attention, for nothing could be done without my knowledge, or
without my order, but that the detail would be worked out by the
Chief of the Staff. He had thoroughly considered that, and would
make it work.... He always stood up for the principle of the
army being commanded by the Sovereign; and he endeavoured to
make the practice agree with that theory, by scrupulously
taking, on every point, the Queen’s pleasure before he acted.
But, were he gone, he saw no security, unless I undertook the
command myself, and thus supplied what was deficient in the
constitutional working of the theory, arising from the
circumstance of the present Sovereign being a lady. Strictly
constitutionally I should certainly be responsible for my acts,
but before the world in general the Chief of the Staff would
bear the responsibility, and for that office the man of the
greatest name and weight in the army ought to be selected. He
repeated that he thought this the most desirable arrangement,
and would at once work it out to the best of his ability.... I
begged him to leave me time to consider the proposal.
In the evening the Queen gave the Duke of Wellington an
audience, I being present. After having set out by saying he was
most anxious to let the Queen know and feel all he knew and felt
about it—in fact, to _think aloud_—the Duke repeated what he had
said to me in the morning, and we discussed the question
further. I said that there were several points which still
required to be considered.... The offer was so tempting for a
young man, that I felt bound to look most closely to all the
objections to it, in order to come to a right decision.... The
Queen, as a lady, was not able at all times to perform the many
duties imposed upon her; moreover she had no Private Secretary
who worked for her, as former Sovereigns had had. The only
person who helped her, and who could assist her, in the
multiplicity of work which ought to be done by the Sovereign,
was myself. I should be very sorry to undertake any duty which
would absorb my time and attention so much for _one_ Department,
as to interfere with my general usefulness to the Queen.... The
Queen added, that I already worked harder than she liked to see,
and than she thought was good for my health,[3] which I did not
allow—answering, that, on the contrary, business must naturally
increase with time, and ought to increase, if the Sovereign’s
duties to the country were to be thoroughly performed; but that
I was anxious no more should fall upon her than could be helped.
Footnote 3:
The anxiety of the Queen lest the Prince should injure his
health by his excessive attention to public business,
naturally continued to increase.
In 1860, when the Society of Arts renewed the proposal for
holding a second International Exhibition, the Queen wrote to
Lord Granville, without the knowledge of the Prince,
expressing Her earnest hope that he (Lord Granville) would do
all that in him lay to prevent the responsibility and labour
of conducting the undertaking being thrown in any way on His
Royal Highness.
The Queen felt deeply the necessity for averting any addition
to the heavy work already entailed on the Prince by the
assistance and support (every day more needful to Her) which
he gave Her in the transaction of all public business; and Her
Majesty was convinced that he could not again undertake the
labour he had gone through in conducting the first Exhibition
to its successful termination, without injury to that health
which was not only most precious to Herself and his family,
but to the country, and even to the world.
The Duke seemed struck with this consideration, and said he had
not overlooked it, but might not have given it all the weight it
deserved, and that he would reflect further upon it.
We agreed at last that this question could not be satisfactorily
solved unless we knew the exact duties which had to be
performed; and the Queen charged the Duke to draw up a
memorandum in which these should be detailed, and his general
opinion explained, so that we might found a decision on that
paper. This the Duke promised to do.
Windsor Castle, April 6, 1850.
After a good deal of reflection on the Duke of
Wellington’s proposal, I went to pay him a visit yesterday
morning in his room, and found him prepared with his memorandum,
which he handed to me. After having read it, I said to him that
I must consider my position as a whole, which was that of the
consort and confidential adviser and assistant of a female
sovereign. Her interest and good should stand foremost, and all
other considerations must be viewed in reference to this, and in
subordination to it. The question then was simply, whether I
should not weaken my means of attending to all parts of the
constitutional position alike—political, social, and moral—if I
devoted myself to a special branch, however important that might
be; and that I was afraid this would be the consequence of my
becoming Commander-in-Chief. It was quite true that the
Sovereign being a lady naturally weakened her relation to the
army, and that the duty rested upon me of supplying that
deficiency, and would do so still more when the protection which
the Duke afforded to the Crown should be unfortunately
withdrawn. But I doubted whether this might not be accomplished
without my becoming especially responsible for the command of
the army. There was no branch of public business in which I was
not now supporting the Queen, &c. &c.... The Duke replied he
quite saw that my position ought to be looked at as a whole. He
felt the extreme difficulty and delicacy of it, and was kind
enough to add that he approved of, and the public did full
justice to the way in which I had hitherto maintained it. I
begged him to leave me a little time for consideration, that I
wanted to study his memorandum, and would finally write to him
upon the subject.
