TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.

WASHINGTON, March 2, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of May 2d; since which I have received yours

of May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23d, 24th, and September the 5th,

and distributed the two pamphlets according to your desire. They are read

with the delight which everything from your pen gives.

After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being entangled

in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The edicts of

the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, we met by an

embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships and property,

to levy men and put our seaports into a certain state of defence. We have

now taken off the embargo, except as to France and England and their

territories, because fifty millions of exports, annually sacrificed,

are the treble of what war would cost us; besides, that by war we

should take something, and lose less than at present. But to give you

a true description of the state of things here, I must refer you to Mr.

Coles, the bearer of this, my secretary, a most worthy, intelligent and

well-informed young man, whom I recommend to your notice, and conversation

on our affairs. His discretion and fidelity may be relied on. I expect

he will find you with Spain at your feet, but England still afloat, and a

barrier to the Spanish colonies. But all these concerns I am now leaving

to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison. Within a few days I retire to my

family, my books and farms; and having gained the harbor myself, I shall

look on my friends still buffeting the storm with anxiety indeed, but

not with envy. Never did a prisoner, released from his chains, feel such

relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended

me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme

delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have lived, have

forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the

boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the opportunity

of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most

consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave everything in the hands

of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet

misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should

you return to the United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to

visit the hermit of Monticello. He will receive you with affection and

delight; hailing you in the meantime with his affectionate salutations and

assurances of constant esteem and respect.

P. S. If you return to us, bring a couple of pair of true-bred shepherd's

dogs. You will add a valuable possession to a country now beginning to pay

great attention to the raising sheep.

TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG.

WASHINGTON, March 5, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--This will be handed you by Mr. Coles, the bearer of public

despatches, by an _aviso_. He has lived with me as Secretary, is my

wealthy neighbor at Monticello, and worthy of all confidence. His intimate

knowledge of our situation has induced us to send him, because he will

be a full supplement as to all those things which cannot be detailed in

writing. He can possess you of our present situation much more intimately

than you can understand it from letters. The belligerent edicts rendered

our embargo necessary to call home our ships, our seamen, and property.

We expected some effect too from the coercion of interest. Some it has

had; but much less on account of evasions, and domestic opposition to it.

After fifteen months' continuance it is now discontinued, because, losing

$50,000,000 of exports annually by it, it costs more than war, which might

be carried on for a third of that, besides what might be got by reprisal.

War therefore must follow if the edicts are not repealed before the

meeting of Congress in May. You have thought it advisable sooner to take

possession of adjacent territories. But we know that they are ours the

first moment that any war is forced upon us for other causes, that we are

at hand to anticipate their possession, if attempted by any other power,

and, in the meantime, we are lengthening the term of our prosperity,

liberating our revenues, and increasing our power. I suppose Napoleon will

get possession of Spain; but her colonies will deliver themselves to any

member of the Bourbon family. Perhaps Mexico will choose its sovereign

within itself. He will find them much more difficult to subdue than

Austria or Prussia; because an enemy (even in peace an enemy) possesses

the element over which he is to pass to get at them; and a more powerful

enemy (climate) will soon mow down his armies after arrival. This will

be, without any doubt, the most difficult enterprise the emperor has ever

undertaken. He may subdue the small colonies; he never can the old and

strong; and the former will break off from him the first war he has again

with a naval power.

I thank you for having procured for me the Dynamometer which I have safely

received, as well as the plough. Mr. Coles will reimburse what you were

so kind as to advance for me on that account. The letters which will be

written you by the new Secretary of State (Mr. Smith) will say to you what

is meant to be official. For although I too have written on politics,

it is merely as a private individual, which I am now happily become.

Within two or three days I retire from scenes of difficulty, anxiety, and

of contending passions, to the elysium of domestic affections, and the

irresponsible direction of my own affairs. Safe in port myself, I shall

look anxiously at my friends still buffeting the storm, and wish you all

safe in port also. With my prayers for your happiness and prosperity,

accept the assurances of my sincere friendship and great respect.

TO M. LE BARON HUMBOLDT.

WASHINGTON, March 6, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I received safely your letter of May 30th, and with it your

astronomical work and Political essay on the kingdom of New Spain, for

which I return you my sincere thanks. I had before heard that this work

had begun to appear, and the specimen I have received proves that it will

not disappoint the expectations of the learned. Besides making known to

us one of the most singular and interesting countries on the globe, one

almost locked up from the knowledge of man hitherto, precious additions

will be made to our stock of physical science, in many of its parts. We

shall bear to you therefore the honorable testimony that you have deserved

well of the republic of letters.

You mention that you had before written other letters to me. Be assured

I have never received a single one, or I should not have failed to make

my acknowledgments of it. Indeed I have not waited for that, but for the

certain information, which I had not, of the place where you might be.

Your letter of May 30th first gave me that information. You have wisely

located yourself in the focus of the science of Europe. I am held by the

cords of love to my family and country, or I should certainly join you.

Within a few days I shall now bury myself in the groves of Monticello,

and become a mere spectator of the passing events. On politics I will

say nothing, because I would not implicate you by addressing to you the

republican ideas of America, deemed horrible heresies by the royalism

of Europe. You will know before this reaches you, that Mr. Madison is my

successor. This ensures to us a wise and honest administration. I salute

you with sincere friendship and respect.

TO MR. SHORT.

WASHINGTON, March 8, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--It is with much concern I inform you that the Senate has

negatived your appointment. We thought it best to keep back the nomination

to the close of the session, that the mission might remain secret as long

as possible, which you know was our purpose from the beginning. It was

then sent in with an explanation of its object and motives. We took for

granted, if any hesitation should arise, that the Senate would take time,

and that our friends in that body would make inquiries of us, and give us

the opportunity of explaining and removing objections. But to our great

surprise, and with an unexampled precipitancy, they rejected it at once.

This reception of the last of my official communications to them, could

not be unfelt, nor were the causes of it spoken out by them. Under this

uncertainty, Mr. Madison, on his entering into office, proposed another

person, (John Q. Adams.) He also was negatived, and they adjourned _sine

die_. Our subsequent information was that, on your nomination, your

long absence from this country, and their idea that you do not intend to

return to it, had very sensible weight; but that all other motives were

superseded by an unwillingness to extend our diplomatic connections, and

a desire even to recall the foreign ministers we already have. All were

sensible of the great virtues, the high character, the powerful influence,

and valuable friendship of the emperor. But riveted to the system of

unentanglement with Europe, they declined the proposition. On this subject

you will receive the official explanations from Mr. Smith, the Secretary

of State. I pray you to place me _rectus in curiâ_ in this business

with the emperor, and to assure him that I carry into my retirement the

highest veneration for his virtues, and fondly cherish the belief that his

dispositions and power are destined by heaven to better, in some degree at

least, the condition of oppressed man.

I have nothing new to inform you as to your private friends or

acquaintances. Our embargo has worked hard. It has in fact federalized

three of the New England States. Connecticut you know was so before. We

have substituted for it a non-intercourse with France and England and

their dependencies, and a trade to all other places. It is probable the

belligerents will take our vessels under their edicts, in which case we

shall probably declare war against them.

I write this in the midst of packing and preparing for my departure,

of visits of leave, and interruptions of every kind. I must therefore

conclude with my affectionate adieu to you, and assurances of my constant

attachment and respect.

TO THE PRESIDENT.

MONTICELLO, March 17, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--On opening my letters from France, in the moment of my

departure from Washington, I found from their signatures that they were

from literary characters, except one from Mr. Short, which mentioned in

the outset that it was private, and that his public communications were in

the letter to the Secretary of State, which I sent you. I find, however,

on reading his letter to me (which I did not do till I got home) a

passage of some length proper to be communicated to you, and which I have

therefore extracted.

I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively bad,

although I have seen them worse. The last three days I found it better

to be on horseback, and travelled eight hours through as disagreeable a

snow storm as I was ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition

but fatigue, I have more confidence in my _vis vitæ_, than I had before

entertained. The spring is remarkably backward. No oats sown, not

much tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat has suffered

considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red maple, weeping willow

and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight dollars at Richmond, and all

produce is hurrying down.

I feel great anxiety for the occurrences of the ensuing four or five

months. If peace can be preserved, I hope and trust you will have a smooth

administration. I know no government which would be so embarrassing in

war as ours. This would proceed very much from the lying and licentious

character of our papers; but much, also, from the wonderful credulity of

the members of Congress in the floating lies of the day. And in this no

experience seems to correct them. I have never seen a Congress during

the last eight years, a great majority of which I would not implicitly

have relied on in any question, could their minds have been purged of all

errors of fact. The evil, too, increases greatly with the protraction of

the session, and I apprehend, in case of war, their session would have a

tendency to become permanent. It is much, therefore, to be desired that

war may be avoided, if circumstances will admit. Nor in the present maniac

state of Europe, should I estimate the point of honor by the ordinary

scale. I believe we shall, on the contrary, have credit with the world,

for having made the avoidance of being engaged in the present unexampled

war, our first object. War, however, may become a less losing business

than unresisted depredation. With every wish that events may be propitious

to your administration, I salute you with sincere affection and every

sympathy of the heart.

TO WILLIAM M'ANDLESS, ESQ., PITTSBURG.

MONTICELLO, March 29, 1809.

SIR,--I received on the evening of the 1st of March the resolutions

enclosed in your letter of February 20th, for the purpose of being laid

before both Houses of Congress. Usage, and perhaps sound principle, not

permitting the President to place himself between the representatives

and their constituents, who have a right to address their Legislature

directly, I delivered the next day a copy of your resolutions to a member

of Pennsylvania in each House of Congress. But as that body was to rise

on the day ensuing that, the mass of indispensable business crowding on

the last moments of the Session scarcely admitted the opportunity of a

compliance with your wishes.

I avail myself of this occasion of returning sincere thanks for the

kind dispositions towards myself expressed in your letter, and for

the sentiments which it conveys, of approbation of my conduct in the

administration of the public affairs. If that conduct has met the general

approbation of my country, it is the highest reward I can receive; and I

shall ever feel towards them that gratitude which the confidence they have

favored me with so eminently calls for. Accept for yourself the assurances

of my high respect.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA.

April 3, 1809.

Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society

of those with whom I was raised, and who have been ever dear to me, I

receive, fellow citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, the

cordial welcome you are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties which

the history of a wonderful era made incumbent on those called to them,

the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle and splendor of office, have drawn but

deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of private

life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with you, my

neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family love, which nature

has given us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I gladly lay

down the distressing burthen of power, and seek, with my fellow citizens,

repose and safety under the watchful cares, the labors and perplexities

of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express to administer to my

happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; and the measure will

be complete, if my endeavors to fulfil my duties in the several public

stations to which I have been called, have obtained for me the approbation

of my country. The part which I have acted on the theatre of public life,

has been before them; and to their sentence I submit it; but the testimony

of my native county, of the individuals who have known me in private life,

to my conduct in its various duties and relations, is the more grateful,

as proceeding from eye witnesses and observers, from triers of the

vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I may ask, in the face of the world,

"whose ox have I taken, or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed,

or of whose hand have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?" On

your verdict I rest with conscious security. Your wishes for my happiness

are received with just sensibility, and I offer sincere prayers for your

own welfare and prosperity.

TO GOVERNOR JAMES JAY.

MONTICELLO, April 7, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February 27th came to hand on the 3d of March.

The occupations of the moment and of those which have followed must be my

apology for this late acknowledgment. The plan of civilizing the Indians

is undoubtedly a great improvement on the ancient and totally ineffectual

one of beginning with religious missionaries. Our experience has shown

that this must be the last step of the process. The following is what

has been successful: 1st, to raise cattle, &c., and thereby acquire a

knowledge of the value of property; 2d, arithmetic, to calculate that

value; 3d, writing, to keep accounts, and here they begin to enclose

farms, and the men to labor, the women to spin and weave; 4th, to read

"Æsop's Fables" and "Robinson Crusoe" are their first delight. The Creeks

and Cherokees are advanced thus far, and the Cherokees are now instituting

a regular government.

