CHAPTER II

_Advocates of Peace present no plan for national defense in case of war.

They leave it to the Militarists to provide for that contingency. The

Militarists have proposed no adequate plan for national defense. No plan

has been evolved, other than that urged in this book, which would in all

emergencies safeguard the nation against war, and at the same time be in

sympathy with and strengthen every movement to promote peace._

To make this clear, the various schools of thought on the subject should be

classified, and their views briefly outlined.

On the one hand we have the _Militarists_. They constantly clamor for a

bigger navy and a larger army on the ground that we are unprepared for

war--unarmed, unready, undefended--and that war is liable to occur at any

time.

On the other hand we have the _Passivists_. They have the courage of their

convictions. Believing in peace, they oppose war, and all the means

whereby it is made. Having faith in moral influence, they oppose armaments.

They are consistent, and urge that this nation should disarm and check

military expenditures. In their peace propaganda before the people they

have squarely and honestly contended for this national policy _for which

they deserve infinite credit_.

In case of war, they have no plan.

_They leave that to the Militarists._

Between these two extremes we have the _Pacificists_. They deplore war and

talk for peace, but believe in building battleships. They argue for

arbitration and advocate disarmament, but have not opposed steadily

increasing appropriations for naval and military expenditures by the United

States. They justify this position on the plea that the best guarantee

against war is an army and navy. They oppose war but not appropriations for

war. They hold peace conferences and pass peace resolutions, but do not go

before the committees of Congress and object to expenditures for armaments

and militarism. In this class belong all peace advocates who are builders

of battleships or manufacturers of armor plate or armaments, and their

associates.

This suggests the question whether such a manufacturer is a safe pilot for

a peace movement, however generously it may be subsidized, and whether an

armor-plate mill and a peace palace are appropriate trace-mates. It would

be unfortunate if the subtle influence of subconscious self-interest should

creep into peace councils or affect the policy of a peace movement. However

that may be, the theory that armaments prevent war has been pretty well

exploded by recent events.

The Pacificists, in case of war, have no plan of their own to propose.

_They, too, leave that to the Militarists._

Then we have the _Pacificators_.

They advocate disarmament and a tribunal of peace in the nature of an

international court to determine international differences and make binding

decrees; and they propose the establishment of an international army and

navy under the control of that court to enforce its decrees. Of course it

must be conceded that this plan may fail, or its success be long delayed,

and that in the meantime it affords no guarantee of peace.

The Pacificators, however, propose no plan in the event of war.

_They also leave that to the Militarists._

Finally comes the Woman's Movement for Constructive Peace, out of which has

grown the organization of the Woman's Peace Party.

Much may be hoped for from this organization if it will concentrate its

strength, and not try to do too many things at once.

If the women of the world will unite and put the same militant force behind

the peace movement that they have put behind the suffrage movement they can

end wars. There is no doubt of that. But it will require world-wide

organization, good generalship, and great concentration of effort. "One

thing at a time" should be their motto.

The following platform was adopted by the Woman's Peace Party:

"The purpose of this organization is to enlist all

American women in arousing the nations to respect the

sacredness of human life and to abolish war. (1) The

immediate calling of a convention of neutral nations in

the interest of early peace. (2) Limitations of

armaments and the nationalization of their manufacture.

(3) Organized opposition to militarism in our own

country. (4) Education of youth in the ideals of peace.

(5) Democratic control of foreign policies. (6) The

further humanizing of governments by the extension of

the franchise to women. (7) Concert of nations to

supersede 'balance of power.' (8) Action toward the

general organization of the world to substitute law for

war. (9) The substitution of an international police

for rival armies and navies. (10) Removal of the

economic causes of war. (11) The appointment by our

government of a commission of men and women, with an

adequate appropriation, to promote international

peace."

That platform is a well condensed outline of a very comprehensive program.

It covers the whole ground. Some of the things it advocates ought to be

possible of accomplishment within a few years. Others will require

generations. For example, it is well to frankly face the eventual necessity

for it, but democratic control of the foreign policies of Germany and

Russia, for instance, must be worked out by the people of those countries,

possibly through bloody political revolutions.

However, faith and not skepticism was the reason for publishing this

platform in full. The tenth plank, "Removal of the economic causes of war,"

would include many features of the plan proposed in this book. As embodied

in the book, the plan is specific. The platform is a generalization, and

might include many other plans.

But it will be observed that the platform does not suggest any plan as to

what should be done by the Woman's Peace Party in the event of war or to

safeguard the country from the dangers of actual war. They must concede

that war may occur, pending the partial or entire success of their campaign

to establish universal peace throughout the world. But they propose no plan

covering the contingency of war.

_They likewise leave that to the Militarists._

So, although we have plans galore to promote peace, we have in case of war

no plans except those of the Militarists.

They have three plans:

_First:_ A standing army large enough for any contingency.

_Second:_ A standing army, reenforced by state militia.

_Third:_ A standing army with a reserve composed of men who have served a

term of enlistment in the regular army.