Two days afterwards the Prince wrote to the Duke a letter, of which the
following are extracts:—
MY DEAR DUKE,
The Queen and myself have thoroughly considered your proposal to
join the offices of Adjutant-General and Quartermaster-General
into one of a Chief of the Staff, with a view to facilitate the
future assumption of the command of the army by myself.... The
question whether it will be advisable that I should take the
command of the army or not, has been most anxiously weighed by
me, and I have come to the conclusion that my decision ought
entirely and solely to be guided by the consideration, whether
it would interfere with, or assist, my position of Consort of
the Sovereign, and the performance of the duties which this
position imposes upon me.
This position is a most peculiar and delicate one. Whilst a
female sovereign has a great many disadvantages in comparison
with a king, yet, if she is married, and her husband
understands and does his duty, her position, on the other
hand, has many compensating advantages, and, in the long run,
will be found even to be stronger than that of a male
sovereign. But this requires that the husband should entirely
sink his _own individual_ existence in that of his wife—that
he should aim at no power by himself or for himself—should
shun all ostentation—assume no separate responsibility before
the public—but make his position entirely a part of hers—fill
up every gap which, as a woman, she would naturally leave in
the exercise of her regal functions—continually and anxiously
watch every part of the public business, in order to be able
to advise and assist her at any moment, in any of the
multifarious and difficult questions or duties brought before
her, sometimes international, sometimes political, or social,
or personal. As the natural head of her family, superintendent
of her household, manager of her private affairs, sole
_confidential_ adviser in politics, and only assistant in her
communications with the officers of the government, he is
besides the husband of the Queen, the tutor of the Royal
children, the private secretary of the Sovereign, and her
permanent minister.
How far would it be consistent with this position to undertake
the management and administration of a most important branch of
the public service, and the individual responsibility attaching
to it—becoming an Executive Officer of the Crown, receiving the
Queen’s commands through her Secretaries of State, &c. &c.? I
feel sure that, having undertaken the responsibility, I should
not be satisfied to leave the business and real work in the
hands of another (the Chief of the Staff), but should feel it my
duty to look to them myself. But whilst I should in this manner
perform duties which, I am sure, every able General Officer, who
has gained experience in the field, would be able to perform
better than myself, who have not had the advantage of such
experience, most important duties connected with the welfare of
the Sovereign would be left unperformed, which nobody _could_
perform but myself. I am afraid, therefore, that I must discard
the tempting idea of being placed in command of the British
Army.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
SPEECHES
OF
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE
PRINCE CONSORT.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
SPEECHES.
--------------
AT A MEETING FOR THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.
[JUNE 1ST, 1840.]
-------
I have been induced to preside at the Meeting of this Society, from a
conviction of its paramount importance to the great interests of
humanity and justice.
I deeply regret that the benevolent and persevering exertions of England
to abolish that atrocious traffic in human beings (at once the
desolation of Africa and the blackest stain upon civilized Europe) have
not as yet led to any satisfactory conclusion. But I sincerely trust
that this great country will not relax in its efforts until it has
finally, and for ever, put an end to a state of things so repugnant to
the spirit of Christianity, and the best feelings of our nature.
Let us therefore trust that Providence will prosper our exertions in so
holy a cause, and that (under the auspices of our Queen and Her
Government) we may at no distant period be rewarded by the
accomplishment of the great and humane object for the promotion of which
we have this day met.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LITERARY FUND, 1842.
-------
1.
I propose the health of the Queen, who highly appreciates the tendency
of this Institution, and sincerely interests herself in its welfare.
“THE QUEEN, OUR MUNIFICENT PATRON.”
2.
I return you my warmest thanks for the great kindness with which you
have received this toast. It will always be most gratifying to my
feelings to contribute in the smallest degree towards the welfare of any
of the excellent Institutions which so prominently distinguish this
country.
3.
The toast which I have now to propose to you is the Prosperity of this
Institution.
It stands unrivalled in any country, and ought to command our warmest
sympathies, as providing for the exigencies of those who, following the
call of Genius, and forgetting every other consideration, pursue merely
the cultivation of the human mind and science. What can then be more
proper for us than gratefully to remember the benefits derived from
their disinterested exertions, and cheerfully to contribute to their
wants?
I conclude with the ardent wish that the object for which we have this
day met will be answered in the most ample and generous way.
“Prosperity to this Institution.”
4.
I am sure you will all gladly join me in drinking the health of our
worthy President the Marquis of Lansdowne. He would not wish me to
enumerate his merits as a patron of the Arts and Science, so well known
to this assembly; but it is a satisfaction to me to have an opportunity
of expressing how much I esteem them.
“OUR PRESIDENT.”
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE CORPORATION OF TRINITY HOUSE.
-------
With much sincerity I return you my best thanks for the toast which has
just been drunk.
I feel a pride in the cause which makes me a guest this day with the
Corporation of the Trinity House, to whose exertions in the discharge of
your important duties this great country is so deeply indebted.