An equilibrium of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, is certainly

become essential to our independence. Manufactures, sufficient for our own

consumption, of what we raise the raw material, (and no more.) Commerce

sufficient to carry the surplus produce of agriculture, beyond our own

consumption, to a market for exchanging it for articles we cannot raise,

(and no more.) These are the true limits of manufactures and commerce. To

go beyond them is to increase our dependence on foreign nations, and our

liability to war.

These three important branches of human industry will then grow together,

and be really handmaids to each other. I salute you with great respect and

esteem.

TO COLONEL LARKIN SMITH.

MONTICELLO, April 15, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your very friendly letter of March 28th,

and am extremely sensible to the kind spirit it breathes. To be praised

by those who themselves deserve all praise, is a gratification of high

order. Their approbation who, having been high in office themselves, have

information and talents to guide their judgment, is a consolation deeply

felt. A conscientious devotion to republican government, like charity in

religion, has obtained for me much indulgence from my fellow citizens,

and the aid of able counsellors has guided me through many difficulties

which have occurred. The troubles in the East have been produced by

English agitators, operating on the selfish spirit of commerce, which

knows no country, and feels no passion or principle but that of gain.

The inordinate extent given it among us by our becoming the factors

of the whole world, has enabled it to control the agricultural and

manufacturing interests. When a change of circumstances shall reduce it

to an equilibrium with these, to the carrying _our_ produce only, to be

exchanged for _our_ wants, it will return to a wholesome condition for the

body politic, and that beyond which it should never more be encouraged to

go. The repeal of the drawback system will either effect this, or bring

sufficient sums into the treasury to meet the wars we shall bring on by

our covering every sea with our vessels. But this must be the work of

peace. The correction will be after my day, as the error originated before

it. I thank you sincerely for your kind good wishes, and offer my prayers

for your health and welfare, with every assurance of my great esteem and

respect.

P. S. I thank you for the information of your letter of the 4th, this

moment received. I sincerely wish the British orders may be repealed.

If they are, it will be because the nation will not otherwise let the

ministers keep their places. Their object has unquestionably been fixed

to establish the Algerine system, and to maintain their possession of the

ocean by a system of piracy against all nations.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, April 19, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge your favor of the 9th, and to thank you

for the political information it contained. Reading the newspapers but

little and that little but as the romance of the day, a word of truth

now and then comes like the drop of water on the tongue of Dives. If

the British ministry are changing their policy towards us, it is because

their nation, or rather the city of London, which is the nation to them,

is shaken as usual, by the late reverses in Spain. I have for some time

been persuaded that the government of England was systematically decided

to claim a dominion of the sea, and to levy contributions on all nations,

by their licenses to navigate, in order to maintain that dominion to

which their own resources are inadequate. The mobs of their cities are

unprincipled enough to support this policy in prosperous times, but change

with the tide of fortune, and the ministers, to keep their places, change

with them. I wish Mr. Oakley may not embarrass you with his conditions of

revoking the orders of council. Enough of the non-importation law should

be reserved, 1st, to pinch them into a relinquishment of impressments, and

2d, to support those manufacturing establishments which their orders, and

our interests, forced us to make.

I suppose the conquest of Spain will soon force a delicate question on you

as to the Floridas and Cuba, which will offer themselves to you. Napoleon

will certainly give his consent without difficulty to our receiving the

Floridas, and with some difficulty possibly Cuba. And though he will

disregard the obligation whenever he thinks he can break it with success,

yet it has a great effect on the opinion of our people and the world to

have the moral right on our side, of his agreement as well as that of the

people of those countries.

Mr. Hackley's affair is really unfortunate. He has been driven into

this arrangement by his distresses, which are great. He is a perfectly

honest man, as is well known here where he was born, but unaccustomed to

political subjects, he has not seen it in that view. But a respect for the

innocence of his views cannot authorize the sanction of government to such

an example.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, April 27, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 24th came to hand last night. The correspondence

between Mr. Smith and Mr. Erskine had been received three days before. I

sincerely congratulate you on the change it has produced in our situation.

It is the source of very general joy here, and could it have arrived one

month sooner would have had important effects, not only on the elections

of other States, but of this also, from which it would seem that wherever

there was any considerable portion of federalism it has been so much

reinforced by those of whose politics the price of wheat is the sole

principle, that federalists will be returned from many districts of this

State. The British ministry has been driven from its Algerine system, not

by any remaining morality in the people, but by their unsteadiness under

severe trial. But whencesoever it comes, I rejoice in it as the triumph of

our forbearing and yet persevering system. It will lighten your anxieties,

take from Cabal its most fertile ground of war, will give us peace during

your time, and by the complete extinguishment of our public debt, open

upon us the noblest application of revenue that has ever been exhibited

by any nation. I am sorry they are sending a minister to attempt a treaty.

They never made an equal commercial treaty with any nation, and we have no

right to expect to be the first. It will place you between the injunctions

of true patriotism and the clamors of a faction devoted to a foreign

interest, in preference to that of their own country. It will confirm

the English too in their practice of whipping us into a treaty. They did

it in Jay's case, were near it in Monroe's, and on failure of that, have

applied the scourge with tenfold vigor, and now come on to try its effect.

But it is the moment when we should prove our consistence, by recurring to

the principles we dictated to Monroe, the departure from which occasioned

our rejection of his treaty, and by protesting against Jay's treaty being

ever quoted, or looked at, or even mentioned. That form will forever be a

millstone round our necks unless we now rid ourselves of it once for all.

The occasion is highly favorable, as we never can have them more in our

power.

As to Bonaparte, I should not doubt the revocation of his edicts, were

he governed by reason. But his policy is so crooked that it eludes

conjecture. I fear his first object now is to dry up the sources of

British prosperity by excluding her manufactures from the continent. He

may fear that opening the ports of Europe to our vessels will open them

to an inundation of British wares. He ought to be satisfied with having

forced her to revoke the orders on which he pretended to retaliate, and

to be particularly satisfied with us, by whose unyielding adherence to

principle she has been forced into the revocation. He ought the more

to conciliate our good will, as we can be such an obstacle to the new

career opening on him in the Spanish colonies. That he would give us the

Floridas to withhold intercourse with the residue of those colonies,

cannot be doubted. But that is no price; because they are ours in the

first moment of the first war; and until a war they are of no particular

necessity to us. But, although with difficulty, he will consent to our

receiving Cuba into our Union, to prevent our aid to Mexico and the other

provinces. That would be a price, and I would immediately erect a column

on the southernmost limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it a _ne plus ultra_

as to us in that direction. We should then have only to include the north

in our Confederacy, which would be of course in the first war, and we

should have such an empire for liberty as she has never surveyed since

the creation; and I am persuaded no constitution was ever before so well

calculated as ours for extensive empire and self-government. As the Mentor

went away before this change, and will leave France probably while it is

still a secret in that hemisphere, I presume the expediency of pursuing

her by a swift sailing despatch was considered. It will be objected

to our receiving Cuba, that no limit can then be drawn to our future

acquisitions. Cuba can be defended by us without a navy, and this develops

the principle which ought to limit our views. Nothing should ever be

accepted which would require a navy to defend it.

Our Spring continues cold and backward, rarely one growing day without two

or three cold ones following. Wheat is of very various complexions from

very good to very bad. Fruit has not suffered as much as was expected,

except in peculiar situations. Gardens are nearly a month behind their

usual state. I thank you for the squashes from Maine; they shall be

planted to-day. I salute you with sincere and constant affection.

TO MR. SPAFFORD.

MONTICELLO, May 14, 1809.

SIR,--I have duly received your favor of April 3d, with the copy of

your "General Geography," for which I pray you to accept my thanks. My

occupations here have not permitted me to read it through, which alone

could justify any judgment expressed on the work. Indeed, as it appears to

be an abridgment of several branches of science, the scale of abridgment

must enter into that judgment. Different readers require different scales

according to the time they can spare, and their views in reading, and

no doubt that the view of the sciences which you have brought into the

compass of a 12mo volume will be accommodated to the time and object of

many who may wish for but a very general view of them.

In passing my eye rapidly over parts of the book, I was struck with two

passages, on which I will make observations, not doubting your wish, in

any future edition, to render the work as correct as you can. In page 186

you say the potatoe is a native of the United States. I presume you speak

of the Irish potatoe. I have inquired much into the question, and think I

can assure you that plant is not a native of North America. Zimmerman, in

his "Geographical Zoology," says it is a native of Guiana; and Clavigero,

that the Mexicans got it from South America, _its native country_. The

most probable account I have been able to collect is, that a vessel of Sir

Walter Raleigh's, returning from Guiana, put into the west of Ireland in

distress, having on board some potatoes which they called earth-apples.

That the season of the year, and circumstance of their being already

sprouted, induced them to give them all out there, and they were no more

heard or thought of, till they had been spread considerably into that

island, whence they were carried over into England, and therefore called

the Irish potatoe. From England they came to the United States, bringing

their name with them.

The other passage respects the description of the passage of the Potomac

through the Blue Ridge, in the Notes on Virginia. You quote from Volney's

account of the United States what his words do not justify. His words

are, "on coming from Fredericktown, one does not see the rich perspective

mentioned in the Notes of Mr. Jefferson. On observing this to him a few

days after, he informed me he had his information from a French engineer

who, during the war of Independence, ascended the height of the hills, and

I conceive that at that elevation the perspective must be as imposing as a

wild country, whose horizon has no obstacles, may present." That the scene

described in the "Notes" is not visible from any part of the road from

Fredericktown to Harper's ferry is most certain. That road passes along

the valley, nor can it be seen from the tavern after crossing the ferry;

and we may fairly infer that Mr. Volney did not ascend the height back

of the tavern from which alone it can be seen, but that he pursued his

journey from the tavern along the high road. Yet he admits, that at the

elevation of that height the perspective may be as rich as a wild country

can present. But you make him "surprised to find, _by a view of the spot_,

that the description was _amazingly exaggerated_." But it is evident that

Mr. Volney did not ascend the hill to _get a view of the spot_, and that

he supposed that that height may present as imposing a view as such a

country admits. But Mr. Volney was mistaken in saying I told him I had

received the description from a French engineer. By an error of memory

he has misapplied to this scene what I mentioned to him as to the Natural

Bridge. I told him I received a _drawing_ of that from a French engineer

sent there by the Marquis de Chastellux, and who has published that

drawing in his travels. I could not tell him I had the description of the

passage of the Potomac from a French engineer, because I never heard any

Frenchman say a word about it, much less did I ever receive a description

of it from any mortal whatever. I visited the place myself in October

1783, wrote the description some time after, and printed the work in Paris

in 1784-5. I wrote the description from my own view of the spot, stated no

fact but what I saw, and can now affirm that no fact is exaggerated. It is

true that the same scene may excite very different sensations in different

spectators, according to their different sensibilities. The sensations

of some may be much stronger than those of others. And with respect to

the Natural Bridge, it was not a description, but a drawing only, which

I received from the French engineer. The description was written before I

ever saw him. It is not from any merit which I suppose in either of these

descriptions, that I have gone into these observations, but to correct

the imputation of having given to the world as my own, ideas, and false

ones too, which I had received from another. Nor do I mention the subject

to you with a desire that it should be any otherwise noticed before the

public than by a more correct statement in any future edition of your

work.

You mention having enclosed to me some printed letters announcing a

design in which you ask my aid. But no such letters came to me. Any facts

which I possess, and which may be useful to your views, shall be freely

communicated, and I shall be happy to see you at Monticello, should you

come this way as you propose. You will find me engaged entirely in rural

occupations, looking into the field of science but occasionally and at

vacant moments.

I sowed some of the Benni seed the last year, and distributed some among

my neighbors; but the whole was killed by the September frost. I got a

little again the last winter, but it was sowed before I received your

letter. Colonel Fen of New York receives quantities of it from Georgia,

from whom you may probably get some through the Mayor of New York. But

I little expect it can succeed with you. It is about as hardy as the

cotton plant, from which you may judge of the probability of raising it at

Hudson.

I salute you with great respect.