None of these plans could be relied on for national defense in the event of

war between the United States and any one of the great world powers. That

will be fully demonstrated in the subsequent chapters of this book.

To insure the national safety as against such a contingency, a standing

army of over 500,000 men would be necessary. It would cost this country

$600,000,000 a year to maintain such a standing army, and the army itself

would be a more dangerous menace than a foreign invasion.

The utter worthlessness of state militia as a national defense in the event

of war with a first-class power is strongly set forth in the warning by

George Washington quoted in a later chapter.

The impracticability of a reserve force like that proposed by the

Militarists is clearly shown in the article from which quotations are made

in a later chapter by Honorable James Hay, Chairman of the Committee on

Military Affairs of the House of Representatives in the Congress of the

United States.

The situation when analyzed is certainly a most extraordinary one and can

only be accounted for on the theory that the people of this country are not

informed as to the facts and assume that we must be prepared for war, and

able to defend ourselves in case of war, by reason of the stupendous

expenditures we have been making for over ten years for the military branch

of the government. To the average man it would seem as though $250,000,000

a year ought to be enough to provide for the national defense.

The situation would be different if we had any assurance that the United

States would never again be involved in a war. In that event we would need

no plans for national defense.

_But we have no such assurance._

The Peace Advocates give no guarantee against war.

The Militarists believe war inevitable.

Neither insures peace and neither is prepared against war.

The people are between the upper and the nether millstone.

We cannot be certain of peace.

We are undefended in case of war.

The situation is illustrated by the old darkey's coon trap that would

"catch 'em either comin', or gwine."

The frank belief of the Militarists that war must be regarded as inevitable

is well expressed in the following quotation from a recent editorial in

"The Navy," a journal published at Washington, D.C.

"Since the beginning of the war in Europe, the

assertion has been repeatedly made that this is the

last great war; that the peoples of the world will be

so impressed with the wanton destruction of life and

property, that there will be organized some form of

international arbitration that will prevent future

wars. _Not so._ The war now raging between the nations

of Europe is much more probably but the first of a

series of tremendous world-wide conflicts that will be

fought by the inhabitants of the earth for national

supremacy, until the supremacy is obtained by a single

people, or possibly by an amalgamated race, the

ingredients of which are just now being thrown into the

melting pot.

"The wars of the past will sink into comparative

insignificance when future historians compile

statistics of coming conflicts among the nations of the

earth."

Whether all this be true or not, there is enough foundation for such

beliefs to make it imperative that the comprehensive and complete plan set

forth in this book should be adopted to harmonize the peace propaganda with

plans for national defense in case of war.

_It can be done and it must be done._

The plan proposed in this book will tremendously strengthen the peace

propaganda and there is no reason why every Militarist should not heartily

approve and accept it, unless he is making a profit out of the manufacture

of war machinery or dependent on it for employment.

In that event we must strongly appeal to patriotism and try to induce the

surrender of personal profit or benefit in order that we may preserve the

nation and promote human welfare.

Anyone who rejects the possibility of war must be blind to current events.

Sad indeed it is that it should be true, but none the less it is a staring

fact that every theory that war between civilized nations had ceased to be

possible has been rudely shattered by recent events.

Every prediction that there would be no more wars has proved false.

Every plan heretofore proposed to prevent war has thus far proved futile.

Every influence relied on to put an end to war has proved a broken reed.

The Socialists have inveighed against war.

Now they are voting war loans and fighting in the armies.

The labor organizations have long proclaimed their opposition to war.

The war is on, and they are apparently giving little attention to it.

Again and again it has been declared that kings make wars and the people

fight them.

That is all very true, in the past and in the present, but once more the

people are doing the fighting.

We have been told that the workingmen of the world have power to stop war.

No doubt they have, if they would use it, but they will not do so.

While this greatest of all the world's wars was brewing, the workingmen

were busy manufacturing the machinery of destruction.

And they are still doing it.

And they will keep on doing it, as long as wages are to be earned that way.

Every piece of shrapnel that crashes into a human brain, or tears a human

heart, or mangles a human hand on a battlefield has been laboriously and

patiently made by some other human hand working for wages in some factory.

Some manufacturer has thereby made a profit.

And the money to pay that profit was loaned to some Christian nation for

its war chest by some sanctimonious pawn-broker of the class described in

"Unseen Empire" by David Starr Jordan.

It is civilized warfare, among civilized nations, in this age of

civilization, sustained by civilized legislative representatives of

civilized people, conducted by civilized soldiers, equipped for human

destruction by civilized business men who furnish machinery of war that is

manufactured by civilized workingmen.

And the workingman makes wages, the business man earns his good dividends,

the banker gets his snug profit, and the man at the top, "the man on

horseback," who started the bloody orgy gets dividends, honors, special

privileges, and greater power as his share in this twentieth-century

massacre of humanity by the so-called humane methods of modern civilized

warfare.

_It is the hypocrisy of it all that makes it so revolting._

And if it were not that so many _are_ making wages or salaries or profits

or dividends out of the whole organized scheme of modern warfare, it would

be much easier to put an end to it. That is the vital point where the women

of the world should strike first if they are to end war.

