CHAPTER XI

PEACE

Fortitude in misfortune is more common than composure in the hour

of victory. The bitter medicine of defeat, however unpalatable,

is usually extremely sobering, but the strong new wine of success

generally sets the heads of poor humanity spinning, and leads often to

worse results than folly. The capture of Cornwallis was enough to have

turned the strongest head, for the moment at least, but it had no

apparent effect upon the man who had brought it to pass, and who, more

than any one else, knew what it meant. Unshaken and undismayed in the

New Jersey winter, and among the complicated miseries of Valley Forge,

Washington turned from the spectacle of a powerful British army laying

down their arms as coolly as if he had merely fought a successful

skirmish, or repelled a dangerous raid. He had that rare gift, the

attribute of the strongest minds, of leaving the past to take care of

itself. He never fretted over what could not be undone, nor dallied

among pleasant memories while aught still remained to do. He wrote to

Congress in words of quiet congratulation, through which pierced the

devout and solemn sense of the great deed accomplished, and then,

while the salvos of artillery were still booming in his ears, and the

shouts of victory were still rising about him, he set himself, after

his fashion, to care for the future and provide for the immediate

completion of his work.

He wrote to De Grasse, urging him to join in an immediate movement

against Charleston, such as he had already suggested, and he presented

in the strongest terms the opportunities now offered for the sudden

and complete ending of the struggle. But the French admiral was by no

means imbued with the tireless and determined spirit of Washington. He

had had his fill even of victory, and was so eager to get back to the

West Indies, where he was to fall a victim to Rodney, that he would

not even transport troops to Wilmington. Thus deprived of the force

which alone made comprehensive and extended movements possible,

Washington returned, as he had done so often before, to making the

best of cramped circumstances and straitened means. He sent all the

troops he could spare to Greene, to help him in wresting the southern

States from the enemy, the work to which he had in vain summoned De

Grasse. This done, he prepared to go north. On his way he was stopped

at Eltham by the illness and death of his wife's son, John Custis, a

blow which he felt severely, and which saddened the great victory he

had just achieved. Still the business of the State could not wait on

private grief. He left the house of mourning, and, pausing for an

instant only at Mount Vernon, hastened on to Philadelphia. At the

very moment of victory, and while honorable members were shaking each

other's hands and congratulating each other that the war was now

really over, the commander-in-chief had fallen again to writing them

letters in the old strain, and was once more urging them to keep up

the army, while he himself gave his personal attention to securing a

naval force for the ensuing year, through the medium of Lafayette.

Nothing was ever finished with Washington until it was really complete

throughout, and he had as little time for rejoicing as he had for

despondency or despair, while a British force still remained in the

country. He probably felt that this was as untoward a time as he had

ever met in a pretty large experience of unsuitable occasions, for

offering sound advice, but he was not deterred thereby from doing it.

This time, however, he was destined to an agreeable disappointment,

for on his arrival at Philadelphia he found an excellent spirit

prevailing in Congress. That body was acting cheerfully on his advice,

it had filled the departments of the government, and set on foot such

measures as it could to keep up the army. So Washington remained for

some time at Philadelphia, helping and counseling Congress in its

work, and writing to the States vigorous letters, demanding pay and

clothing for the soldiers, ever uppermost in his thoughts.

But although Congress was compliant, Washington could not convince

the country of the justice of his views, and of the continued need of

energetic exertion. The steady relaxation of tone, which the strain of

a long and trying war had produced, was accelerated by the brilliant

victory of Yorktown. Washington for his own part had but little trust

in the sense or the knowledge of his enemy. He felt that Yorktown was

decisive, but he also thought that Great Britain would still struggle

on, and that her talk of peace was very probably a mere blind, to

enable her to gain time, and, by taking advantage of our relaxed and

feeble condition, to strike again in hope of winning back all that had

been lost. He therefore continued his appeals in behalf of the

army, and reiterated everywhere the necessity for fresh and ample

preparations.

As late as May 4 he wrote sharply to the States for men and money,

saying that the change of ministry was likely to be adverse to

peace, and that we were being lulled into a false and fatal sense of

security. A few days later, on receiving information from Sir Guy

Carleton of the address of the Commons to the king for peace,

Washington wrote to Congress: "For my own part, I view our situation

as such that, instead of relaxing, we ought to improve the present

moment as the most favorable to our wishes. The British nation

appear to me to be staggered, and almost ready to sink beneath the

accumulating weight of debt and misfortune. If we follow the blow with

vigor and energy, I think the game is our own."