TO MR. JOHN WYCHE.

MONTICELLO, May 19, 1809.

SIR,--Your favor of March 19th came to hand but a few days ago, and

informs me of the establishment of the Westward Mill Library Society,

of its general views and progress. I always hear with pleasure of

institutions for the promotion of knowledge among my countrymen. The

people of every country are the only safe guardians of their own rights,

and are the only instruments which can be used for their destruction. And

certainly they would never consent to be so used were they not deceived.

To avoid this, they should be instructed to a certain degree. I have

often thought that nothing would do more extensive good at small expense

than the establishment of a small circulating library in every county,

to consist of a few well-chosen books, to be lent to the people of the

county, under such regulations as would secure their safe return in due

time. These should be such as would give them a general view of other

history, and particular view of that of their own country, a tolerable

knowledge of Geography, the elements of Natural Philosophy, of Agriculture

and Mechanics. Should your example lead to this, it will do great good.

Having had more favorable opportunities than fall to every man's lot

of becoming acquainted with the best books on such subjects as might be

selected, I do not know that I can be otherwise useful to your society

than by offering them any information respecting these which they might

wish. My services in this way are freely at their command, and I beg leave

to tender to yourself my salutations and assurances of respect.

TO THE HONORABLE JUDGE WOODWARD.

MONTICELLO, May 27, 1809.

SIR,--I have received, very thankfully, the two copies of your pamphlet

on the constitution of the U. S., and shall certainly read them with

pleasure. I had formerly looked with great interest to the experiment

which was going on in France of an executive Directory, while that of

a single elective executive was under trial here. I thought the issue

of them might fairly decide the question between the two modes. But the

untimely fate of that establishment cut short the experiment.

I have not, however, been satisfied whether the dissensions of that

Directory (and which I fear are incident to a plurality) were not the most

effective cause of the successful usurpations which overthrew them. It

is certainly one of the most interesting questions to a republican, and

worthy of great consideration. I thank you for the friendly expressions of

your letter towards myself personally, and the sincere happiness I enjoy

here, satisfies me that nothing personal or self-interested entered into

my motives for continuing in the public service. The actual experiment

proves to me that these were all in favor of returning to my present

situation. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO MR. W. LAMBERT.

MONTICELLO, May 28, 1809.

SIR,--Your favor of March 14th was received in due time. The apology

for so late an acknowledgment of it must be the multiplied occupations

of my new situation after so long an absence from it. Truth requires me

to add, also, that after being so long chained to the writing table,

I go to it with reluctance, and listen with partiality to every call

from any other quarter. I have not, however, been the less sensible of

the kind sentiments expressed in your letter, nor the less thankful for

them. Indeed I owe infinite acknowledgments to the republican portion

of my fellow citizens for the indulgence with which they have viewed my

proceedings generally. In the transaction of their affairs I never felt

an interested motive. The large share I have enjoyed, and still enjoy

of anti-republican hatred and calumny, gives me the satisfaction of

supposing that I have been some obstacle to anti-republican designs; and

if truth should find its way into history, the object of these falsehoods

and calumnies will render them honorable to me. With sincere wishes for

your welfare and happiness, I tender you the assurances of my esteem and

respect.

TO DOCTOR ELIJAH GRIFFITH, PHILA.

MONTICELLO, May 28, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of Nov. 14th came to me in due time, but much

oppressed with business then and to the end of my political term, I put

it by as I did the civilities of my other friends, till the leisure I

expected here should permit me to acknowledge them without the neglect

of any public duty. I am very sensible of the kindness of the sentiments

expressed in your letter, and of the general indulgence with which my

republican friends generally, and those of Pennsylvania particularly,

have received my public proceedings. I hope I may be allowed to say

that they were always directed by a single view to the best interests of

our country. In the electoral election, Pennsylvania really spoke in a

voice of thunder to the monarchists of our country, and while that State

continues so firm, with the solid mass of republicanism to the South and

West, such efforts as we have lately seen in the anti-republican portion

of our country cannot ultimately affect our security. Our enemies may try

their cajoleries with my successor. They will find him as immovable in his

republican principles as him whom they have honored with their peculiar

enmity. The late pacification with England gives us a hope of eight years

of peaceable and wise administration, within which time our revenue will

be liberated from debt, and be free to commence that splendid course of

public improvement and wise application of the public contributions, of

which it remains for us to set the first example. I salute you with real

esteem and respect.

TO THE HON. ROBERT SMITH, SECRETARY OF STATE.

MONTICELLO, June 10, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter from Mr. Smith of Erie, one of the

members of Pennsylvania, which you will readily perceive ought to have

been addressed to you by himself; as it is official and not personal

opinion which can answer his views. I am however gratified by his mistake

in sending it to me, inasmuch as it gives me an opportunity of abstracting

myself from my rural occupations, and of saluting one with whom I have

been connected in service and in society so many years, and to whose aid

and relief on an important portion of the public cares, I have been so

much indebted. I do it with sincere affection and gratitude, and look back

with peculiar satisfaction on the harmony and cordial good will which, to

ourselves and to our brethren of the cabinet, so much sweetened our toils.

From the characters now associated in the administration, I have no doubt

of the continuance of the same cordiality so interesting to themselves and

to the public; and great as are the difficulties and dangers environing

our camp, I sleep with perfect composure, knowing who are watching for

us. I pray you to present me respectfully to Mrs. Smith, and to accept

my prayers that you may long continue in the enjoyment of health and the

public esteem in return for your useful services past and to come.

TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.

MONTICELLO, June 13, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I did not know till Mr. Patterson called on us, a few days

ago, that you had passed on to Washington. I had recently observed

in the debates of Congress, a matter introduced, on which I wished to

give explanations more fully in conversation, which I will now do by

abridgement in writing. Mr. Randolph has proposed an inquiry into certain

prosecutions at common law in Connecticut, for libels on the government,

and not only himself but others have stated them with such affected

caution, and such hints at the same time, as to leave on every mind

the impression that they had been instituted either by my direction, or

with my acquiescence, at least. This has not been denied by my friends,

because probably the fact is unknown to them. I shall state it for their

satisfaction, and leave it to be disposed of as they think best.

I had observed in a newspaper, (some years ago, I do not recollect the

time exactly,) some dark hints of a prosecution in Connecticut, but so

obscurely hinted that I paid little attention to it. Some considerable

time after, it was again mentioned, so that I understood that some

prosecution was going on in the federal court there, for calumnies uttered

from the pulpit against me by a clergyman. I immediately wrote to Mr.

Granger, who, I think, was in Connecticut at the time, stating that I

had laid it down as a law to myself, to take no notice of the thousand

calumnies issued against me, but to trust my character to my own conduct,

and the good sense and candor of my fellow citizens; that I had found

no reason to be dissatisfied with that course, and I was unwilling it

should be broke through by others as to any matter concerning me; and I

therefore requested him to desire the district attorney to dismiss the

prosecution. Some time after this, I heard of subpœnas being served on

General Lee, David M. Randolph, and others, as witnesses to attend the

trial. I then for the first time conjectured the subject of the libel.

I immediately wrote to Mr. Granger, to require an immediate dismission

of the prosecution. The answer of Mr. Huntington, the district attorney,

was, that these subpœnas had been issued by the defendant without his

knowledge, that it had been his intention to dismiss all the prosecutions

at the first meeting of the court, and to accompany it with an avowal

of his opinion, that they could not be maintained, because the federal

court had no jurisdiction over libels. This was accordingly done. I did

not till then know that there were other prosecutions of the same nature,

nor do I now know what were their subjects. But all went off together;

and I afterwards saw in the hands of Mr. Granger, a letter written by

the clergyman, disavowing any personal ill will towards me, and solemnly

declaring he had never uttered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger

either showed me, or said there were affidavits of at least half a

dozen respectable men, who were present at the sermon and swore no such

expressions were uttered, and as many equally respectable who swore the

contrary. But the clergyman expressed his gratification at the dismission

of the prosecution. I write all this from memory, and after too long an

interval of time to be certain of the exactness of all the details; but I

am sure there is no variation material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small

lapses of memory, can confirm every thing substantial. Certain it is, that

the prosecution had been instituted, and had made considerable progress,

without my knowledge, that they were disapproved by me as soon as known,

and directed to be discontinued. The attorney did it on the same ground

on which I had acted myself in the cases of Duane, Callendar, and others;

to wit, that the sedition law was unconstitutional and null, and that my

obligation to execute what was law, involved that of not suffering rights

secured by valid laws, to be prostrated by what was no law. I always

understood that these prosecutions had been invited, if not instituted,

by Judge Edwards, and the marshal being republican, had summoned a grand

jury partly or wholly republican; but that Mr. Huntington declared from

the beginning against the jurisdiction of the court, and had determined to

enter _nolle prosequis_ before he received my directions.

I trouble you with another subject. The law making my letters post free,

goes to those _to me_ only, not those _from_ me. The bill had got to

its passage before this was observed (and first I believe by Mr. Dana),

and the House under too much pressure of business near the close of

the session to bring in another bill. As the privilege of freedom was

given to the letters _from_ as well as _to_ both my predecessors, I

suppose no reason exists for making a distinction. And in so extensive

a correspondence as I am subject to, and still considerably on public

matters, it would be a sensible convenience to myself, as well as those

who have occasion to receive letters from me. It happens too, as I was

told at the time, (for I have never looked into it myself,) that it was

done by two distinct acts on both the former occasions. Mr. Eppes, I

think, mentioned this to me. I know from the Post Master General, that

Mr. Adams franks all his letters. I state this matter to you as being

my representative, which must apologize for the trouble of it. We have

been seasonable since you left us. Yesterday evening and this morning we

have had refreshing showers, which will close and confirm the business of

planting. Affectionately yours.

TO GENERAL DEARBORNE.

MONTICELLO, June 14, 1809.

DEAR GENERAL,--So entirely are my habits changed from constant labor at

my writing table, to constant active occupation without door, that it is

with difficulty I can resolve to take up my pen. I must do it, however,

as a matter of duty to thank you for the dumb-fish you have been so kind

as to have forwarded, and which are received safely and are found to be

excellent. I do it with pleasure also, as it gives me an opportunity

of renewing to you the assurances of my esteem, and of the friendship

I shall ever bear you as a faithful fellow-laborer in the duties of

the Cabinet, the value of whose aid there has been always justly felt

and highly estimated by me. I sincerely congratulate you on the late

pacification with England, which while it gives facility and remuneration

to your labors in your new functions, restores calm in a great degree to

the troubles of our country. Our successors have deserved well of their

country in meeting so readily the first friendly advance ever made to

us by England. I hope it is the harbinger of a return to the exercise

of common sense and common good humor, with a country with which mutual

interests would urge a mutual and affectionate intercourse. But her

conduct hitherto has been towards us so insulting, so tyrannical and so

malicious, as to indicate a contempt for our opinions or dispositions

respecting her. I hope she is now coming over to a wiser conduct, and

becoming sensible how much better it is to cultivate the good will of

the government itself, than of a faction hostile to it; to obtain its

friendship gratis than to purchase its enmity by nourishing at great

expense a faction to embarrass it, to receive the reward of an honest

policy rather than of a corrupt and vexatious one. I trust she has at

length opened her eyes to federal falsehood and misinformation, and

learnt, in the issue of the presidential election, the folly of believing

them. Such a reconciliation to the government, if real and permanent, will

secure the tranquillity of our country, and render the management of our

affairs easy and delightful to our successors, for whom I feel as much

interest as if I were still in their place. Certainly all the troubles and

difficulties in the government during our time proceeded from England; at

least all others were trifling in comparison with them.

Some time before I retired from office, I proposed to Mr. Smith of the

War Office, to place your son in the list of some nominations for the new

army. He called on me and stated that Pickering had prepared materials for

an opposition to his appointment, which he was satisfied would be easily

met with proper information, but without it, might embarrass and endanger

the appointment. We concluded therefore that it was best to put it off to

the ensuing session of Congress, and in the meantime give you notice of

it. He promised to write and explain the delay to you, and I stated the

matter to Mr. Madison, who would attend to the nomination at the proper

time. Perhaps late events may supersede all further proceeding as to that

army.

