III

Only those who lived in that time can know the feeling which filled the

hearts of those who beheld in John Brown the agent of the divine purpose

of destroying slavery. Men are no longer so sure of God's hand in their

affairs as they once were, but I think we are surer that He does not

authorize evil that good may come, and that we can well believe the

murders which Brown did as an act of war in Kansas had not His

sanction. In the mad skurry which followed the incident of Harper's

Ferry in 1859 some things were easily shuffled out of sight. Probably

very few of those who applauded or palliated Brown's attempt knew that

he had taken men from their wives and children and made his partisans

chop them down that their death might strike terror into the pro-slavery

invaders, while he forbore from some strange policy to slaughter them

with his own hand. His record was not searched to this dreadful fact in

my knowledge, either by the Democrats who tried to inculpate the

Republicans for his invasion of Virginia or by the Republicans who more

or less disowned him. What his best friends could say and what most of

them believed, was that he had been maddened by the murder of his sons

in Kansas, and that his wild attempt was traceable to the wrongs he had

suffered. His own dignity as he lay wounded and captive in the

engine-house at Harper's Ferry, where the volunteer counsel for the

prosecution flocked upon him from every quarter, and questioned him and

cross-questioned him, did the rest, and a sort of cult grew up which

venerated him before his death. I myself was of that cult, as certain

fervent verses would testify if I here refused to do so. They were not

such very bad verses, as verses, though they were technically faulty in

places, but in the light which Mr. Oswald Villard's history of John

Brown has finally cast upon that lurid passage of his life I perceive

that they were mistaken. He was not bloodier than most heroes, but he

was not a martyr, except as he was willing to sacrifice himself along

with others for a holy cause, and he was a saint only of the Old

Testament sort of Samuel who hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord. But

from first to last he was of the inevitable, and the Virginians could no

more have saved themselves from putting him to death than he could have

saved himself from venturing his life to free their slaves. Out of that

business it seems to me now that they came with greater honor than their

Northern friends and allies. The South has enough wrongs against the

negroes to answer for in the past and in the present, but we cannot lay

wholly to its charge the fate of the slave's champion; he was of the

make of its own sons in his appeal to violence, and apparently the South

understood him better than the North. There was then no evil too great

for us to think or say of the Virginians, and yet after they could free

him from the politicians, mainly Northern, who infested him in the first

days of his captivity, to make political capital or newspaper copy out

of him, the Virginians tried him fairly, as those unfair things called

trials go, and they remained with a sort of respect for him which

probably puzzled them. Long after, twenty-five years after, when I was

in an ancient Virginia capital it was my privilege to meet some of

Governor Wise's family; and I noted in them this sort of retrospective

respect for Brown; they were now of Republican politics, and I found

that I was not nearly Black Republican enough for them. But in the

closing months of the year 1859 there was no man so abhorred and

execrated by the so-called Black Republicans as Governor Wise.

Without going to the files of our own newspaper I cannot now say just

how we treated the Harper's Ferry incident from first to last, but I am

safe in saying that it was according to the temperament of each writer.

Our chief, who wrote very well when he could detach his interest from

the practical politics so absorbing in the capital of a state like Ohio,

may have struck the key-note of our opinion in an able leader, and then

left each of us to follow with such music as responded in us. My vague

remembrance of the result is the daily succession of most penetrating,

most amusing comments from my senior. The event offered him the

opportunity of his life for that cold irony he excelled in and which he

knew how to use so effectively in behalf of a good cause; I do not

believe it was ever employed in a bad one. The main contribution to the

literature of the event from his junior that I can distinctly recall was

that ode or that hymn to John Brown, for which I cannot yet be ashamed

or sorry, however I must rue the facts that have forever spoilt my

rapture in it. I have the sense of a pretty constant passing from the

room where I was studying the exchanges for material, and trying to get

my senior's laugh for something I had written, or staying for him to

read me the article he had just begun or finished. It was a great time,

though it was a dreadful time, so thick with forecast, if we had only

known it, of the dreadfuler time to follow.

