles, who died

in A.D. 1450, was the most powerful and most eloquent of the

anti-papal party at Basel. He was therefore excommunicated

by Eugenius IV. At last submitting to the pope, he was

restored by Nicholas V. and in A.D. 1527 beatified by

Clement VII.

§ 118.5. =Friends of Reform in Germany.=

1. Even before the appearance of the Parisian friends of

reform, a German, =Henry of Langenstein=, at Marburg had

insisted upon the princes and prelates calling an œcumenical

council for putting an end to schism and reforming the

church. In a treatise published in A.D. 1381 he gave a sad

but only too true picture of the desolate condition of the

church. The cloisters he designated _prostibula meretricium_,

cathedral churches _speluncæ raptorum et latronum_, etc.

From A.D. 1363 he taught in Paris, from A.D. 1390 in Vienna,

where in A.D. 1397 he died as rector of the university.

2. =Theodorich or Dietrich of Niem= in Westphalia

accompanied Gregory XI. from France to Rome as his

secretary in A.D. 1377. From A.D. 1395-1399 he was Bishop

of Verdun, was probably present at the Council of Pisa,

and certainly at that of Constance. He died in this latter

place in A.D. 1417. His writings are of great value for

the history of the schism and of the councils of Pisa and

Constance. His language is simple, strong, and faithful.

3. =Gregory of Heimburg= was present at the Basel Council,

in terms of close friendship with Æneas Sylvius, who was

then also on the side of reform. He became in A.D. 1433

syndicus at Nuremberg, went to the council at Mantua

in A.D. 1459 as envoy of Duke Sigismund of Austria, was

banished in A.D. 1460 by his old friend, now Pius II.,

afterwards led a changeful life, never free from the

papal persecutions, and died at Dresden in A.D. 1472. His

principal writings on civil and ecclesiastical polity,

powerful indictments against the Roman curia inspired by

love for his German fatherland, appeared at Frankfort in

A.D. 1608 under the title _Scripta nervosa justitiæque

plena_.

4. =Jacob of Jüterboyk [Jüterbock]=, who died in A.D. 1465,

was first a Cistercian monk in Poland and teacher of

theology at Cracow, then Carthusian at Erfurt, and to the

end of his life a zealous defender of the positions of the

Council of Basel, at which he was present in A.D. 1441. His

writings leave untouched the doctrines of the church, but

vigorously denounce the political and moral corruption of

the papacy and monasticism, the greedy misuse of the sale

of indulgences, and insist upon the subordinating of the

pope under general councils, and their right even to depose

the pontiff. Whoever contests this latter position teaches

that Christ has given over the church to a sinful man, like

a bridegroom who surrenders his bride to the unrestrained

will of a soldier. All possession of property on the part

of those in sacred offices is with him an abomination, and

unhesitatingly he calls upon the civil power to put an end

to this evil.

5. The =Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa= (§ 113, 6) also for a long

time was one of the most zealous friends of reform in the

Basel Council.

6. =Felix Hemmerlin=, canon at Zürich, was to the end of

his life an ardent supporter of the reform measures of the

Council of Basel, at which he had been present. As he gave

effect to his views in his =official= position, he incurred

the hatred and persecution of the inmates of his convent

to such an extent, that they laid a plot to murder him in

A.D. 1439. His whole life was an almost unbroken series of

sufferings and persecutions. These in great part he brought

on himself by his zealous support of the reactionary party

of the nobles that sided with Austria in opposition to the

patriotic revolutionary party that struggled for freedom.

Deprived of his revenues and deposed from office, he was

imprisoned in A.D. 1454, and died between A.D. 1457-1464

in the prison of the monastery of the Minorites at Lucerne,

martyr as much to his political conservatism as to his

ecclesiastical reformatory principles. His writings were

placed in the _Index prohibitorum_ by the Council of Trent.

7. To this place also belongs the work written in the Swabian

dialect, “=The Reformation of the Emperor Sigismund=,”

which demands a thoroughgoing and radical reform of

the clergy and the secular priests, insisting upon the

renunciation of all personal property on the part of the

latter, enforcing against prelates, abbots, monasteries,

and monks all the reforms of the Basel Council, and making

proposals for their execution in the spirit of the Taborites

and Hussites. The author is styled in the MSS. Frederick

of Landscron, and describes himself as a councillor of

Sigismund. The tract was therefore regarded during the

15th and 16th centuries as a work composed under the

direction of the emperor, setting forth the principles

of reformation attempted at the Basel or Constance Council.