That these exertions, upon which not only the good of the Mercantile
Marine depends, but which have so essentially contributed to the welfare
of the Navy, may in their various and important branches be always
crowned with success, I warmly wish; and I cannot refrain from
expressing how happy I should feel if by my admission into your
Corporation I should ever be afforded the smallest opportunity of
forwarding any of your objects.
The distinguished honour conferred upon me this day, an honour aspired
to and prized by eminent men of every age, will always be held in my
most lively remembrance.
* * * * *
[When the heart flies out before the understanding, it saves the
judgment a world of pains.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
AT THE MEETING OF THE
SOCIETY FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES.
[MAY 18TH, 1848.]
-------
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,—
When four years since this Society for the Improvement of the Condition
of the Labouring Classes was first established on its present footing, I
accepted with great pleasure the offer of becoming its President.
I saw in this offer a proof of your appreciation of my feelings of
sympathy and interest for that class of our community which has most of
the toil, and least of the enjoyments, of this world. I conceived that
great advantage would accrue from the endeavours of influential persons,
who were wholly disinterested, to act the part of a friend to those who
required that advice and assistance which none but a friend could tender
with advantage.
This Society has always held this object before its eyes, and has been
labouring in that direction. You are all aware that it has established
model lodging-houses, loan-funds, and the system of allotments of ground
in different parts of the country; but it has been careful only to
establish examples and models, mindful that any real improvement which
was to take place must be the result of the exertions of the working
people themselves.
I have just come from the model lodging-house, the opening of which we
celebrate this day; and I feel convinced that its existence will, by
degrees, cause a complete change in the domestic comforts of the
labouring classes, as it will exhibit to them, that with real economy
can be combined advantages with which few of them have hitherto been
acquainted; whilst it will show to those who possess capital to invest,
that they may do so with great profit and advantage to themselves, at
the same time that they are dispensing those comforts to which I have
alluded, to their poorer brethren.
Depend upon it, the interests of classes too often contrasted are
identical, and it is only ignorance which prevents their uniting for
each other’s advantage. To dispel that ignorance, to show how man can
help man, notwithstanding the complicated state of civilized society,
ought to be the aim of every philanthropic person; but it is more
peculiarly the duty of those who, under the blessing of Divine
Providence, enjoy station, wealth, and education.
Let them be careful, however, to avoid any dictatorial interference with
labour and employment, which frightens away capital, destroys that
freedom of thought and independence of action which must remain to every
one if he is to work out his own happiness, and impairs that confidence
under which alone engagements for mutual benefit are possible.
God has created man imperfect, and left him with many wants, as it were
to stimulate each to individual exertion, and to make all feel that it
is only by united exertions and combined action that these imperfections
can be supplied, and these wants satisfied. This presupposes
self-reliance and confidence in each other. To show the way how these
individual exertions can be directed with the greatest benefit, and to
foster that confidence upon which the readiness to assist each other
depends, this Society deems its most sacred duty.
There has been no ostentatious display of charity or munificence, nor
the pretension of becoming the arbiter of the fate of thousands, but the
quiet working out of particular schemes of social improvement; for
which, however, as I said before, the Society has only established
examples for the community at large to follow.
The report of the proceedings of last year will now be laid before you.
I must say—I hope I may say—that the Society has proceeded
satisfactorily towards the accomplishment of its objects; and that is
owing particularly to the kind feelings, the great experience, and
undoubted zeal of Lord Ashley.
The next step which we contemplate taking is the erection of a model
lodging-house for families. I have no doubt that the meeting will enable
us to carry out that step, and that the attention of the public will be
more generally directed to the objects which we have in view.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
AT THE MEETING OF
THE ROYAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY.
[HELD AT YORK, JULY 13TH, 1848.]
-------
GENTLEMEN,—
I have to thank you most sincerely for your having drunk my health with
so much cordiality. It has been a great satisfaction to me to have been
able this year to pay an old debt in appearing at this interesting and
useful meeting.
All I have seen to-day exhibits a bright picture of the progress of
British agriculture, and for much of this progress the country is
indebted to this Society.
Agriculture, which was once the main pursuit of this as of every other
nation, holds even now, notwithstanding the development of commerce and
manufactures, a fundamental position in the realm; and although time has
changed the position which the owner of the land, with his feudal
dependants, held in the empire, the country gentleman with his wife and
children, the country clergyman, the tenant, and the labourer, still
form a great, and I hope united, family, in which we gladly recognize
the foundation of our social state.
Science and mechanical improvement have in these days changed the mere
practice of cultivating the soil into an industrial pursuit, requiring
capital, machinery, industry, and skill, and perseverance in the
struggle of competition. This is another great change, but we must
consider it a great _progress_, as it demands higher efforts and a
higher intelligence.