Be so good as to present my affectionate respects to Mrs. Dearborne. I

hope that her health, as well as your own, may be improved by a return

to native climate; and that you may both enjoy as many years as you

desire of health and prosperity, is the prayer of yours sincerely and

affectionately.

TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.

MONTICELLO, June 28, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--The interruption of our commerce with England, produced by

our embargo and non-intercourse law, and the general indignation excited

by her barefaced attempts to make us accessories and tributaries to her

usurpations on the high seas, have generated in this country an universal

spirit for manufacturing for ourselves, and of reducing to a minimum the

number of articles for which we are dependent on her. The advantages,

too, of lessening the occasions of risking our peace on the ocean, and

of planting the consumer in our own soil by the side of the grower of

produce, are so palpable, that no temporary suspension of injuries on her

part, or agreements founded on that, will now prevent our continuing in

what we have begun. The spirit of manufacture has taken deep root among

us, and its foundations are laid in too great expense to be abandoned. The

bearer of this, Mr. Ronaldson, will be able to inform you of the extent

and perfection of the works produced here by the late state of things; and

to his information, which is greatest as to what is doing in the cities, I

can add my own as to the country, where the principal articles wanted in

every family are now fabricated within itself. This mass of _household_

manufacture, unseen by the public eye, and so much greater than what is

seen, is such at present, that let our intercourse with England be opened

when it may, not one half the amount of what we have heretofore taken

from her will ever again be demanded. The great call from the country has

hitherto been of coarse goods. These are now made in our families, and

the advantage is too sensible ever to be relinquished. It is one of those

obvious improvements in our condition which needed only to be once forced

on our attention, never again to be abandoned.

Among the arts which have made great progress among us is that

of printing. Heretofore we imported our books, and with them much

political principle from England. We now print a great deal, and shall

soon supply ourselves with most of the books of considerable demand.

But the foundation of printing, you know, is the type-foundry, and a

material essential to that is antimony. Unfortunately that mineral is

not among those as yet found in the United States, and the difficulty

and dearness of getting it from England, will force us to discontinue

our type-founderies, and resort to her again for our books, unless some

new source of supply can be found. The bearer, Mr. Ronaldson, is of the

concern of Binney & Ronaldson, type-founders of Philadelphia. He goes

to France for the purpose of opening some new source of supply, where

we learn that this article is abundant; the enhancement of the price

in England has taught us the fact, that its exportation thither from

France must be interrupted, either by the war or express prohibition.

Our relations, however, with France, are too unlike hers with England,

to place us under the same interdiction. Regulations for preventing the

transportation of the article to England, under the cover of supplies

to America, may be thought requisite. The bearer, I am persuaded, will

readily give any assurances which may be required for this object, and

the wants of his own type-foundry here are a sufficient pledge that what

he gets is _bonâ fide_ to supply them. I do not know that there will be

any obstacle to his bringing from France any quantity of antimony he may

have occasion for; but lest there should be, I have taken the liberty of

recommending him to your patronage. I know your enlightened and liberal

views on subjects of this kind, and the friendly interest you take in

whatever concerns our welfare. I place Mr. Ronaldson, therefore, in your

hands, and pray you to advise him, and patronize the object which carries

him to Europe, and is so interesting to him and to our country. His

knowledge of what is passing among us will be a rich source of information

for you, and especially as to the state and progress of our manufactures.

Your kindness to him will confer an obligation on me, and will be an

additional title to the high and affectionate esteem and respect of an

ancient and sincere friend.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, July 12, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Your two letters of the 4th and 7th, were received by the last

mail. I now enclose you the rough draught of the letter to the Emperor of

Russia. I think there must be an exact _fac simile_ of it in the office,

from which Mr. Short's must have been copied; because, that the one now

enclosed has never been out of my hands, appears by there being no fold

in the paper till now, and it is evidently a polygraphical copy. I send,

for your perusal, letters of W. Short, and of Warden; because, though

private, they contain some things and views perhaps not in the public

letters. Bonaparte's successes have been what we expected, although

Warden appears to have supposed the contrary possible. It is fortunate for

Bonaparte, that he has not caught his brother Emperor; that he has left

an ostensible head to the government, who may sell it to him to secure a

mess of pottage for himself. Had the government devolved on the people,

as it did in Spain, they would resist his conquest as those of Spain do.

I expect, within a week or ten days, to visit Bedford. My absence will be

of about a fortnight. I know too well the pressure of business which will

be on you at Montpelier, to count with certainty on the pleasure of seeing

Mrs. Madison and yourself here; yet my wishes do not permit me to omit the

expression of them. In any event, I shall certainly intrude a flying visit

on you during your stay in Orange. With my respectful devoirs to Mrs.

Madison, I salute you with constant friendship and respect.

TO SKELTON JONES.

MONTICELLO, July 28, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June 19th, did not come to hand till the 29th,

and I have not been able to take it up till now. I lent to Mr. Burke,

my collection of newspapers from 1741 to 1760, and the further matter

which I suggested I might be able to furnish him after my return to

Monticello, was the collection of MS. laws of Virginia, which I expected

would furnish some proper and authentic materials for history, not extant

anywhere else. These I lent the last year to Mr. Hening, who is now

in possession of them and is printing them. But though this was within

Mr. Burke's period, it is entirely anterior to yours. The collection of

newspapers which I lent to Mr. Burke, I have never been able to recover,

nor to learn where they are. They were all well bound, and of course have

not probably been destroyed. If you can aid me in the recovery, you will

oblige me. I consider their preservation as a duty, because I believe

certainly there does not exist another collection of the same period. I

have examined the sequel of my collection of newspapers, and find that it

has but one paper of 1778. That is one of Piordie's of the month of May.

But my not having them is no evidence they were not printed; because I

was so continually itinerant during the revolution, that I was rarely in

a situation to preserve the papers I received. And although there were

probably occasional suspensions for want of paper, yet I do not believe

there was a total one at any time. I think, however, you might procure a

file for that or any other year, in Philadelphia or Boston. These would

furnish all the material occurrences of Virginia. You ask, what has the

historian to do with the latter part of 1776, the whole of 1777 and 1778,

and a part of 1779? This is precisely the period which was occupied in

the reformation of the laws to the new organization and principles of our

government. The committee was appointed in the latter part of 1776, and

reported in the spring or summer of 1779. At the first and only meeting of

the whole committee, (of five persons,) the question was discussed whether

we would attempt to reduce the whole body of the law into a code, the

text of which should become the law of the land? We decided against that,

because every word and phrase in that text would become a new subject

of criticism and litigation, until its sense should have been settled

by numerous decisions, and that, in the meantime, the rights of property

would be in the air. We concluded not to meddle with the common law, _i.

e._, the law preceding the existence of the statutes, further than to

accommodate it to our new principles and circumstances; but to take up

the whole body of statutes and Virginia laws, to leave out everything

obsolete or improper, insert what was wanting, and reduce the whole

within as moderate a compass as it would bear, and to the plain language

of common sense, divested of the verbiage, the barbarous tautologies and

redundancies which render the British statutes unintelligible. From this,

however, were excepted the ancient statutes, particularly those commented

on by Lord Coke, the language of which is simple, and the meaning of every

word so well settled by decisions, as so make it safest not to change

words where the sense was to be retained. After setting our plan, Col.

Mason declined undertaking the execution of any part of it, as not being

sufficiently read in the law. Mr. Lee very soon afterwards died, and the

work was distributed between Mr. Wythe, Mr. Pendleton and myself. To me

was assigned the common law, (so far as we thought of altering it,) and

the statutes down to the Reformation, or end of the reign of Elizabeth; to

Mr. Wythe, the subsequent body of the statutes, and to Mr. Pendleton the

Virginia laws. This distribution threw into my part the laws concerning

crimes and punishments, the law of descents, and the laws concerning

religion. After completing our work separately, we met, (Mr. W., Mr.

P. and myself,) in Williamsburg, and held a long session, in which we

went over the first and second parts in the order of time, weighing and

correcting every word, and reducing them to the form in which they were

afterwards reported. When we proceeded to the third part, we found that

Mr. Pendleton had not exactly seized the intentions of the committee,

which were to reform the language of the Virginia laws, and reduce the

matter to a simple style and form. He had copied the acts _verbatim_,

only omitting what was disapproved; and some family occurrence calling

him indispensably home, he desired Mr. Wythe and myself to make it what

we thought it ought to be, and authorized us to report him as concurring

in the work. We accordingly divided the work, and re-executed it entirely,

so as to assimilate its plan and execution to the other parts, as well as

the shortness of the time would admit, and we brought the whole body of

British statutes and laws of Virginia into 127 acts, most of them short.

This is the history of that work as to its execution. Its matter and the

nature of the changes made, will be a proper subject for the consideration

of the historian. Experience has convinced me that the change in the style

of the laws was for the better, and it has sensibly reformed the style of

our laws from that time downwards, insomuch that they have obtained, in

that respect, the approbation of men of consideration on both sides of the

Atlantic. Whether the change in the style and form of the criminal law,

as introduced by Mr. Taylor, was for the better, is not for me to judge.

The digest of that act employed me longer than I believe all the rest

of the work, for it rendered it necessary for me to go with great care

over Bracton, Britton, the Saxon statutes, and the works of authority on

criminal law; and it gave me great satisfaction to find that in general

I had only to reduce the law to its ancient Saxon condition, stripping it

of all the innovations and rigorisms of subsequent times, to make it what

it should be. The substitution of the penitentiary, instead of labor on

the high road and of some other punishments truly objectionable, is a just

merit to be ascribed to Mr. Taylor's law. When our report was made, the

idea of a penitentiary had never been suggested, the happy experiment of

Pennsylvania we had not then the benefit of.

To assist in filling up those years of exemption from military invasion,

an inquiry into the exertions of Virginia in the common cause during

that period, would be proper for the patriotic historian, because her

character has been very unjustly impeached by the writers of other States,

as having used no equal exertions at that time. I know it to be false;

because having all that time been a member of the legislature, I know that

our whole occupation was in straining the resources of the State to the

utmost, to furnish men, money, provisions and other necessaries to the

common cause. The proofs of this will be found in the journals and acts of

the legislature, in executive proceedings and papers, and in the auditor's

accounts. Not that Virginia furnished her quota of _requisitions_ of

either men or money; but that she was always above par, in what was

_actually_ furnished by the other States. A letter of mine written in 1779

or '80, if still among the executive papers, will furnish full evidence

of these facts. It was addressed to our delegates in answer to a formal

complaint on the subject, and was founded in unquestionable vouchers.

The inquiries in your printed letter of August, 1808, would lead to the

writing the history of my whole life, than which nothing could be more

repugnant to my feelings. I have been connected, as many fellow laborers

were, with the great events which happened to mark the epoch of our lives.

But these belong to no one in particular, all of us did our parts, and no

one can claim the transactions to himself. The most I could do would be to

revise, correct or supply any statements which should be made respecting

public transactions in which I had a part, or which may have otherwise

come within my knowledge.

I have to apologize for the delay of this answer. The active hours of the

day are all devoted to employments without doors, so that I have rarely

an interval, and more rarely the inclination, to set down to my writing

table, the divorce from which is among the greatest reliefs in my late

change of life. Still, I will always answer with pleasure any particular

inquiries you may wish to address to me, sincerely desiring for the public

good as well as your own personal concern, to contribute to the perfection

of a work from which I hope much to both; and I beg leave to tender you

the assurances of my great esteem and respect.

TO M. DASHKOFF.

MONTICELLO, August 12, 1809.

SIR,--Your favor of July 5th has been duly received, and, in it, that

of my friend Mr. Short. I congratulate you on your safe arrival in the

American hemisphere, after a voyage which must have been lengthy in time,

as it was in space. I hope you may experience no unfavorable change

in your health on so great a change of climate, and that our fervid

sun may be found as innocent as our cloudless skies must be agreeable.