According to Böhm its author was the Taborite Reiser

(§ 119, 9), who, under the powerful reforming impulse

of the Basel Council of A.D. 1435-1437, composed it in

A.D. 1438.

§ 118.6. =An Italian Apostate from the Basel Liberal

Party.=--=Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini=, born at Siena in A.D. 1405,

appeared at Basel, first as secretary of a bishop, then of a

cardinal, and finally of the Basel anti-pope Felix V., as a most

decided opponent of Eugenius IV., and wrote in A.D. 1439 from

this point of view his history of the council. In A.D. 1442 he

entered the service of the then neutral Emperor Frederick III.,

was made _Poeta laureatus_ and imperial councillor, and as such

still fought for the independence of the German church. But in

A.D. 1445, with all the diplomatic arts which were so abundantly

at his disposal, he wrought to secure the subjection of the

emperor and German princes under the pope (§ 110, 10). Made

bishop of Siena in A.D. 1450, he was raised to the cardinalate

by Calixtus III. in A.D. 1456, and two years later ascended the

papal throne as Pius II. The lasciviousness of his earlier life

is mirrored in his poems, novels, dialogues, dramas, and letters.

But as pope, old and weak, he maintained an honourable life, and

in a bull of retractation addressed to the University of Cologne

exhorted Christendom _Æneam rejicite, Pium recipite_!

§ 118.7. =Reforms in Church Policy in Spain.=--Notwithstanding

the church feeling awakened by the struggle with the Moors, a

vigorous opposition to papal pretensions was shown during the

14th century by the Spanish princes, and after the outbreak

of the great schism the anti-pope Clement VII., in A.D. 1381,

purchased the obedience of the Spanish church by large

concessions in regard to appointment to its bishoprics and

the removal of the abuses of papal indulgences. The popes,

indeed, sought not unsuccessfully to enlist Spain in their

favour against the reformatory tendencies of the councils

of the 15th century, until =Ferdinand= of Aragon [Arragon],

A.D. 1479-1516, and =Isabella= of Castille [Castile],

A.D. 1474-1504, who had on account of their zeal for the

Catholic cause been entitled by the pontiff himself “their

Catholic majesties,” entered so vigorous a protest against

papal usurpations, that toward the end of the 15th century the

royal supremacy over the Spanish church had won a recognition

never accorded to it before. They consistently refused to

acknowledge any bishop appointed by the pope, and forced from

Sixtus IV. the concession that only Spaniards nominated by

the Crown should be eligible for the highest ecclesiastical

offices. All papal rescripts were subject to the royal approval,

ecclesiastical tribunals were carefully supervised, and appeals

from them were allowed to the royal judicatures. The church had

also to give ordinary and extraordinary tithes of its goods and

revenues for State purposes. The Spanish inquisition (§ 117, 2),

thoroughly recognised in A.D. 1483, was more of a civil than

an ecclesiastical institution. As the bishops and inquisitors

were appointed by the royal edict, the orders of knights

(§ 98, 13), by the transference of the grand-mastership to

the king, were placed in complete subjection to the Crown;

and whether he would or not Alexander VI. was obliged to accord

to the royal commission for church and cloister visitation

and reform the most absolute authority. But in everything

else these rulers were worthy of the name of “Catholics,”

for they tolerated in their church only the purely mediæval

type of strict orthodoxy. The most distinguished promoter

of their reforms in church polity was a Franciscan monk,

=Francis Ximenes=, from A.D. 1492 confessor to Isabella,

afterwards raised by her to the archbishopric of Toledo,

made a Roman cardinal by Alexander VI., and grand-inquisitor

of Spain in A.D. 1507. He died in A.D. 1517.

§ 119. EVANGELICAL EFFORTS AT REFORM.