Conscious of these changes, we Agriculturists of England assemble
together in this annual meeting of the Royal Agricultural Society, in
order to communicate to each other our various experiences, to exhibit
the progress that some may have made in the applications of science, and
others in the adaptation of machinery, or in the successful rearing of
animals.
Feeling, as I do, a great interest in these noble pursuits and their
paramount importance, and having myself experienced the pleasures and
the little pangs attending them, I feel highly gratified that it should
have been confided to me to propose to you the toast of the day,
“Success to the Royal Agricultural Society of England;” and I trust that
you will heartily respond to it.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
AT THE LAYING OF THE FIRST STONE
OF THE
GREAT GRIMSBY DOCKS.
[APRIL 18TH, 1849.]
-------
MY LORD,[4]—
I thank you most sincerely for the kind terms in which you have proposed
my health, and you, gentlemen, for the cordial manner in which you have
received it.
Footnote 4:
The late Earl of Yarborough, Lord Lieutenant of the county of Lincoln.
The act which has this day been performed, and in which you were kind
enough to desire that I should take the chief part, could not but make a
deep impression upon me.
We have been laying the foundation not only of a Dock, as a place of
refuge, safety, and refitment for mercantile shipping, and calculated
even to receive the largest steamers in Her Majesty’s Navy, but it may
be, and I hope it will be, the foundation of a great commercial port,
destined in after times, when we shall long have quitted this scene, and
when our names even may be forgotten, to form another centre of life to
the vast and ever-increasing commerce of the world, and an important
link in the connection of the East and the West. Nay, if I contemplate
the extraordinary rapidity of development which characterizes the
undertakings of this age, it may not even be too much to expect that
some of us may live yet to see this prospect in part realized.
This work has been undertaken, like almost all the national enterprises
of this great country, by _private_ exertion, with _private_ capital,
and at _private_ risk; and it shares with them likewise that other
feature so peculiar to the enterprises of Englishmen, that, strongly
attached as they are to the institutions of their country, and
gratefully acknowledging the protection of those laws under which their
enterprises are undertaken and flourish, they love to connect them, in
some manner, directly with the authority of the Crown and the person of
their Sovereign; and it is the appreciation of this circumstance which
has impelled me at once to respond to your call, as the readiest mode of
testifying to you how strongly Her Majesty the Queen values and
reciprocates this feeling.
I have derived an additional gratification from this visit, as it has
brought me for the first time to the county of Lincoln, so celebrated
for its agricultural pursuits, and showing a fine example of the energy
of the national character, which has, by dint of perseverance, succeeded
in transforming unhealthy swamps into the richest and most fertile soil
in the kingdom. I could not have witnessed finer specimens of
Lincolnshire farming than have been shown to me on his estates by your
Chairman, my noble host, who has made me acquainted, not only with the
agricultural improvements which are going on amongst you, but with that
most gratifying state of the relation between Landlord and Tenant which
exists here, and which I hope may become an example, in time to be
followed throughout the country. Here it is that the real advantage and
the prosperity of both do not depend upon the written letter of
agreements, but on that mutual trust and confidence which has in this
country for a long time been held a sufficient security to both, to
warrant the extensive outlay of capital, and the engagement in farming
operations on the largest scale.
Let me, in conclusion, propose to you as a toast, “Prosperity to the
Great Grimsby Docks;” and let us invoke the Almighty to bestow His
blessing on this work, under which alone it can prosper.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
AT THE PUBLIC MEETING OF THE
SERVANTS’ PROVIDENT AND BENEVOLENT
SOCIETY.
[MAY 16TH, 1849.]
-------
GENTLEMEN,—
The object for which we have assembled here to-day is not one of
charity, but of friendly advice and assistance to be tendered to a large
and important class of our fellow-countrymen.
Who would not feel the deepest interest in the welfare of their Domestic
Servants? Whose heart would fail to sympathize with those who minister
to us in all the wants of daily life, attend us in sickness, receive us
upon our first appearance in this world, and even extend their cares to
our mortal remains, who live under our roof, form our household, and are
a part of our family?
And yet upon inquiry we find that in this metropolis the greater part of
the inmates of the workhouse are domestic servants.
I am sure that this startling fact is no proof either of a want of
kindness and liberality in masters towards their servants, or of vice in
the latter, but is the natural consequence of that peculiar position in
which the domestic servant is placed, passing periods during his life in
which he shares in the luxuries of an opulent master, and others in
which he has not even the means of earning sufficient to sustain him
through the day.
It is the consideration of these peculiar vicissitudes which makes it
the duty of both masters and servants to endeavour to discover and to
agree upon some means for carrying the servant through life, safe from
the temptations of the prosperous, and from the sufferings of the evil
day. It is on that account that I rejoice at this meeting, and have
gladly consented to take the chair at it, to further the objects of the
“Servants’ Provident and Benevolent Society.”