I hail you with particular pleasure, as the first harbinger of those

friendly relations with your country, so desirable to ours. Both nations

being in character and practice essentially pacific, a common interest

in the rights of peaceable nations, gives us a common cause in their

maintenance; and however your excellent Emperor may have been led from

the ordinary policy of his government, I trust that the establishment of

just principles will be the result, as I am sure it is the object, of his

efforts.

When you shall have had time to accommodate yourself somewhat to our

climate, our manners and mode of living, you will probably have a

curiosity to see something of the country you have visited, something

beyond the confines of our cities. These exhibit specimens of London only,

our country is a different nation. Should your journeyings lead you into

this quarter of it, I shall be happy to receive you at Monticello, and to

renew to you in person the assurances I now tender of my great respect and

consideration.

TO THE PRESIDENT.

MONTICELLO, August 17, 1809.

DEAR SIR,

* * * * *

I never doubted the chicanery of the Anglomen on whatsoever measures

you should take in consequence of the disavowal of Erskine; yet I am

satisfied that both the proclamations have been sound. The first has been

sanctioned by universal approbation; and although it was not literally

the case foreseen by the legislature, yet it was a proper extension of

their provision to a case similar, though not the same. It proved to

the whole world our desire of accommodation, and must have satisfied

every candid federalist on that head. It was not only proper on the

well-grounded confidence that the arrangement would be honestly executed,

but ought to have taken place even had the perfidy of England been

foreseen. Their dirty gain is richly remunerated to us by our placing

them so shamefully in the wrong, and by the union it must produce among

ourselves. The last proclamation admits of quibbles, of which advantage

will doubtless be endeavored to be taken, by those for whom gain is their

god, and their country nothing. But it is soundly defensible. The British

minister assured us, that the orders of council would be revoked before

the 10th of June. The executive, trusting in that assurance, declared

by proclamation that the revocation was to take place, and that on that

event the law was to be suspended. But the event did not take place, and

the consequence, of course, could not follow. This view is derived from

the former non-intercourse law only, having never read the latter one.

I had doubted whether Congress must not be called; but that arose from

another doubt, whether their second law had not changed the ground, so

as to require their agency to give operation to the law. Should Bonaparte

have the wisdom to correct his injustice towards us, I consider war with

England as inevitable. Our ships will go to France and its dependencies,

and they will take them. This will be war on their part, and leave no

alternative but reprisal. I have no doubt you will think it safe to act

on this hypothesis, and with energy. The moment that open war shall be

apprehended from them, we should take possession of Baton Rouge. If we

do not, they will, and New Orleans becomes irrecoverable, and the western

country blockaded during the war. It would be justifiable towards Spain on

this ground, and equally so on that of title to West Florida, and reprisal

extended to East Florida. Whatever turn our present difficulty may take,

I look upon all cordial conciliation with England as desperate during the

life of the present king. I hope and doubt not that Erskine will justify

himself. My confidence is founded in a belief of his integrity, and in

the * * * * * of Canning. I consider the present as the most shameless

ministry which ever disgraced England. Copenhagen will immortalize their

infamy. In general, their administrations are so changeable, and they

are obliged to descend to such tricks to keep themselves in place, that

nothing like honor or morality can ever be counted on in transactions with

them. I salute you with all possible affection.

TO MR. JOHN W. CAMPBELL.

MONTICELLO, September 3, 1809.

SIR,--Your letter of July 29th came to hand some time since, but I have

not sooner been able to acknowledge it. In answer to your proposition for

publishing a complete edition of my different writings, I must observe

that no writings of mine, other than those merely official, have been

published, except the Notes on Virginia and a small pamphlet under the

title of a Summary View of the rights of British America. The Notes on

Virginia, I have always intended to revise and enlarge, and have, from

time to time, laid by materials for that purpose. It will be long yet

before other occupations will permit me to digest them, and observations

and inquiries are still to be made, which will be more correct in

proportion to the length of time they are continued. It is not unlikely

that this may be through my life. I could not, therefore, at present,

offer anything new for that work.

The Summary View was not written for publication. It was a draught I

had prepared for a petition to the king, which I meant to propose in my

place as a member of the convention of 1774. Being stopped on the road by

sickness, I sent it on to the Speaker, who laid it on the table for the

perusal of the members. It was thought too strong for the times, and to

become the act of the convention, but was printed by subscription of the

members, with a short preface written by one of them. If it had any merit,

it was that of first taking our true ground, and that which was afterwards

assumed and maintained.

I do not mention the Parliamentary Manual, published for the use of the

Senate of the United States, because it was a mere compilation, into which

nothing entered of my own but the arrangement, and a few observations

necessary to explain that and some of the cases.

I do not know whether your view extends to official papers of mine

which have been published. Many of these would be like old newspapers,

materials for future historians, but no longer interesting to the readers

of the day. They would consist of reports, correspondences, messages,

answers to addresses; a few of my reports while Secretary of State,

might perhaps be read by some as essays on abstract subjects. Such as the

report on measures, weights and coins, on the mint, on the fisheries, on

commerce, on the use of distilled sea-water, &c. The correspondences with

the British and French ministers, Hammond and Genet, were published by

Congress. The messages to Congress, which might have been interesting at

the moment, would scarcely be read a second time, and answers to addresses

are hardly read a first time.

So that on a review of these various materials, I see nothing encouraging

a printer to a re-publication of them. They would probably be bought by

those only who are in the habit of preserving State papers, and who are

not many.

I say nothing of numerous draughts of reports, resolutions, declarations,

&c., drawn as a Member of Congress or of the Legislature of Virginia, such

as the Declaration of Independence, Report on the Money Mint of the United

States, the act of religious freedom, &c., &c.; these having become the

acts of public bodies, there can be no personal claim to them, and they

would no more find readers now, than the journals and statute books in

which they are deposited.

I have presented this general view of the subjects which might have been

within the scope of your contemplation, that they might be correctly

estimated before any final decision. They belong mostly to a class

of papers not calculated for popular reading, and not likely to offer

profit, or even indemnification to the re-publisher. Submitting it to your

consideration, I tender you my salutations and respects.

TO GEN. WM. CLARKE.

MONTICELLO, September 10, 1809.

DEAR GENERAL,--Your favor of June 2d came duly to hand in July, and

brought me a repetition of the proofs of your kindness to me. Mr. Fitzhugh

delivered the skin of the sheep of the Rocky Mountains to the President,

from whom I expect to receive it in a few days at his own house. For

this, as well as the blanket of Indian manufacture of the same material,

which you are so kind as to offer me, accept my friendly thanks. Your

donations, and Governor Lewis', have given to my collection of Indian

curiosities an importance much beyond what I had ever counted on. The

three boxes of bones which you had been so kind as to send to New Orleans

for me, as mentioned in your letter of June 2d arrived there safely, and

were carefully shipped by the collector, and the bill of lading sent to

me. But the vessel put into the Havana, under embargo distress, was there

condemned as unseaworthy, and her enrollment surrendered at St. Mary's.

What was done with my three boxes I have not learned, but have written

to Mr. Brown, the collector, to have inquiry made after them. The bones

of this animal are now in such a state of evanescence as to render it

important to save what we can of them. Of those you had formerly sent me,

I reserved a very few for myself; I got Dr. Wistar to select from the rest

every piece which could be interesting to the Philosophical Society, and

sent the residue to the National Institute of France. These have enabled

them to decide that the animal was neither a mammoth nor an elephant, but

of a distinct kind, to which they have given the name of Mastodont, from

the protuberance of its teeth. These, from their forms, and the immense

mass of their jaws, satisfy me this animal must have been arbonverous.

Nature seems not to have provided other food sufficient for him, and the

limb of a tree would be no more to him than a bough of a cotton tree to

a horse. You mention in your letter that you are proceeding with _your

family_ to Fort Massac. This informs me that you have a family, and I

sincerely congratulate you on it, while some may think it will render you

less active in the service of the world, those who take a sincere interest

in your personal happiness, and who know that, by a law of our nature,

we cannot be happy without the endearing connections of a family, will

rejoice for your sake as I do. The world has, of right, no further claims

on yourself and General Lewis, but such as you may voluntarily render

according to your convenience, or as they may make it your interest. I

wrote lately to the Governor, but be so good as to repeat my affectionate

attachments to him, and to be assured of the same to yourself, with every

sentiment of esteem and respect.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, September 12, 1809.

DEAR SIR,-- * * * * *

Canning's equivocations degrade his government as well as himself. I

despair of accommodation with them, because I believe they are weak enough

to intend seriously to claim the ocean as their conquest, and think to

amuse us with embassies and negotiations, until the claim shall have been

strengthened by time and exercise, and the moment arrive when they may

boldly avow what hitherto they have only squinted at. Always yours, with

sincere affection.

TO DOCTOR BARTON.

MONTICELLO, September 21, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I received last night your favor of the 14th, and would with

all possible pleasure have communicated to you any part or the whole

of the Indian vocabularies which I had collected, but an irreparable

misfortune has deprived me of them. I have now been thirty years availing

myself of every possible opportunity of procuring Indian vocabularies to

the same set of words; my opportunities were probably better than will

ever occur again to any person having the same desire. I had collected

about fifty, and had digested most of them in collateral columns, and

meant to have printed them the last of my stay in Washington. But not

having yet digested Captain Lewis' collection, nor having leisure then to

do it, I put it off till I should return home. The whole, as well digest

as originals, were packed in a trunk of stationery, and sent round by

water with about thirty other packages of my effects from Washington, and

while ascending James river, this package on account of its weight and

presumed precious contents, was singled out and stolen. The thief being

disappointed on opening it, threw into the river all its contents, of

which he thought he could make no use. Among them were the whole of the

vocabularies. Some leaves floated ashore and were found in the mud; but

these were very few, and so defaced by the mud and water that no general

use can be made of them. On the receipt of your letter I turned to them,

and was very happy to find, that the only morsel of an original vocabulary

among them, was Captain Lewis' of the Pani language, of which you say

you have not one word. I therefore enclose it to you as it is, and a

little fragment of some other, which I see is in his hand writing, but no

indication remains on it of what language it is. It is a specimen of the

condition of the little which was recovered. I am the more concerned at

this accident, as of the two hundred and fifty words of my vocabularies,

and the one hundred and thirty words of the great Russian vocabularies

of the languages of the other quarters of the globe, seventy-three were

common to both, and would have furnished materials for a comparison from

which something might have resulted. Although I believe no general use

can ever be made of the wrecks of my loss, yet I will ask the return of

the Pani vocabulary when you are done with it. Perhaps I may make another

attempt to collect, although I am too old to expect to make much progress

in it.

I learn with pleasure your acquisition of the pamphlet on the astronomy

of the ancient Mexicans. If it be ancient and genuine, or modern and

rational, it will be of real value. It is one of the most interesting

countries of our hemisphere, and merits every attention.

I am thankful for your kind offer of sending the original Spanish for my

perusal. But I think it a pity to trust it to the accidents of the post,

and whenever you publish the translation, I shall be satisfied to read

that which shall be given by your translator, who is, I am sure, a greater

adept in the language than I am.

Accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect.

TO JAMES FISHBACK.

MONTICELLO, September 27, 1809.

SIR,--Your favor of June 5th came to hand in due time, and I have to

acknowledge my gratification at the friendly sentiments it breathes

towards myself. We have been thrown into times of a peculiar character,

and to work our way through them has required services and sacrifices

from our countrymen generally, and to their great honor, these have

been generally exhibited, by every one in his sphere, and according

to the opportunities afforded. With them I have been a fellow laborer,

endeavoring to do faithfully the part alloted to me, as they did theirs;

and it is a subject of mutual congratulation that, in a state of things

such as the world had never before seen, we have gotten on so far well;

and my confidence in our present high functionaries, as well as in my

countrymen generally, leaves me without much fear for the future.

I thank you for the pamphlet you was so kind as to send me. At an earlier

period of life I pursued inquiries of that kind with industry and care.