Alongside of the Parisian reformers, but far in advance of them,

stand those of the English and Bohemian churches represented by Wiclif

and Huss. The reformation aimed at by these two was essentially of

the same kind, Wiclif being the more original, while Huss was largely

dependent upon his great English precursor. For in personal endowment,

speculative power, rich and varied learning, acuteness and wealth of

thought, originality and productivity of intellect, the Englishman

was head and shoulders above the Bohemian. On the other hand, Huss

was far more a man for the people, and he conducted his contention

in a sensible, popular, and practical manner. There were also powerful

representatives of the reform movement in the Netherlands during this

period, who pointed to Scripture and faith in the crucified Saviour as

the only radical cure for the corruptions of the church. While Wiclif

and Huss attached themselves to the Augustinian theology, the Dutchmen

gave themselves to quiet, calm contemplation and the acquirement of

practical religious knowledge. In Italy too a reformer appeared of a

strongly evangelical spirit, who did not however show the practical

sense of those of the Netherlands.

§ 119.1. =Wiclif and the Wiclifites.=--In England the kings and

the Parliament had for a long time withstood the oppressive yoke

of the papal hierarchy. Men too like John of Salisbury, Robert

Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, and Thomas Bradwardine had raised their

voices against the inner corruption of the church. =John Wiclif=,

a scholar of Bradwardine, was born about A.D. 1320. As fellow of

the University of Oxford, he supported in A.D. 1366 the English

Crown against the payment of tribute to the papal court then at

Avignon, admitted by John Lackland (§ 96, 18), of which payment

had now for a long time been refused. This secured him court

favour, the title of doctor, and a professorship of theology at

Oxford; and in A.D. 1374 he was chosen as member of a commission

which was to discuss at Brügge in the Netherlands with the papal

envoys the differences that had arisen about the appointing

to ecclesiastical offices. After his return he openly spoke

and wrote against the papal “antichrist” and his doctrines.

Gregory XI. now, in A.D. 1377, condemned nineteen propositions

from his writings, but the English court protected him from the

strict inquiry and punishment threatened. Meanwhile Wiclif was

ever becoming bolder. Under his influence religious societies

were formed which sent out travelling preachers of the gospel

among the people. By their opponents they were called Lollards

(§ 116, 3), a name to which the stigma of heresy was already

attached. Wiclif translated for them the Scriptures from

the Vulgate into English. The bitterness of his enemies now

reached its height. Just then, in A.D. 1381, a rebellion of

the oppressed peasants that deluged all England with blood

broke out. Its origin has been quite gratuitously assigned to

the religious movement. When he had directly repudiated the

doctrine of transubstantiation, a synod at London, in A.D. 1382,

condemned his writings and his doctrine as heretical, and the

university also cast him out. Court and Parliament could only

protect his person. He now retired to his rectory at Lutterworth

in Leicestershire, where he died on 31st December, 1384.--For

five centuries his able writings were left unprinted, to moulder

away in the obscurity of libraries. His English works have

now been edited by Matthews, London, 1880. Lechler of Leipzig

edited Wiclif’s most complete and comprehensive work, the

“_Trialogus_” (Oxford, 1869), in which his whole theological

system is developed. Buddensieg of Dresden published the keen

antipapal controversial tract, “_De Christo et suo adversario

Antichristo_” (Leipzig, 1880). The Wiclif Society, instituted

at the fifth centenary of Wiclif’s death for the purpose of

issuing critical editions of his most important works, sent

forth as their first performance Buddensieg’s edition of

“twenty-six Latin controversial tracts of Wiclif’s from MSS.

previously unprinted,” in 2 vols., London, 1883. Among Wiclif’s

systematic treatises we are promised editions of the _Summa

theologiæ_, _De incarnatione Verbi_, _De veritate s. Scr._,

_De dominio divino_, _De ecclesia_, _De actibus animæ_, etc.,

some by English, some by German editors.--As the principle of

all theology and reformation Wiclif consistently affirms the

sole authority of Divine revelation in the Holy Scriptures. He

has hence been called _doctor evangelicus_. Anything that cannot

be proved from it is a corrupting human invention. Consistently

carrying out this principle, he denounced the worship of saints,

relics, and images, the use of Latin in public worship, elaborate

priestly choir singing, the multiplication of festivals, private

masses, extreme unction, and generally all ceremonialism. The

Catholic doctrine of indulgence and the sale of indulgences,

as well as the ban and the interdict, he pronounced blasphemous;