Again he wrote in July: "Sir Guy Carleton is using every art to

soothe and lull our people into a state of security. Admiral Digby

is capturing all our vessels, and suffocating as fast as possible in

prison-ships all our seamen who will not enlist into the service of

his Britannic Majesty; and Haldimand, with his savage allies, is

scalping and burning on the frontiers." Facts always were the object

of Washington's first regard, and while gentlemen on all sides were

talking of peace, war was going on, and he could not understand the

supineness which would permit our seamen to be suffocated, and our

borderers scalped, because some people thought the war ought to be and

practically was over. While the other side was fighting, he wished to

be fighting too. A month later he wrote to Greene: "From the former

infatuation, duplicity, and perverse system of British policy, I

confess I am induced to doubt everything, to suspect everything." He

could say heartily with the Trojan priest, "Quicquid id est timeo

Danaos et dona ferentes." Yet again, a month later still, when the

negotiations were really going forward in Paris, he wrote to McHenry:

"If we are wise, let us prepare for the worst. There is nothing which

will so soon produce a speedy and honorable peace as a state of

preparation for war; and we must either do this, or lay our account to

patch up an inglorious peace, after all the toil, blood, and treasure

we have spent."

No man had done and given so much as Washington, and at the same

time no other man had his love of thoroughness, and his indomitable

fighting temper. He found few sympathizers, his words fell upon deaf

ears, and he was left to struggle on and maintain his ground as best

he might, without any substantial backing. As it turned out, England

was more severely wounded than he dared to hope, and her desire for

peace was real. But Washington's distrust and the active policy which

he urged were, in the conditions of the moment, perfectly sound,

both in a military and a political point of view. It made no real

difference, however, whether he was right or wrong in his opinion.

He could not get what he wanted, and he was obliged to drag through

another year, fettered in his military movements, and oppressed with

anxiety for the future. He longed to drive the British from New York,

and was forced to content himself, as so often before, with keeping

his army in existence. It was a trying time, and fruitful in nothing

but anxious forebodings. All the fighting was confined to skirmishes

of outposts, and his days were consumed in vain efforts to obtain help

from the States, while he watched with painful eagerness the current

of events in Europe, down which the fortunes of his country were

feebly drifting.

Among the petty incidents of the year there was one which, in its

effects, gained an international importance, which has left a deep

stain upon the English arms, and which touched Washington deeply.

Captain Huddy, an American officer, was captured in a skirmish and

carried to New York, where he was placed in confinement. Thence he

was taken on April 12 by a party of Tories in the British service,

commanded by Captain Lippencott, and hanged in the broad light of day

on the heights near Middletown. Testimony and affidavits to the

fact, which was never questioned, were duly gathered and laid before

Washington. The deed was one of wanton barbarity, for which it would

be difficult to find a parallel in the annals of modern warfare.

The authors of this brutal murder, to our shame be it said, were of

American birth, but they were fighting for the crown and wore the

British uniform. England, which for generations has deafened the

world with paeans of praise for her own love of fair play and for

her generous humanity, stepped in here and threw the mantle of her

protection over these cowardly hangmen. It has not been uncommon for

wild North American savages to deliver up criminals to the vengeance

of the law, but English ministers and officers condoned the murder of

Huddy, and sheltered his murderers.