It is the private profit made from war by a few that makes it so hard to

stop the ruin by war of the many.

The awful waste of war has been made clear, and yet the most monstrously

wasteful war of history is now being fought.

It has been urged that the huge debts owing for old wars made new wars

impossible, but stupendous new war loans are now being made.

The people of Europe were said to have reached the limit of endurance of

war burdens, but they are bending their backs for a heavier load.

America has expressed deep sympathy in the past for the war-ridden and

burden-bearing nations of Europe, overlooking apparently, at least in

recent years, some important facts.

Germany makes no hypocritical pretenses to being a nation of peace. She is

avowedly a nation of warriors and believes in war.

But she gets something for what she spends besides soldiers and

battleships.

While she has been perfecting the most stupendous and perfectly organized

war machine that has ever existed in the world, she has perfected just as

gigantic and splendidly effective machinery for conducting the affairs of

peace.

Her people may well smile in their sleeves at us when we condole with them

about the heavy war burdens that have been loaded upon them. They have at

least got something effective and efficient for their money. We have got

practically nothing.

Germany has, it is true, spent huge sums for armament, but at the same time

she has developed her internal resources, constructed vast public

improvements, planted great forests, and built a system of waterways that

is the marvel of the world.

Have we done the same? No.

Why not? Because we are told by the guardians of Uncle Sam's exchequer that

we cannot afford it. We spend so much money on our army and navy,--a

quarter of a billion dollars a year--for which we get nothing in

return,--not even national defense,--that we are told we cannot afford to

enter upon any great plans for internal improvements, or stop floods, or

regulate rivers, or build a genuine waterway system.

_And the people stand for it, and allow themselves to be "led by the nose

as asses are."_

This, of course, is very gratifying to the speculators and exploiters who

are gathering into their own capacious grab-bags what is left of the

natural resources of the country.

When this reason is added to their interest in armor-plate factories, it

may account for some of their zeal for militarism. And of course they

realize the necessity for a good large standing army that will keep the

people from being troublesome when they discover that their heritage has

been stolen from them. Any little incident like the French Revolution would

be excessively annoying to the intrenched interests in this country. An

army looks good to them, and the latch-string is always out, socially, to

the members of the military caste who greatly enjoy the hospitality of the

gilded caste.

Every one who looks at all four corners of the situation in this country

understands why every pretext is seized upon to get bigger and bigger

appropriations for the army and navy. A navy provides a big profit in armor

plate and an army provides protection for that profit.

_The Wizards of Wall Street are wise._

They see a long way ahead. The people never see very far. They are easily

scared by a hue and cry about unpreparedness when naval or military

appropriations are wanted.

They readily swallow the bait of economy, when the interests desire to

defeat an appropriation that is needed to develop natural resources

belonging to the people that are coveted by the Water Power Syndicates, or

an appropriation that is needed to build waterways which would make

competition for railroads.

Water Power Syndicates and Railroads and Armor-Plate Mills are all

controlled by the same coterie of intrenched interests. They understand

each other and work together perfectly without even the necessity for a

gentleman's agreement.

_The people have been asleep a long time but some day they will wake up._

For years the Gospel of Peace has been proclaimed to the world from the

United States. During that period we have been busy building battleships

and piling up great private fortunes from making armor plate. We have been

urging disarmament while spending millions to increase our own armaments.

We have been advocating arbitration while constantly increasing our

military expenditures.

Since the day when Congress in a frenzy of patriotic outburst voted fifty

millions in fifteen minutes to start our war with Spain, the peace

propaganda has been vigorously prosecuted and in that period we have had

war after war: the Spanish-American War, the Russo-Japanese War; war in the

Philippines, war in Greece, war in the Balkans, war in South Africa, war in

Algeria, war in Morocco, war in Tripoli, war in Mexico, war again in the

Balkans, and now nearly all of Europe is ablaze with war and its flames are

reddening Asia and Africa.

It gives one an unpleasant, gruesome feeling to think about it. The

substance seems always to have been on the side of war, the shadow only on

the side of peace.

That is no reason why the movement for peace should be abandoned, but is it

not a reason for completely changing the ideals and methods of the peace

movement, and adopting a plan such as is embodied in this book for a

constructive peace propaganda, that will strengthen the peace movement, and

at the same time solve our most difficult internal social and economic

problems and make sure that if war ever does befall us we will be found not

unprepared, not unarmed, not unready, not undefended?

If everything were done that the most extreme Militarist advocates, we

would still be undefended, and we will remain so until our whole military

system is constructed anew, and a real system of national defense organized

as outlined in this book.

_The Frankenstein of war can be controlled._

But it can only be controlled by organizing a system of national defense

against Nature's destroying forces, which can, by touching a button, be

instantly transformed, if need be, into a force for national defense

against a foreign invasion or to uphold the rights or honor of the nation.

Our National Defense: The Patriotism of Peace · 第 2 / 12 章