auricular confession he regarded as a forcing of conscience; the

power of the keys he explained as conditional, its binding and

loosing powerless, except when in accordance with the judgment

of Christ. He denied the real presence of the body and blood

of Christ in the Lord’s Supper, and affirmed, like Berengar,

a spiritual communication thereof, which however he makes

dependent, not only on the faith of the receiver, but also

on the worthiness of the officiating priest. The doctrine of

purgatory he completely rejected, and supported Augustine’s

predestinationism against the prevalent semipelagianism. The

papacy was antichrist; the pope has his power only from the

emperor, not from God. The hierarchical system should be

replaced by the apostolic presbyterial constitution. Ordination

confers no indelible character; a priest who has fallen into

mortal sin cannot dispense the sacrament. Every believer is as

such a priest. The State is a representation of Christ, as the

God-Man ruler of the universe; the clergy represent only the

poor and suffering life of His humanity. Monkery is contrary

to nature, etc.--Wiclif’s supporters, many of them belonging

to the noblest and most cultured orders, were after his death

subjected to violent persecution, which reached its height when

the House of Lancaster in the person of Henry IV. ascended the

English throne in A.D. 1399. An act of parliament was passed in

A.D. 1400 which made death by fire the punishment of the heresy

of the Lollards. Among the martyrs which this law brought to

the stake was the noble Sir John Oldcastle, who in A.D. 1418

was hung up between two beams in iron chains over a fire and

there slowly burnt. The Council of Constance in A.D. 1415

condemned forty-five propositions from Wiclif’s writings, and

ordered his bones to be exhumed and scattered abroad. Many

germs sown by him continued until the Reformation came.[348]

§ 119.2. =Precursors of the Hussite Movement.=--Owing to its

Greek origin (§ 79, 2, 3), the Bohemian church had a certain

character of its own and barely tolerated the Roman constitution

and ritual. In Bohemia too the Waldensians had numerous

supporters during the 13th century. And even before the

appearance of Huss three distinguished clergymen in and around

Prague by earnest preaching and pastoral work had awakened in

many a consciousness of crying abuses in the church.

1. =Conrad of Waldhausen= was a famous preacher when called

by Charles IV. to Prague, where after fifteen years’ labour

he died in A.D. 1369. Preaching in German, he inveighed

against the cupidity, hypocrisy, and immorality of the

clergy and monks, against the frauds connected with the

worship of images and relics and shrines, and threw back

upon his accusers the charge of heresy in his still extant

_Apologia_.

2. More influential than Conrad as a preacher of repentance

in Prague was =John Milicz of Cremsier= in Moravia, who

died in A.D. 1374. Believing the end of the world near

and antichrist already come, he went to Rome in A.D. 1367

to place before Urban V. his scheme of apocalyptic

interpretation. Escaping with difficulty from the

Inquisition, he returned to Prague, and there applied

himself with renewed zeal to the preaching of repentance.

His preaching led to the conversion of 200 fallen women,

for whom he erected an institution which he called Jerusalem.

But the begging friars accused him before Gregory XI. as a

heretic. Milicz fearlessly went for examination to Avignon

in A.D. 1374, where he soon died before judgment had been

passed. The most important of his works is _De Antichristo_.

3. =Matthias of Janow=, of noble Bohemian descent, died in

A.D. 1374, after fourteen years’ work as a preacher and

pastor in Prague. His sermons, composed in Bohemian, lashed

unsparingly the vices of the clergy and monks, as well

as the immorality of the laity, and denounced the worship

of images and relics. None of his sermons are extant,

but we have various theological treatises of his on the

distinguishing of the true faith from the false and the

frequent observance of the communion. At a Prague synod of

A.D. 1389 he was obliged to retract several of his positions,

and especially to grant the propriety of confessing and

communicating half-yearly. Janow however, like Conrad and

Milicz, did not seriously contest any fundamental point of

the doctrine of the church.

§ 119.3. =John Huss of Hussinecz= in Bohemia, born A.D. 1369,

was Bachelor of Theology at Prague, in A.D. 1394, Master

of Liberal Arts in A.D. 1396, became public teacher in the

university in A.D. 1398, was ordained priest in A.D. 1400,

undertook a pastorate in A.D. 1402 in the Bethlehem chapel,

where he had to preach in the Bohemian language, was chosen

confessor of Queen Sophia in A.D. 1403, and was soon afterwards

made synodal preacher by the new archbishop, Sbynko of Hasenburg.