Reading, reflection and time have convinced me that the interests of

society require the observation of those moral precepts only in which all

religions agree, (for all forbid us to murder, steal, plunder, or bear

false witness,) and that we should not intermeddle with the particular

dogmas in which all religions differ, and which are totally unconnected

with morality. In all of them we see good men, and as many in one as

another. The varieties in the structure and action of the human mind as in

those of the body, are the work of our Creator, against which it cannot

be a religious duty to erect the standard of uniformity. The practice of

morality being necessary for the well-being of society, he has taken care

to impress its precepts so indelibly on our hearts that they shall not be

effaced by the subtleties of our brain. We all agree in the obligation of

the moral precepts of Jesus, and nowhere will they be found delivered in

greater purity than in his discourses. It is, then, a matter of principle

with me to avoid disturbing the tranquillity of others by the expression

of any opinion on the innocent questions on which we schismatize. On the

subject of your pamphlet, and the mode of treating it, I permit myself

only to observe the candor, moderation and ingenuity with which you appear

to have sought truth. This is of good example, and worthy of commendation.

If all the writers and preachers on religious questions had been of

the same temper, the history of the world would have been of much more

pleasing aspect.

I thank you for the kindness towards myself which breathes through your

letter. The first of all our consolations is that of having faithfully

fulfilled our duties; the next, the approbation and good will of those

who have witnessed it; and I pray you to accept my best wishes for your

happiness and the assurances of my respect.

TO MESSRS. BLOODGOOD AND HAMMOND.

MONTICELLO, September 30, 1809.

GENTLEMEN,--The very friendly sentiments which my republican fellow

citizens of the city and county of New York have been pleased to express

through yourselves as their organ, are highly grateful to me, and command

my sincere thanks; and their approbation of the measures pursued, while

I was entrusted with the administration of their affairs, strengthens my

hope that they were favorable to the public prosperity. For any errors

which may have been committed, the indulgent will find some apology in

the difficulties resulting from the extraordinary state of human affairs,

and the astonishing spectacles these have presented. A world in arms and

trampling on all those moral principles which have heretofore been deemed

sacred in the intercourse between nations, could not suffer us to remain

insensible of all agitation. During such a course of lawless violence,

it was certainly wise to withdraw ourselves from all intercourse with

the belligerent nations, to avoid the desolating calamities inseparable

from war, its pernicious effects on manners and morals, and the dangers

it threatens to free governments; and to cultivate our own resources

until our natural and progressive growth should leave us nothing to fear

from foreign enterprise. That the benefits derived from these measures

were lessened by an opposition of the most ominous character, and that

a continuance of injury was encouraged by the appearance of domestic

weakness which that presented, will doubtless be a subject of deep and

durable regret to such of our well-intentioned citizens as participated

in it, under mistaken confidence in men who had other views than the good

of their own country. Should foreign nations, however, deceived by this

appearance of division and weakness, render it necessary to vindicate by

arms the injuries to our country, I believe, with you, that the spirit

of the revolution is unextinguished, and that the cultivators of peace

will again, as on that occasion, be transformed at once into a nation of

warriors, who will leave us nothing to fear for the natural and national

rights of our country.

Your approbation of the reasons which induced me to retire from the

honorable station in which my fellow citizens had placed me, is a proof

of your devotion to the true principles of our constitution. These are

wisely opposed to all perpetuations of power, and to every practice which

may lead to hereditary establishments; and certain I am that any services

which I could have rendered will be more than supplied by the wisdom and

virtues of my successor.

I am very thankful for the kind wishes you express for my personal

happiness. It will always be intimately connected with the prosperity of

our country, of which I sincerely pray that my fellow citizens of the city

and county of New York may have their full participation.

TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA.

MONTICELLO, October 4, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of August the 26th came to hand in the succeeding

month, and I have now to thank you for the pamphlet it contained. I

have read it with pleasure, and find the constitution proposed would

probably be as free as is consistent with hereditary institutions. It has

one feature which I like much; that which provides that when the three

co-ordinate branches differ in their construction of the constitution, the

opinion of two branches shall overrule the third. Our constitution has not

sufficiently solved this difficulty.

Among the multitude of characters with which public office leads us to

official intercourse, we cannot fail to observe many, whose personal

worth marks them as objects of particular esteem, whom we would wish

to select for our society in private life. I avail myself gladly of the

present occasion of assuring you that I was peculiarly impressed with your

merit and talents, and that I have ever entertained for them a particular

respect. To those whose views are single and direct, it is a great comfort

to have to do business with frank and honorable minds. And here give me

leave to make an avowal, for which, in my present retirement, there can be

no motive but a regard for truth. Your predecessor, soured on a question

of etiquette against the administration of this country, wished to impute

wrong to them in all their actions, even where he did not believe it

himself. In this spirit, he wished it to be believed that we were in

unjustifiable co-operation in Miranda's expedition. I solemnly, and on my

personal truth and honor, declare to you, that this was entirely without

foundation, and that there was neither co-operation, nor connivance on our

part. He informed us he was about to attempt the liberation of his native

country from bondage, and intimated a hope of our aid, or connivance

at least. He was at once informed, that although we had great cause of

complaint against Spain, and even of war, yet whenever we should think

proper to act as her enemy, it should be openly and above board, and that

our hostility should never be exercised by such petty means. We had no

suspicion that he expected to engage men here, but merely to purchase

military stores. Against this there was no law, nor consequently any

authority for us to interpose obstacles. On the other hand, we deemed it

improper to betray his voluntary communication to the agents of Spain.

Although his measures were many days in preparation at New York, we

never had the least intimation or suspicion of his engaging men in his

enterprise, until he was gone; and I presume the secrecy of his proceeding

kept them equally unknown to the Marquis Yrujo at Philadelphia, and the

Spanish consul at New York, since neither of them gave us any information

of the enlistment of men, until it was too late for any measures taken

at Washington to prevent their departure. The officer in the Customs, who

participated in this transaction with Miranda, we immediately removed, and

should have had him and others further punished, had it not been for the

protection given them by private citizens at New York, in opposition to

the government, who, by their impudent falsehoods and calumnies, were able

to overbear the minds of the jurors. Be assured, Sir, that no motive could

induce me, at this time, to make this declaration so gratuitously, were it

not founded in sacred truth; and I will add further, that I never did, or

countenanced, in public life, a single act inconsistent with the strictest

good faith; having never believed there was one code of morality for a

public, and another for a private man.

I receive, with great pleasure, the testimonies of personal esteem which

breathes through your letter; and I pray you to accept those equally

sincere with which I now salute you.

TO MR. BARLOW.

MONTICELLO, October 8, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--It is long since I ought to have acknowledged the receipt of

your most excellent oration on the 4th of July. I was doubting what you

could say, equal to your own reputation, on so hackneyed a subject; but

you have really risen out of it with lustre, and pointed to others a field

of great expansion. A day or two after I received your letter to Bishop

Gregoire, a copy of his diatribe to you came to hand from France. I had

not before heard of it. He must have been eagle-eyed in quest of offence,

to have discovered ground for it among the rubbish massed together in

the print he animadverts on. You have done right in giving him a sugary

answer. But he did not deserve it. For, notwithstanding a compliment to

you now and then, he constantly returns to the identification of your

sentiments with the extravagances of the Revolutionary zealots. I believe

him a very good man, with imagination enough to declaim eloquently,

but without judgment to decide. He wrote to me also on the doubts I had

expressed five or six and twenty years ago, in the Notes of Virginia, as

to the grade of understanding of the negroes, and he sent me his book on

the literature of the negroes. His credulity has made him gather up every

story he could find of men of color, (without distinguishing whether

black, or of what degree of mixture,) however slight the mention, or

light the authority on which they are quoted. The whole do no amount,

in point of evidence, to what we know ourselves of Banneker. We know he

had spherical trigonometry enough to make almanacs, but not without the

suspicion of aid from Ellicot, who was his neighbor and friend, and never

missed an opportunity of puffing him. I have a long letter from Banneker,

which shows him to have had a mind of very common stature indeed. As to

Bishop Gregoire, I wrote him, as you have done, a very soft answer. It was

impossible for doubt to have been more tenderly or hesitatingly expressed

than that was in the Notes of Virginia, and nothing was or is farther from

my intentions, than to enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion,

where I have only expressed a doubt. St. Domingo will, in time, throw

light on the question.

I intended, ere this, to have sent you the papers I had promised you. But

I have taken up Marshall's fifth volume, and mean to read it carefully,

to correct what is wrong in it, and commit to writing such facts and

annotations as the reading of that work will bring into my recollection,

and which has not yet been put on paper; in this I shall be much aided

by my memorandums and letters, and will send you both the old and the

new. But I go on very slowly. In truth, during the pleasant season, I am

always out of doors, employed, not passing more time at my writing table

than will despatch my current business. But when the weather becomes

cold, I shall go out but little. I hope, therefore, to get through this

volume during the ensuing winter; but should you want the papers sooner,

they shall be sent at a moment's warning. The ride from Washington to

Monticello in the stage, or in a gig, is so easy that I had hoped you

would have taken a flight here during the season of good roads. Whenever

Mrs. Barlow is well enough to join you in such a visit, it must be

taken more at ease. It will give us real pleasure whenever it may take

place. I pray you to present me to her respectfully, and I salute you

affectionately.

TO ALBERT GALLATIN.

MONTICELLO, October 11, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I do not know whether the request of Monsieur Moussier,

explained in the enclosed letter, is grantable or not. But my partialities

in favor of whatever may promote either the useful or liberal arts, induce

me to place it under your consideration, to do in it whatever is right,

neither more nor less. I would then ask you to favor me with three lines,

in such form as I may forward him by way of answer.

I have reflected much and painfully on the change of dispositions

which has taken place among the members of the cabinet, since the new

arrangement, as you stated to me in the moment of our separation. It

would be, indeed, a great public calamity were it to fix you in the

purpose which you seemed to think possible. I consider the fortunes of

our republic as depending, in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment

of the public debt before we engage in any war: because, that done, we

shall have revenue enough to improve our country in peace and defend it

in war, without recurring either to new taxes or loans. But if the debt

should once more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire discharge

will be despaired of, and we shall be committed to the English career of

debt, corruption and rottenness, closing with revolution. The discharge

of the debt, therefore, is vital to the destinies of our government,

and it hangs on Mr. Madison and yourself alone. We shall never see

another President and Secretary of the Treasury making all other objects

subordinate to this. Were either of you to be lost to the public, that

great hope is lost. I had always cherished the idea that you would fix

on that object the measure of your fame, and of the gratitude which our

country will owe you. Nor can I yield up this prospect to the secondary

considerations which assail your tranquillity. For sure I am, they never

can produce any other serious effect. Your value is too justly estimated

by our fellow citizens at large, as well as their functionaries, to

admit any remissness in their support of you. My opinion always was,

that none of us ever occupied stronger ground in the esteem of Congress

than yourself, and I am satisfied there is no one who does not feel

your aid to be still as important for the future as it has been for the

past. You have nothing, therefore, to apprehend in the dispositions of

Congress, and still less of the President, who, above all men, is the

most interested and affectionately disposed to support you. I hope, then,

you will abandon entirely the idea you expressed to me, and that you will

consider the eight years to come as essential to your political career.

I should certainly consider any earlier day of your retirement, as the

most inauspicious day our new government has ever seen. In addition to

the common interest in this question, I feel particularly for myself the

considerations of gratitude which I personally owe you for your valuable

aid during my administration of public affairs, a just sense of the large

portion of the public approbation which was earned by your labors and

belongs to you, and the sincere friendship and attachment which grew out

of our joint exertions to promote the common good; and of which I pray you

now to accept the most cordial and respectful assurances.

TO THE CHEVALIER DE ONIS.

MONTICELLO, November 4, 1809.

Thomas Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to his Excellency the

Chevalier de Onis, and congratulates him on his safe arrival in the United

States, and at a season so propitious for the preservation of health

against the effects of a sensible and sudden change of climate. He hopes

that his residence here will be made agreeable to him, and that it will be

useful in cementing the friendship and intercourse of the two nations, so

advantageous to both. He would have been happy to have paid his respects

to the Chevalier de Onis in person, and to have had the honor of forming

his acquaintance; but the distance and bad roads deny him that pleasure.