When the case was laid before Washington it stirred him to the deepest

wrath. He submitted the facts to twenty-five of his general officers,

who unanimously advised what he was himself determined upon, instant

retaliation. He wrote at once to Sir Guy Carleton, and informed him

that unless the murderers were given up he should be compelled to

retaliate. Carleton replied that a court-martial was ordered, and some

attempt was made to recriminate; but Washington pressed on in the path

he had marked out, and had an English officer selected by lot and held

in close confinement to await the action of the enemy. These sharp

measures brought the British, as nothing else could have done, to some

sense of the enormity of the crime that had been committed. Sir Guy

Carleton wrote in remonstrance, and Washington replied: "Ever since

the commencement of this unnatural war my conduct has borne invariable

testimony against those inhuman excesses, which, in too many

instances, have marked its progress. With respect to a late

transaction, to which I presume your excellency alludes, I have

already expressed my resolution, a resolution formed on the most

mature deliberation, and from which I shall not recede." The

affair dragged along, purposely protracted by the British, and the

court-martial on a technical point acquitted Lippencott. Sir Guy

Carleton, however, who really was deeply indignant at the outrage,

wrote, expressing his abhorrence, disavowed Lippencott, and promised

a further inquiry. This placed Washington in a very trying position,

more especially as his humanity was touched by the situation of the

unlucky hostage. The fatal lot had fallen upon a mere boy, Captain

Asgill, who was both amiable and popular, and Washington was beset

with appeals in his behalf, for Lady Asgill moved heaven and earth to

save her son. She interested the French court, and Vergennes made a

special request that Asgill should be released. Even Washington's own

officers, notably Hamilton, sought to influence him, and begged him to

recede. In these difficult circumstances, which were enhanced by the

fact that contrary to his orders to select an unconditional prisoner,

the lot had fallen on a Yorktown prisoner protected by the terms

of the capitulation,[1] he hesitated, and asked instructions from

Congress. He wrote to Duane in September: "While retaliation was

apparently necessary, however disagreeable in itself, I had no

repugnance to the measure. But when the end proposed by it is answered

by a disavowal of the act, by a dissolution of the board of refugees,

and by a promise (whether with or without meaning to comply with it, I

shall not determine) that further inquisition should be made into the

matter, I thought it incumbent upon me, before I proceeded any farther

in the matter, to have the sense of Congress, who had most explicitly

approved and impliedly indeed ordered retaliation to take place. To

this hour I am held in darkness."

[Footnote 1: MS, letter to Lincoln.]

He did not long remain in doubt. The fact was that the public, as is

commonly the case, had forgotten the original crime and saw only the

misery of the man who was to pay the just penalty, and who was, in

this instance, an innocent and vicarious sufferer. It was difficult

to refuse Vergennes, and Congress, glad of the excuse and anxious to

oblige their allies, ordered the release of Asgill. That Washington,

touched by the unhappy condition of his prisoner, did not feel

relieved by the result, it would be absurd to suppose. But he was by

no means satisfied, for the murderous wrong that had been done rankled

in his breast. He wrote to Vergennes: "Captain Asgill has been

released, and is at perfect liberty to return to the arms of an

affectionate parent, whose pathetic address to your Excellency could

not fail of interesting every feeling heart in her behalf. I have no

right to assume any particular merit from the lenient manner in which

this disagreeable affair has terminated."

There is a perfect honesty about this which is very wholesome. He had

been freely charged with cruelty, and had regarded the accusation with

indifference. Now, when it was easy for him to have taken the glory

of mercy by simply keeping silent, he took pains to avow that the

leniency was not due to him. He was not satisfied, and no one should

believe that he was, even if the admission seemed to justify the

charge of cruelty. If he erred at all it was in not executing some

British officer at the very start, unless Lippencott had been given up

within a limited time. As it was, after delay was once permitted, it

is hard to see how he could have acted otherwise than he did, but

Washington was not in the habit of receding from a fixed purpose, and

being obliged to do so in this case troubled him, for he knew that he

did well to be angry. But the frankness of the avowal to Vergennes is

a good example of his entire honesty and absolute moral fearlessness.

The matter, however, which most filled his heart and mind during these

weary days of waiting and doubt was the condition and the future of

his soldiers. To those persons who have suspected or suggested that

Washington was cold-blooded and unmindful of others, the letters he

wrote in regard to the soldiers may be commended. The man whose heart

was wrung by the sufferings of the poor people on the Virginian

frontier, in the days of the old French war, never in fact changed

his nature. Fierce in fight, passionate and hot when his anger was

stirred, his love and sympathy were keen and strong toward his army.

His heart went out to the brave men who had followed him, loved him,

and never swerved in their loyalty to him and to their country.

Washington's affection for his men, and their devotion to him, had

saved the cause of American independence more often than strategy or

daring. Now, when the war was practically over, his influence with

both officers and soldiers was destined to be put to its severest

tests.

The people of the American colonies were self-governing in the

extremest sense, that is, they were accustomed to very little

government interference of any sort. They were also poor and entirely

unused to war. Suddenly they found themselves plunged into a bitter

and protracted conflict with the most powerful of civilized nations.