Till then he had in pious humility accepted all the doctrines

of the Romish Church, and even in A.D. 1392 he offered his last

four groschen for an indulgence, so that for a long time dry

bread was his only nourishment. But about A.D. 1402 he reached

an important crisis in his life through the study of Wiclif’s

theological works.--Bohemians who had studied in Oxford brought

with them Wiclif’s philosophical works, and in A.D. 1348 the

discussion on realism and nominalism broke out in Prague. The

Bohemians generally sided with Wiclif for realism; the Germans

with the nominalists (§ 113, 3). This helped to prepare an

entrance for Wiclif’s theological writings into Bohemia. Of the

national party which favoured Wiclif’s philosophy and theology,

Huss was soon recognised as a leader. A university decree of

A.D. 1403 condemned forty-five propositions from Wiclif’s works

as heretical, and forbade their promulgation in lectures or

sermons. Huss however was still highly esteemed by Archbishop

Sbynko. In A.D. 1405 he appointed Huss, with other three

scholars, a commission to investigate a reputed miracle at

Wilsnack, where on the altar of a ruined church three blood-red

coloured hosts were said to have been found. Huss pronounced

the miracle a cheat, and proved in a tract that the blood of

Christ glorified can only be invisibly present in the sacrament

of the altar. The archbishop approved this tract, and forbade

all pilgrimages to the spot. He also took no offence at Huss

for uttering Wiclifite doctrine in his synod sermon. Only when,

in A.D. 1408, the clergy of his diocese complained that Huss by

his preaching made the priests contemptible before the people,

did he deprive him of his function as synod preacher. When the

majority of cardinals at Leghorn in A.D. 1408 took steps to put

an end to the schism, king Wenzel determined to remain neutral,

and demanded the assent of the university as well as the clergy

of his realm. But only the Bohemian members of the university

agreed, while the rest, along with the archbishop, supported

Gregory XII. Sbynko keenly resented the revolt of the Bohemians,

and forbade Huss as their spokesman to preach within his diocese.

Huss paid no attention to the prohibition, but secured a royal

injunction, that henceforth in the university Bohemians should

have three votes and foreigners only one. The foreigners then

withdrew, and founded the University of Leipzig in A.D. 1409.

Huss was made first rector of the newly organized University

of Prague; but the very fact of his great popularity in Bohemia

caused him to be profoundly hated in other lands.[349]

§ 119.4. The archbishop escaped prosecution only by

unreservedly condemning the doctrines of Wiclif, burning his

books, and prohibiting all lectures upon them. Huss and his

friends appealed to John XXIII., but this did not prevent the

archbishop burning in his palace yard about two hundred Wiclifite

books that had previously escaped his search. For this he was

hooted in the streets, and compelled by the courts of law to

pay the value of the books destroyed. John XXIII. cited Huss

to appear at Rome. King, nobles, magistrates, and university

sided with him; but the papal commission condemned him when he

did not appear, and the archbishop pronounced anathema against

him and the interdict against Prague (A.D. 1411). Huss appealed

to the œcumenical council, and continued to preach. The court

forced the archbishop to become reconciled with Huss, and to

admit his orthodoxy. Sbynko reported to the pope that Bohemia

was free from heresy. He soon afterwards died. The pope himself

was the cause of a complete breach, by having an indulgence

preached in Bohemia in A.D. 1412 for a crusade against Ladislaus

of Naples, the powerful adherent of Gregory XII. Huss opposed

this by word and writing, and in a public disputation maintained

that the pope had no right to grant such indulgence. His most

stanch supporter was a Bohemian knight, Jerome of Prague, who

had studied at Oxford, and returned in A.D. 1402 an enthusiastic

adherent of Wiclif’s doctrines. Their addresses produced

an immense impression, and two days later their disorderly

followers, to throw contempt on the papal party, had the bull

of indulgence paraded through the streets, on the breast of a

public prostitute, representing the whore of Babylon, and then

cast into the flames. But many old friends now withdrew from Huss

and joined his opponents. The papal curia thundered against him

and his followers the great excommunication, with its terrible

curses. Wherever he resided that place was put under interdict.