He learns with great satisfaction that his venerable and worthy friend,

Mr. Yznardi, continues in life and health, and takes this occasion of

bearing testimony to his loyal and honorable conduct while in the United

States. He salutes the Chevalier de Onis with assurances of his high

respect and consideration.

TO GEORGE W. IRVING, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, November 23, 1809.

SIR,--An American vessel, the property of a respectable merchant of

Georgetown, on a voyage to some part of Europe for general purposes

of commerce, proposes to touch at some part of Spain with the view of

obtaining Merino sheep to be brought to our country. The necessity we are

under, and the determination we have formed of emancipating ourselves

from a dependence on foreign countries for manufactures which may be

advantageously established among ourselves, has produced a very general

desire to improve the quality of our wool by the introduction of the

Merino race of sheep. Your sense of the duties you owe to your station

will not permit me to ask, nor yourself to do any act which might

compromit you with the government with which you reside, or forfeit

that confidence on their part which can alone enable you to be useful

to your country. But as far as that will permit you to give aid to the

procuring and bringing away some of the valuable race, I take the liberty

of soliciting you to do so--it will be an important service rendered to

your country: to which you will be further encouraged by the assurance

that the enterprise is solely on the behalf of agricultural gentlemen of

distinguished character in Washington and its neighborhood, with a view

of disseminating the benefits of their success as widely as they can.

Without any interest in it myself, other than the general one, I cannot

help wishing a favorable result, and therefore add my solicitations to the

assurances of my constant esteem and respect.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, November 26, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 6th was received from our post office on

the 24th, after my return from Bedford. I now re-enclose the letters of

Mr. Short and Romanzoff, and with them a letter from Armstrong, for your

perusal, as there may be some matters in it not otherwise communicated.

The infatuation of the British government and nation is beyond every

thing imaginable. A thousand circumstances announce that they are

on the point of being blown up, and they still proceed with the same

madness and increased wickedness. With respect to Jackson I hear but one

sentiment, except that some think he should have been sent off. The more

moderate step was certainly more advisable. There seems to be a perfect

acquiescence in the opinion of the Government respecting Onis. The public

interest certainly made his rejection expedient, and as that is a motive

which it is not pleasant always to avow, I think it fortunate that the

contending claims of Charles and Ferdinand furnished such plausible

embarrassment to the question of right; for, on our principles, I presume,

the right of the Junta to send a Minister could not be denied. La Fayette,

in a letter to me expresses great anxiety to receive his formal titles to

the lands in Louisiana. Indeed, I know not why the proper officers have

not sooner sent on the papers on which the grants might issue. It will

be in your power to forward the grants or copies of them by some safe

conveyance, as La Fayette says that no negotiation can be effected without

them.

I enclose you a letter from Major Neely, Chickasaw agent, stating that

he is in possession of two trunks of the unfortunate Governor Lewis,

containing public vouchers, the manuscripts of his western journey, and

probably some private papers. As he desired they should be sent _to the

President_, as the public vouchers render it interesting to the public

that they should be safely received, and they would probably come most

safely if addressed to you, would it not be advisable that Major Neely

should receive an order on your part to forward them to Washington

addressed to you, by the Stage, and if possible under the care of some

person coming on? When at Washington I presume the papers may be opened

and distributed; that is to say, the vouchers to the proper offices where

they are cognizable; the manuscript voyage, &c., to General Clarke, who

is interested in it, and is believed to be now on his way to Washington;

and his private papers, if any, to his administrator--who is John Marks,

his half brother. It is impossible you should have time to examine and

distribute them; but if Mr. Coles could find time to do it, the family

would have entire confidence in his distribution. The other two trunks,

which are in the care of Capt. Russel at the Chickasaw bluffs, and which

Pernier (Gov. Lewis' servant) says contain his private property, I write

to Capt. Russel, at the request of Mr. Marks, to forward to Mr. Brown

at New Orleans, to be sent on to Richmond under my address. Pernier says

that Gov. Lewis owes him $240 for his wages. He has received money from

Neely to bring him on here, and I furnish him to Washington, where he

will arrive penniless, and will ask for some money to be placed to the

Governor's account. He rides a horse of the Governor's, which, with the

approbation of the administration, I tell him to dispose of and give

credit for the amount in his account against the Governor. He is the

bearer of this letter, and of my assurances of constant and affectionate

esteem.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, November 30, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I received last night yours of the 27th, and rode this morning

to Col. Monroe's. I found him preparing to set out to-morrow morning for

London, from whence he will not return till Christmas. I had an hour or

two's frank conversation with him. The catastrophe of poor Lewis served

to lead us to the point intended. I reminded him that in the letter I

wrote to him while in Europe, proposing the Government of Orleans, I also

suggested that of Louisiana, if fears for health should be opposed to the

other. I said something on the importance of the post, its advantages,

&c.--expressed my regret at the curtain which seemed to be drawn between

him and his best friends, and my wish to see his talents and integrity

engaged in the service of his country again, and that his going into

any post would be a signal of reconciliation, on which the body of

republicans, who lamented his absence from the public service, would again

rally to him. These are the general heads of what I said to him in the

course of our conversation. The sum of his answers was, that to accept

of that office was incompatible with the respect he owed himself; that

he never would act in any office where he should be subordinate to any

body but the President himself, or which did not place his responsibility

substantially with the President and the nation; that at your accession

to the chair, he would have accepted a place in the cabinet, and would

have exerted his endeavors most faithfully in support of your fame and

measures; that he is not unready to serve the public, and especially in

the case of any difficult crisis in our affairs; that he is satisfied that

such is the deadly hatred of both France and England, and such their self

reproach and dread at the spectacle of such a government as ours, that

they will spare nothing to destroy it; that nothing but a firm union among

the whole body of republicans can save it, and therefore that no schism

should be indulged on any ground; that in his present situation, he is

sincere in his anxieties for the success of the administration, and in

his support of it as far as the limited sphere of his action or influence

extends; that his influence to this end had been used with those with

whom the world had ascribed to him an interest he did not possess, until,

whatever it was, it was lost, (he particularly named J. Randolph, who, he

said, had plans of his own, on which he took no advice;) and that he was

now pursuing what he believed his properest occupation, devoting his whole

time and faculties to the liberation of his pecuniary embarrassments,

which, three years of close attention, he hoped, would effect. In order

to know more exactly what were the kinds of employ he would accept, I

adverted to the information of the papers, which came yesterday, that

Gen. Hampton was dead, but observed that the military life in our present

state, offered nothing which could operate on the principle of patriotism;

he said he would sooner be shot than take a command under Wilkinson.

In this sketch, I have given truly the substance of his ideas, but not

always his own words. On the whole, I conclude he would accept a place in

the cabinet, or a military command dependent on the Executive alone, and

I rather suppose a diplomatic mission, because it would fall within the

scope of his views, and not because he said so, for no allusion was made

to anything of that kind in our conversation. Everything from him breathed

the purest patriotism, involving, however, a close attention to his own

honor and grade. He expressed himself with the utmost devotion to the

interests of our own country, and I am satisfied he will pursue them with

honor and zeal in any character in which he shall be willing to act.

I have thus gone far beyond the single view of your letter, that you may,

under any circumstances, form a just estimate of what he would be disposed

to do. God bless you, and carry you safely through all your difficulties.

TO MR. CHARLES F. WELLES.

MONTICELLO, December 3, 1809.

SIR,--I received, within a few days past, your favor of February 29th,

(for September, I presume,) in either case it has been long on the way.

It covered the two pieces of poetry it referred to. Of all the charges

brought against me by my political adversaries, that of possessing

some science has probably done them the least credit. Our countrymen

are too enlightened themselves, to believe that ignorance is the best

qualification for their service. If Mr. M. solicits a seat in Congress,

I am sure he will be more just to himself, and more respectful to his

electors, than to claim it on this ground.

Without pretending to all the merits so kindly ascribed by the more

friendly and poetical answer, I feel the right of claiming that of

integrity of motives. Whether the principles of the majority of our fellow

citizens, or of the little minority still opposing them, be most friendly

to the rights of man, posterity will judge; and to that arbiter I submit

my own conduct with cheerfulness. It has been a great happiness to me, to

have received the approbation of so great a portion of my fellow citizens,

and particularly of those who have opportunities of inquiring, reading

and deciding for themselves. It is on this view that I owe you especial

acknowledgments, which I pray you to accept with the assurances of my

respect.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, December 7, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter is from Father Richard, the Director of

a school at Detroit, being on a subject in which the departments both

of the Treasury and War are concerned, I take the liberty of enclosing

it to yourself as the centre which may unite these two agencies. The

transactions which it alludes to took place in the months of December and

January preceding my retirement from office, and as I think it possible

they may not have been fully placed on the records of the War office,

because they were conducted verbally for the most part, I will give a

general statement of them as well as my recollection will enable me. In

the neighborhood of Detroit (two or three miles from the town) is a farm,

formerly the property of one Earnest, a bankrupt Collector. It is now in

the possession of the Treasury department, as a pledge for a sum in which

he is in default to the government, much beyond the value of the farm.

As it is a good one, has proper buildings, and in a proper position for

the purpose contemplated, General Dearborne proposed to purchase it for

the War department at its real value. Mr. Gallatin thought he should ask

the sum for which it was hypothecated. I do not remember the last idea

in which we all concurred; but I believe it was that, as the Treasury

must, in the end, sell it for what it could get, the War department would

become a bidder as far as its real value, and in the meantime would rent

it. On this farm we proposed to assemble the following establishments:

1st. Father Richards' school. He teaches the children of the inhabitants

of Detroit--but the part of the school within our view was that of the

young Indian girls instructed by two French females, natives of the

place, who devote their whole time and their own property, which was not

inconsiderable, to the care and instruction of Indian girls in carding,

spinning, weaving, sewing, and the other household arts suited to the

condition of the poor, and as practiced by the white women of that

condition. Reading and writing were an incidental part of their education.

We proposed that the War department should furnish the farm and the houses

for the use of the school gratis, and add $400 a year to the funds, and

that the benefits of the Institution should be extended to the boys also

of the neighboring tribes, who were to be lodged, fed, and instructed

there.

2d. To establish there the farmer at present employed by the United

States, to instruct those Indians in the use of the plough and other

implements and practices of agriculture, and in the general management

of the farm. This man was to labor the farm himself, and to have the aid

of the boys through a principal portion of the day, by which they would

contract habits of industry, learn the business of farming, and provide

subsistence for the whole Institution. Reading and writing were to be a

secondary object.

3d. To remove thither the carpenter and smith at present employed by the

United States among the same Indians; with whom such of the boys as had a

turn for it should work and learn their trades.

This establishment was recommended by the further circumstance that

whenever the Indians come to Detroit on trade or other business, they

encamp on or about this farm. This would give them opportunities of seeing

their sons and daughters, and their advancement in the useful arts--of

seeing and learning from example all the operations and process of a farm,

and of always carrying home themselves some additional knowledge of these

things. It was thought more important to extend the civilized arts, and to

introduce a separation of property among the Indians of the country around

Detroit than elsewhere, because learning to set a high value on their

property, and losing by degrees all other dependence for subsistence,

they would deprecate war with us as bringing certain destruction on their

property, and would become a barrier for that distant and isolated post

against the Indians beyond them. There are beyond them some strong tribes,

as the Sacs, Foxes, &c., with whom we have as yet had little connection,

and slender opportunities of extending to them our benefits and influence.

They are therefore ready instruments to be brought into operation on us

by a powerful neighbor, which still cultivates its influence over them by

nourishing the savage habits which waste them, rather than by encouraging

the civilized arts which would soften, conciliate and preserve them. The

whole additional expense to the United States was to be the price of the

farm, and an increase of $400 in the annual expenditures for these tribes.