While I have been saying this I have been trying to think how much or

little our community was shaken by an event that shows so tremendous in

the retrospect, and it seems to me little rather than much. People knew

the event was tremendous, but so had the battles in Kansas been, and so

had the attack on Sumner in the Senate Chamber, and so had the arrests

and rescues of the fugitive slaves. They were of the same texture, the

same web which fate was weaving about us and holding us faster, hour by

hour and day by day while we felt ourselves as free as ever. There must

have been talk pretty constant at first, but dying away without having

really been violent talk, among people who differed most about it. What

I think is that most people were perhaps bewildered, and that waiting in

their daze they did not say so much as people would now imagine their

saying. Or it may be that my memory of the effect is a blur of so many

impressions that it is impossible to detach any from the mass; but I do

not think this probable. The fact probably is that people did not

realize what had happened because they could not, because their long

experience of enmity between the South and North had dulled them too

much for a true sense of what had happened.

But I wrote home to my father my disappointment that his paper had not

had something "violent" about the John Brown raid. My head, which

abstractly passionate and concretely descriptive rhymes had once had

wholly to themselves, was now filled with John Brown when it could be

relieved of a news-editor's duty; I thought of him and him only, except

when I was making those perpetual calls at those pleasant houses where

the young ladies were singing or talking every night. I got some

consolation from one of the delightful German editors whom I seemed to

know in those days. He was a '48 man, and he carried in his leg a ball

which some soldier of the king had planted there one day when my friend

stood behind a barricade in Berlin. He told me, as I read in one of my

old letters home, that he had been teaching his children the stories of

Schiller, the good poet of freedom, of Robert Blum, the martyr of

liberty, and of our John Brown. He says, "My liddle girl, ven I deached

dem to her, she veeped."

But I cannot recall having spoken of Brown with my friend Dr. S., whom I

was so apt to speak with of the changing aspects of the slavery

question, though I remember very well his coldness to my enthusiasm for

the young English poet, Richard Realf, who was so grotesquely Secretary

of State in the Republic Brown had dreamed out, but who had passed from

Canada with his department before the incident at Harper's Ferry, and

was in Texas at the time of it and of the immediately ensuing events.

What affair of state brought him to Columbus after the death of his

leader and comrades I did not understand, and I cannot understand yet

how he could safely be there within easy reach of any United States

marshal, but he was, no doubt, much safer there than in Texas, and he

stayed some days, mainly talking with me about himself as a poet rather

than as a Secretary of State. He interested me, indeed, much more as a

poet, for I already knew him as the author of some Kansas war lyrics,

which I am not sure I should admire so much now as I did then. He was a

charming youth, perhaps my senior by two years, and so about

twenty-four, gentle mannered, sweet voiced, well dressed, and girlishly

beautiful. I knew, as he was prompt and willing to tell me again, that

he had been a protégé of Lady Byron's, and that while in her house he

had fallen in love with a young kinswoman of hers, and was forced to

leave it, for with all his gifts he was the son of an agricultural

laborer, and for that reason no desirable match. Yet Lady Byron seemed

to have remained fond of him; she had helped him to publish a volume of

verse which he had called _Guesses at the Beautiful_ (I envied him the

title), and at parting she had given him a watch for a keepsake and

money to bring him to America. He showed me the watch, and I dare say

the volume of poems, but I am not sure as to this, and I vouch for no

particular of his story, which may very well have been wholly true. In

the long walks and long talks we had together, when he cared more to

speak of his literary than his military life, I cannot make out that he

expected to help further in any attack upon the South. Apparently he

shared the bewilderment which every one was in, but he did not seem to

be afraid or anxious for himself as part of the scheme that had so

bloodily failed. He was not keeping himself secret, and he went on to

Canada as safely as he had come from Texas, if indeed he went to

Canada. While he was briefly with us a hapless girl, of those whom

there is no hope for in this life, killed herself, and Realf went to the

wicked house where she lay dead, out of some useless pathos, since she

_was_ dead. I reported the fact to my friend Dr. S. with a faltering

tendency, I am afraid, to admire Realf for it, and the doctor said,

coldly, Yes, he had better kept away; his motive had already been

scandalously construed. It was this world speaking at its best and

wisest, but I am not sure that it altogether persuaded me.

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