But Huss appealed to the one righteous Judge, Jesus Christ. At

the wish of the king he left the city, and sought the protection

of various noble patrons, from whose castles he went forth

diligently preaching round about. He spread his views all over

the country by controversial and doctrinal treatises in Latin

and Bohemian, as well as by an extensive correspondence with

his friends and followers. Thus the trouble and turmoil grew

from day to day, and all the king’s efforts to restore peace

were in vain.

§ 119.5. The Roman emperor Sigismund summoned Huss to attend the

Council of Constance (§ 110, 7), and promised him a safe-conduct.

Though not yet in possession of this latter, which he only

got at Constance, trusting to the righteousness of his cause,

for which he was quite willing to die a martyr’s death, he

started for Constance on 11th October, A.D. 1414, reaching his

destination on 3rd November. On 28th November he was sentenced

to imprisonment at a private conference of the cardinals, on the

pretended charge of an attempt at flight, first in the Dominican

cloister, then in the bishop’s castle of Gottlieben, where he

was put in chains, finally in the Franciscan cloister. Sigismund,

who had not been forewarned when he was cast into prison, ordered

his release; but the council convinced him that Huss, arraigned

as a heretic before a general council, was beyond the reach

of civil protection. His bitterest enemies and accusers were

two Bohemians, Michael of Deutschbrod and Stephan of Palecz.

The latter extracted forty-two points for accusations from his

writings, which Huss from his prison retracted. D’Ailly and

Gerson were both against him. The brave knight John of Chlum

stood faithfully by him as a comforter to the last. For almost

seven months was he harassed by private examinations, in which,

notwithstanding his decided repudiation of many of them, he was

charged with all imaginable Wiclifite heresies. The result was

the renewed condemnation of those forty-five propositions from

Wiclif’s writings, which had been condemned A.D. 1408 by the

University of Prague. At last, on 5th June, A.D. 1415, he was

for the first time granted a public trial, but the tumult at

the sitting was so great that he was prevented from saying a

single word. Even on the two following days of the trial he

could do little more than make a vain protest against being

falsely charged with errors, and declare his willingness to be

better instructed from God’s word. The humility and gentleness of

his demeanour, as well as the enthusiasm and believing joyfulness

which he displayed, won for him many hearts even outside of the

council. All possible motives were urged to induce him to submit.

Sigismund so exhorted him, with the threat that if he did not

he would withdraw his protection. The third and last day of

trial was 8th June, A.D. 1415, and judgment was pronounced in

the cathedral church on the 6th July. After high mass had been

celebrated, a bishop mounted the pulpit and preached on Romans

vi. 6. He addressed Sigismund, who was present, “By destroying

this heretic, thou shalt obtain an undying name to all ensuing

generations.” Once again called upon to recant, Huss repeated

his previous protests, appealed to the promise of a safe-conduct,

which made Sigismund wince and blush, and kneeling down prayed

to God for his enemies and unjust judges. Then seven bishops

dressed him in priestly robes in order to strip him of them one

after another amid solemn execrations. Then they put on him a

high pyramidal hat, painted with figures of devils, and bearing

the inscription, _Hæresiarcha_, and uttered the words, “We give

thy soul to the devil.” He replied: “I commend it into the hands

of our Saviour Jesus Christ.” On that same day he was given over

by Sigismund to Louis Count-palatine of the Rhine, and by him

to the Constance magistrates, and led to the stake. Amid prayer

and praise he expired, joyfully, courageously, and confidently,

showing himself worthy to rank among the martyrs who in the best

times of Christianity had sealed their Christian confession with

their blood. His ashes were scattered on the Rhine. The later

Hussites, in accordance with an old Christian custom (§ 39, 5),

celebrated the day of his death as the _dies natalis_ of the

holy martyr John Huss.--=Jerome of Prague= had gone unasked to

Constance. When he saw that his longer stay would not help his

friend, but only involve himself in his fate, he left the city;

but was seized on the way, and taken back in chains in April,

A.D. 1415. During a severe half-year’s imprisonment, and wearied

with the importunities of his judges, he agreed to recant, and

to acquiesce in the sentence of Huss. But he was not trusted, and

after as before his recantation he was kept in close confinement.

Then his courage revived. He demanded a public trial before the

whole council, which was at last granted him in May, A.D. 1416.