This is the sum of my recollections. I cannot answer for their

exactitude in all details, but General Dearborne could supply and

correct the particulars of my statement. Mr. Gallatin, too was so often

in consultation on the subject, that he must have been informed of the

whole plan; and his memory is so much better than mine, that he will be

able to make my statement what it should be. Add to this that I think I

generally informed yourself of our policy and proceedings in the case, as

we went along; and, if I am not mistaken, it was one of the articles of a

memorandum I left with you of things still in fieri, and which would merit

your attention. I have thought it necessary to put you in possession of

these facts, that you might understand the grounds of Father Richards'

application, and be enabled to judge for yourself of the expediency of

pursuing the plan, or of the means of withdrawing from it with justice

to the individuals employed in its execution. How far we are committed

with the Indians themselves in this business will be seen in a speech

of mine to them, of January 31st, filed in the War office, and perhaps

something more may have passed to them from the Secretary of War. Always

affectionately yours.

TO DR. CHAPMAN.

MONTICELLO, December 11, 1809.

SIR,--Your favor of November 10th did not come to hand till the 29th

of that month. The subject you have chosen for the next anniversary

discourse of the Linnean Society, is certainly a very interesting and also

a difficult one. The change which has taken place in our climate, is one

of those facts which all men of years are sensible of, and yet none can

prove by regular evidence, they can only appeal to each other's general

observation for the fact. I remember that when I was a small boy, (say 60

years ago,) snows were frequent and deep in every winter--to my knee very

often, to my waist sometimes--and that they covered the earth long. And I

remember while yet young, to have heard from very old men, that in their

youth, the winters had been still colder, with deeper and longer snows. In

the year 1772, (37 years ago,) we had a snow two feet deep in the champain

parts of this State, and three feet in the counties next below the

mountains. That year is still marked in conversation by the designation

of "the year of the deep snow." But I know of no regular diaries of the

weather very far back. In latter times, they might perhaps be found. While

I lived at Washington, I kept a diary, and by recurring to that, I observe

that from the winter of 1802-3, to that of 1808-9, inclusive, the average

fall of snow of the seven winters was only fourteen and a half inches,

and that the ground was covered but sixteen days in each winter on an

average of the whole. The maximum in any one winter, during that period,

was twenty-one inches fall, and thirty-four days on the ground. The change

in our climate is very shortly noticed in the Notes on Virginia, because I

had few facts to state but from my own recollections, then only of thirty

or thirty-five years. Since that my whole time has been so completely

occupied in public vocations, that I have been able to pay but little

attention to this subject, and if I have heard any facts respecting it,

I made no note of them, and they have escaped my memory. Thus, sir, with

every disposition to furnish you with any information in my possession, I

can only express my regrets at the entire want of them. Nor do I know of

any source in this State, now existing, from which anything on the subject

can be derived. Williams, in his History of Vermont, has an essay on the

change of climate in Europe, Asia and Africa, and has very ingeniously

laid history under contribution for materials. Doctor Williamson has

written on the change of our climate, in one of the early volumes of our

philosophical transactions. Both of these are doubtless known to you.

Wishing it had been in my power to have been more useful to you, I pray

you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect.

TO W. C. NICHOLAS, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, December 16, 1809.

DEAR SIR,--I now enclose you the agricultural catalogue. I do not know

whether I have made it more or less comprehensive than you wished;

but in either case, you can make it what it should be by reduction

or addition--there are probably other good books with which I am

unacquainted. I do not possess the Geoponica, nor Rozier's Dictionary. All

the others I have, and set them down on my own knowledge, except Young's

Experimental Agriculture, which I have not, but had the benefit of reading

your copy. I am sorry to address this catalogue to Warren, instead of

Washington. Never was there a moment when it was so necessary to unite all

the wisdom of the nation in its councils. Our affairs are certainly now at

their ultimate point of crisis. I understand the Eastern Republicans will

agree to nothing which shall render not-intercourse effectual, and that

in any question of that kind, the Federalists will have a majority. There

remains, then, only war or submission, and if we adopt the former, they

will desert us. Under these difficulties you ought not to have left us.

A temporary malady was not a just ground for permanent withdrawing, and

you are too young to be entitled as yet to decline public duties. I think

there never was a time when your presence in Congress was more desirable.

However, the die is cast, and we have only to regret what we cannot

repair. You must indulge me a little in scolding on this subject, and the

rather as it is the effect of my great esteem and respect.

TO MR. SAMUEL KERCHEVAL.

MONTICELLO, January 15, 1810.

SIR,--Your favor of December 12th has been duly received, as was also

that of September 28th. With the blank subscription paper for the academy

of Frederic county, enclosed in your letter of September, nothing has

been done. I go rarely from home, and therefore have little opportunity

of soliciting subscriptions. Nor could I do it in the present case in

conformity with my own judgment of what is best for institutions of this

kind. We are all doubtless bound to contribute a certain portion of our

income to the support of charitable and other useful public institutions.

But it is a part of our duty also to apply our contributions in the

most effectual way we can to secure their object. The question then is

whether this will not be better done by each of us appropriating our

whole contributions to the institutions within our own reach, under our

own eye; and over which we can exercise some useful control? Or would

it be better that each should divide the sum he can spare among all

the institutions of his State, or of the United States? Reason, and the

interest of these institutions themselves, certainly decide in favor of

the former practice. This question has been forced on me heretofore by the

multitude of applications which have come to me from every quarter of the

Union on behalf of academies, churches, missions, hospitals, charitable

establishments, &c. Had I parcelled among them all the contributions which

I could spare, it would have been for each too feeble a sum to be worthy

of being either given or received. If each portion of the State, on the

contrary, will apply its aids and its attentions exclusively to those

nearest around them, all will be better taken care of. Their support,

their conduct, and the best administration of their funds, will be under

the inspection and control of those most convenient to take cognizance

of them, and most interested in their prosperity. With these impressions

myself, I could not propose to others what my own judgment disapproved, as

to their duty as well as my own. These considerations appear so conclusive

to myself, that I trust they will be a sufficient apology for my not

having fulfilled your wishes with respect to the paper enclosed. They

are therefore submitted to your candor, with assurances of my best wishes

for the success of the institution you patronize, and of my respect and

consideration for yourself.

TO MR. EPPES.

MONTICELLO, January 17, 1810.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 10th came safely to hand, and I now enclose you

a letter from Francis; he continues in excellent health, and employs his

time well. He has written to his mamma and grandmamma. I observe that the

H. of R. are sensible of the ill effects of the long speeches in their

house on their proceedings. But they have a worse effect in the disgust

they excite among the people, and the disposition they are producing to

transfer their confidence from the legislature to the executive branch,

which would soon sap our constitution. These speeches, therefore, are

less and less read, and if continued will cease to be read at all.

The models for that oratory which is to produce the greatest effect by

securing the attention of hearers and readers, are to be found in Livy,

Tacitus, Sallust, and most assuredly not in Cicero. I doubt if there is

a man in the world who can now read one of his orations through but as

a piece of task-work. I observe the house is endeavoring to remedy the

eternal protraction of debate by setting up all night, or by the use

of the Previous Question. Both will subject them to the most serious

inconvenience. The latter may be turned upon themselves by a trick of

their adversaries. I have thought that such a rule as the following would

be more effectual and less inconvenient. "Resolved that at [viii.] o'clock

in the evening (whenever the house shall be in session at that hour) it

shall be the duty of the Speaker to declare that hour arrived, whereupon

all debate shall cease. If there be then before the house a main question

for the reading or passing of a bill, resolution or order, such main

question shall immediately be put by the Speaker, and decided by yeas and

nays.

"If the question before the house be secondary, as for amendment,

commitment, postponement, adjournment of the debate or question, laying

on the table, reading papers, or a previous question, such secondary, [or

any other which may delay the main question,] shall stand _ipso facto_

discharged, and the main question shall then be before the house, and

shall be immediately put and decided by yeas and nays. But a motion for

adjournment of the house, may once and once only, take place of the main

question, and if decided in the negative, the main question shall then

be put as before. Should any question of order arise, it shall be decided

by the Speaker instanter, and without debate or appeal; and questions of

privilege arising, shall be postponed till the main question be decided.

Messages from the President or Senate may be received but not acted on

till after the decision of the main question. But this rule shall be

suspended during the [three] last days of the session of Congress."

No doubt this, on investigation, will be found to need amendment; but I

think the principle of it better adapted to meet the evil than any other

which has occurred to me. You can consider and decide upon it, however,

and make what use of it you please, only keeping the source of it to

yourself. Ever affectionately yours.

TO MR. SAMUEL KERCHEVAL.

MONTICELLO, January 19, 1810.

SIR,--Yours of the 7th inst. has been duly received, with the pamphlet

enclosed, for which I return you my thanks. Nothing can be more exactly

and seriously true than what is there stated: that but a short time

elapsed after the death of the great reformer of the Jewish religion,

before his principles were departed from by those who professed to be his

special servants, and perverted into an engine for enslaving mankind,

and aggrandizing their oppressors in Church and State: that the purest

system of morals ever before preached to man has been adulterated and

sophisticated by artificial constructions, into a mere contrivance to

filch wealth and power to themselves: that rational men, not being able to

swallow their impious heresies, in order to force them down their throats,

they raise the hue and cry of infidelity, while themselves are the

greatest obstacles to the advancement of the real doctrines of Jesus, and

do, in fact, constitute the real Anti-Christ.

You expect that your book will have some effect on the prejudices

which the society of Friends entertain against the present and late

administrations. In this I think you will be disappointed. The Friends

are men formed with the same passions, and swayed by the same natural

principles and prejudices as others. In cases where the passions are

neutral, men will display their respect for the religious _professions_

of their sect. But where their passions are enlisted, these _professions_

are no obstacle. You observe very truly, that both the late and present

administration conducted the government on principles _professed_ by the

Friends. Our efforts to preserve peace, our measures as to the Indians,

as to slavery, as to religious freedom, were all in consonance with their

_profession_. Yet I never expected we should get a vote from them, and in

this I was neither deceived nor disappointed. There is no riddle in this

to those who do not suffer themselves to be duped by the _professions_ of

religions sectaries. The theory of American Quakerism is a very obvious

one. The mother society is in England. Its members are English by birth

and residence, devoted to their own country as good citizens ought to be.

The Quakers of these States are colonies or filiations from the mother

society, to whom that society sends its yearly lessons. On these, the

filiated societies model their opinions, their conduct, their passions

and attachments. A Quaker is essentially an Englishman, in whatever

part of the earth he is born or lives. The outrages of Great Britain on

our navigation and commerce, have kept us in perpetual bickerings with

her. The Quakers here have taken side against their own government, not

on their _profession_ of peace, for they saw that peace was our object

also; but from devotion to the views of the mother society. In 1797-8,

when an administration sought war with France, the Quakers were the

most clamorous for war. Their principle of peace, as a secondary one,

yielded to the primary one of adherence to the Friends in England, and

what was patriotism in the original, became treason in the copy. On that

occasion, they obliged their good old leader, Mr. Pemberton, to erase his

name from a petition to Congress against war, which had been delivered

to a Representative of Pennsylvania, a member of the late and present

administration; he accordingly permitted the old gentleman to erase his

name. You must not therefore expect that your book will have any more

effect on the Society of Friends here, than on the English merchants

settled among us. I apply this to the Friends in general, not universally.

I know individuals among them as good patriots as we have.

I thank you for the kind wishes and sentiments towards myself, expressed

in your letter, and sincerely wish to yourself the blessings of heaven and

happiness.

TO MR. BALDWIN.

MONTICELLO, January 19, 1810.

Thomas Jefferson returns to Mr. Baldwin his thanks for the copy of the

letters of Cerus and Amicus just received from him. He sincerely wishes

its circulation among the Society of Friends may have the effect Mr.

Baldwin expects, of abating their prejudices against the government of

their country. But he apprehends their disease is too deeply seated; that

identifying themselves with the mother society in England, and taking

from them implicitly their politics, their principles and passions, it

will be long before they will cease to be Englishmen in everything but the

place of their birth, and to consider that, and not America, as their real

country. He is particularly thankful to Mr. Baldwin for the kind wishes

and sentiments expressed in his letter, and sincerely wishes to him the

blessings of health and happiness.

TO MR. THOMAS T. HEWSON.