In the first flush of excitement, patriotic enthusiasm supplied many

defects; but as time wore on, and year after year passed, and the

whole social and political fabric was shaken, the moral tone of the

people relaxed. In such a struggle, coming upon an unprepared people

of the habits and in the circumstances of the colonists, this

relaxation was inevitable. It was likewise inevitable that, as the war

continued, there should be in both national and state governments, and

in all directions, many shortcomings and many lamentable errors. But

for the treatment accorded the army, no such excuse can be made, and

no sufficient explanation can be offered. There was throughout the

colonies an inborn and a carefully cultivated dread of standing armies

and military power. But this very natural feeling was turned most

unreasonably against our own army, and carried in that direction to

the verge of insanity. This jealousy of military power indeed pursued

Washington from the beginning to the end of the Revolution. It cropped

out as soon as he was appointed, and came up in one form or another

whenever he was obliged to take strong measures. Even at the very end,

after he had borne the cause through to triumph, Congress was driven

almost to frenzy because Vergennes proposed to commit the disposition

of a French subsidy to the commander-in-chief.

If this feeling could show itself toward Washington, it is easy to

imagine that it was not restrained toward his officers and men, and

the treatment of the soldiers by Congress and by the States was not

only ungrateful to the last degree, but was utterly unpardonable.

Again and again the menace of immediate ruin and the stern demands of

Washington alone extorted the most grudging concessions, and saved the

army from dissolution. The soldiers had every reason to think that

nothing but personal fear could obtain the barest consideration from

the civil power. In this frame of mind, they saw the war which they

had fought and won drawing to a close with no prospect of either

provision or reward for them, and every indication that they would be

disbanded when they were no longer needed, and left in many cases

to beggary and want. In the inaction consequent upon the victory at

Yorktown, they had ample time to reflect upon these facts, and their

reflections were of such a nature that the situation soon became

dangerous. Washington, who had struggled in season and out of season

for justice to the soldiers, labored more zealously than ever during

all this period, aided vigorously by Hamilton, who was now in

Congress. Still nothing was done, and in October, 1782, he wrote to

the Secretary of War in words warm with indignant feeling: "While I

premise that no one I have seen or heard of appears opposed to the

principle of reducing the army as circumstances may require, yet I

cannot help fearing the result of the measure in contemplation, under

present circumstances, when I see such a number of men, goaded by a

thousand stings of reflection on the past and of anticipation on the

future, about to be turned into the world, soured by penury and what

they call the ingratitude of the public, involved in debts, without

one farthing of money to carry them home after having spent the flower

of their days, and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the

freedom and independence of their country, and suffered everything

that human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death.... You

may rely upon it, the patriotism and long-suffering of this army

are almost exhausted, and that there never was so great a spirit of

discontent as at this instant. While in the field I think it may be

kept from breaking into acts of outrage; but when we retire into

winter-quarters, unless the storm is previously dissipated, I cannot

be at ease respecting the consequences. It is high time for a peace."

These were grave words, coming from such a man as Washington, but they

passed unheeded. Congress and the States went blandly along as if

everything was all right, and as if the army had no grievances. But

the soldiers thought differently. "Dissatisfactions rose to a great

and alarming height, and combinations among officers to resign at

given periods in a body were beginning to take place." The outlook

was so threatening that Washington, who had intended to go to Mount

Vernon, remained in camp, and by management and tact thwarted these

combinations and converted these dangerous movements into an address

to Congress from the officers, asking for half-pay, arrearages, and

some other equally proper concessions. Still Congress did not stir.

Some indefinite resolutions were passed, but nothing was done as to

the commutation of half-pay into a fixed sum, and after such a display

of indifference the dissatisfaction increased rapidly, and the army

became more and more restless. In March a call was issued for a

meeting of officers, and an anonymous address, written with

much skill,--the work, as afterwards appeared, of Major John

Armstrong,--was published at the same time. The address was well

calculated to inflame the passions of the troops; it advised a resort

to force, and was scattered broadcast through the camp. The army was

now in a ferment, and the situation was full of peril. A weak man

would have held his peace; a rash one would have tried to suppress the

meeting. Washington did neither, but quietly took control of the whole

movement himself. In general orders he censured the call and the

address as irregular, and then appointed a time and place for the

meeting. Another anonymous address thereupon appeared, quieter in

tone, but congratulating the army on the recognition accorded by the

commander-in-chief.