There he solemnly and formally retracted his previous retractation

with a believer’s confidence and a martyr’s joy. On May 30th,

A.D. 1416, he, too, died at the stake, joyfully and courageously

as Huss had done. The Florentine humanist Poggio, who was present,

has given enthusiastic expression in a still extant letter to his

admiration at the heroic spirit of the martyr.

§ 119.6. In all his departures from Romish doctrine Huss was

dependent upon Wiclif, not only for the matter, but even for

the modes of expression. He did not however separate himself

quite so far from the Church doctrines as his English master.

He firmly maintained the doctrine of transubstantiation; he was

also inclined to withhold the cup from the laity; and, though

he sought salvation only from the Saviour crucified for us, he

did not refuse to give any place to works in the justification

of the sinner, and even invocation of the saints he did not

wholly condemn. While he energetically protested against the

corruption of the clergy, he never denied that the sacrament

might be efficaciously administered by an unworthy priest. In

everything else however he was in thorough agreement with the

English reformer. The most complete exposition of his doctrine

is found in the _Tractatus de ecclesia_ of A.D. 1413. Augustine’s

doctrine of predestination is its foundation. He distinguishes

from the church as a visible human institution the idea of the

church as the true body of Christ, embracing all elected in

Christ to blessedness from eternity. Its one and only head is

Christ: not Peter, not the pope; for this church is no monster

with two heads. Originally and according to Christ’s appointment

the bishop of Rome was no more than the other bishops. The

donation of Constantine first gave him power and dignity over

the rest. As the church in the beginning could exist without

a pope, so the church unto the end can exist without one. The

Christian can obey the pope only where his commands and doctrines

agree with those of Christ. In matters of faith Holy Scripture

is the only authority. Fathers, councils, and popes may err,

and have erred; only the word of God is infallible.--That

this liberal reforming Council of Constance, with a Gerson

at its head, should have sentenced such a man to death is not

to be wondered at when we rightly consider how matters stood.

His hateful realism seemed to the nominalistic fathers of the

council the source of all conceivable heresies. It had even

been maintained that realism consistently carried out would

give a fourth person to the Godhead. His devotion to the national

interests of Bohemia in the University of Prague had excited

German national feeling against him. And, further, the council,

which was concerned only with outward reforms, had little

sympathy with the evangelical tone of his spirit and doctrine.

Besides this, Huss had placed himself between the swords of two

contending parties. The hierarchical party wished, in order to

strike terror into their opponents, to show by an example that

the church had still the power to burn heretics; and the liberal

party refused to this object of papal hate all protection, lest

they should endanger the cause of reformation by incurring a

suspicion of sympathy with heresy.--The prophecy said to have

been uttered by Huss in his last moments, “To-day you burn a

goose (this being the meaning of Huss in Slavonian), but from

its ashes will arise a swan (Luther’s coat of arms), which you

will not be able to burn,” was unknown to his contemporaries.

Probably it originated in the Reformation age from the appeals

of both martyrs to the judgment of God and history. Huss had

often declared that instead of the weak goose there would come

powerful eagles and falcons.[350]

§ 119.7. =Calixtines and Taborites.=--During the imprisonment

of their leader the Hussite party was headed by Jacob of Misa,

pastor of St. Michael’s church in Prague. With consent of Huss

he introduced the use of the cup by the laity and rejected the

_jejunium eucharisticum_ as opposed to Matthew xxvi. 26. This

led to an interchange of controversial tracts between Prague and

Constance on the withholding of the cup. The council decreed that

whoever disobeys the Church on this point is to be punished as a

heretic. This decree, followed by the execution of Huss, roused

Bohemia to the uttermost. King Wenceslaw died in A.D. 1419 in the

midst of national excitement, and the estates refused to crown

his brother Sigismund, “the word-breaker.” Now arose a civil war,

A.D. 1420-1436, characterized by cruelties on both sides rarely

equalled. At the head of the Hussites, who had built on the brow

of a steep hill the strong fortress Tabor, was the one-eyed,

afterwards blind, =John Ziska of Trocznov=. The crusading armies

sent against the Hussites were one after another destroyed;

but the gentle spirit of Huss had no place among most of his

followers. The two parties became more and more embittered toward

one another. The aristocratic =Calixtines= (_calix_, cup) or

Utraquists (_sub utraque_), at whose head was Bishop Rokycana

of Prague, declared that they would be satisfied if the Catholic

church would concede to them four articles:

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