When the officers assembled, Washington arose with a manuscript in

his hand, and as he took out his glasses said, simply, "You see,

gentlemen, I have grown both blind and gray in your service." His

address was brief, calm, and strong. The clear, vigorous sentences

were charged with meaning and with deep feeling. He exhorted them one

and all, both officers and men, to remain loyal and obedient, true

to their glorious past and to their country. He appealed to their

patriotism, and promised them that which they had always had, his

own earnest support in obtaining justice from Congress. When he had

finished he quietly withdrew. The officers were deeply moved by

his words, and his influence prevailed. Resolutions were passed,

reiterating the demands of the army, but professing entire faith in

the government. This time Congress listened, and the measures granting

half-pay in commutation and certain other requests were passed. Thus

this very serious danger was averted, not by the reluctant action of

Congress, but by the wisdom and strength of the general, who was loved

by his soldiers after a fashion that few conquerors could boast.

Underlying all these general discontents, there was, besides, a

well-defined movement, which saw a solution of all difficulties and a

redress of all wrongs in a radical change of the form of government,

and in the elevation of Washington to supreme power. This party was

satisfied that the existing system was a failure, and that it was

not and could not be made either strong, honest, or respectable. The

obvious relief was in some kind of monarchy, with a large infusion of

the one-man power; and it followed, as a matter of course, that the

one man could be no other than the commander-in-chief. In May, 1782,

when the feeling in the army had risen very high, this party of reform

brought their ideas before Washington through an old and respected

friend of his, Colonel Nicola. The colonel set forth very clearly the

failure and shortcomings of the existing government, argued in favor

of the substitution of something much stronger, and wound up by

hinting very plainly that his correspondent was the man for the crisis

and the proper savior of society. The letter was forcible and well

written, and Colonel Nicola was a man of character and standing. It

could not be passed over lightly or in silence, and Washington replied

as follows:--

"With a mixture of surprise and astonishment, I have read with

attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured,

sir, no occurrence in the course of the war has given me more painful

sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing

in the army as you have expressed, and [which] I must view with

abhorrence and reprehend with severity. For the present, the

communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further

agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. I am

much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given

encouragement to an address which seems to me big with the greatest

mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the

knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your

schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my own

feelings, I must add that no man possesses a more sincere wish to

see justice done to the army than I do; and as far as my power and

influence in a constitutional way extend, they shall be employed to

the utmost of my abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion.

Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country,

concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these

thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or

any one else, a sentiment of the like nature."

This simple but exceedingly plain letter checked the whole movement

at once; but the feeling of hostility to the existing system of

government and of confidence in Washington increased steadily through

the summer and winter. When the next spring had come round, and the

"Newburgh addresses" had been published, the excitement was at fever

heat. All the army needed was a leader. It was as easy for Washington

to have grasped supreme power then, as it would have been for Cæsar

to have taken the crown from Antony upon the Lupercal. He repelled

Nicola's suggestion with quiet reproof, and took the actual movement,

when it reared its head, into his own hands and turned it into other

channels. This incident has been passed over altogether too carelessly

by historians and biographers. It has generally been used merely to

show the general nobility of Washington's sentiments, and no proper

stress has been laid upon the facts of the time which gave birth to

such an idea and such a proposition. It would have been a perfectly

feasible thing at that particular moment to have altered the frame of

government and placed the successful soldier in possession of supreme

power. The notion of kingly government was, of course, entirely

familiar to everybody, and had in itself nothing repulsive. The

confederation was disintegrated, the States were demoralized, and the

whole social and political life was weakened. The army was the one

coherent, active, and thoroughly organized body in the country. Six

years of war had turned them from militia into seasoned veterans, and

they stood armed and angry, ready to respond to the call of the great

leader to whom they were entirely devoted. When the English troops

were once withdrawn, there was nothing on the continent that could

have stood against them. If they had moved, they would have been

everywhere supported by their old comrades who had returned to the

ranks of civil life, by all the large class who wanted peace and order

in the quickest and surest way, and by the timid and tired generally.

There would have been in fact no serious opposition, probably because

there would have been no means of sustaining it.

The absolute feebleness of the general government was shown a few

weeks later, when a recently recruited regiment of Pennsylvania troops

mutinied, and obliged Congress to leave Philadelphia, unable either to

defend themselves or procure defense from the State. This mutiny was

put down suddenly and effectively by Washington, very wroth at the

insubordination of raw troops, who had neither fought nor suffered.

Yet even such mutineers as these would have succeeded in a large

measure, had it not been for Washington, and one can easily imagine

from this incident the result of disciplined and well-planned action

on the part of the army led by their great chief. In that hour of

debility and relaxation, a military seizure of the government and

the erection of some form of monarchy would not have been difficult.

Whether such a change would have lasted is another question, but there

is no reason to doubt that at the moment it might have been effected.

Washington, however, not only refused to have anything to do with the

scheme, but he used the personal loyalty which might have raised him

to supreme power to check all dangerous movements and put in motion

the splendid and unselfish patriotism for which the army was

conspicuous, and which underlay all their irritations and discontents.

The obvious view of Washington's action in this crisis as a remarkable

exhibition of patriotism is at best somewhat superficial. In a man in

any way less great, the letter of refusal to Nicola and the treatment

of the opportunity presented at the time of the Newburgh addresses

would have been fine in a high degree. In Washington they were not so

extraordinary, for the situation offered him no temptation. Carlyle

was led to think slightingly of Washington, one may believe, because

he did not seize the tottering government with a strong hand, and

bring order out of chaos on the instant. But this is a woeful

misunderstanding of the man. To put aside a crown for love of country

is noble, but to look down upon such an opportunity indicates a much

greater loftiness and strength of mind. Washington was wholly free

from the vulgar ambition of the usurper, and the desire of mere

personal aggrandizement found no place in his nature. His ruling

passion was the passion for success, and for thorough and complete

success. What he could not bear was the least shadow of failure. To

have fought such a war to a victorious finish, and then turned it to

his own advantage, would have been to him failure of the meanest

kind. He fought to free the colonies from England, and make them

independent, not to play the part of a Cæsar or a Cromwell in the

wreck and confusion of civil war. He flung aside the suggestion of

supreme power, not simply as dishonorable and unpatriotic, but because

such a result would have defeated the one great and noble object

at which he aimed. Nor did he act in this way through any indolent

shrinking from the great task of making what he had won worth winning,

by crushing the forces of anarchy and separation, and bringing order

and unity out of confusion. From the surrender of Yorktown to the

day of his retirement from the Presidency, he worked unceasingly to

establish union and strong government in the country he had made

independent. He accomplished this great labor more successfully

by honest and lawful methods than if he had taken the path of the

strong-handed savior of society, and his work in this field did more

for the welfare of his country than all his battles. To have restored

order at the head of the army was much easier than to effect it in the

slow and law-abiding fashion which he adopted. To have refused supreme

rule, and then to have effected in the spirit and under the forms

of free government all and more than the most brilliant of military

chiefs could have achieved by absolute power, is a glory which belongs

to Washington alone.

Nevertheless, at that particular juncture it was, as he himself had

said, "high time for a peace." The danger at Newburgh had been averted

by his commanding influence and the patriotic conduct of the army. But

it had been averted only, not removed. The snake was scotched, not

killed. The finishing stroke was still needed in the form of an end to

hostilities, and it was therefore fortunate for the United States that

a fortnight later, on March 23, news came that a general treaty

of peace had been signed. This final consummation of his work, in

addition to the passage by Congress of the half-pay commutation and

the settlement of the army accounts, filled Washington with deep

rejoicing. He felt that in a short time, a few weeks at most, he would

be free to withdraw to the quiet life at Mount Vernon for which he

longed. But public bodies move slowly, and one delay after another

occurred to keep him still in the harness. He chafed under the

postponement, but it was not possible to him to remain idle even when

he awaited in almost daily expectation the hour of dismissal. He saw

with the instinctive glance of statesmanship that the dangerous point

in the treaty of peace was in the provisions as to the western posts

on the one side, and those relating to British debts on the other. A

month therefore had not passed before he brought to the attention

of Congress the importance of getting immediate possession of those

posts, and a little later he succeeded in having Steuben sent out as a

special envoy to obtain their surrender. The mission was vain, as he

had feared. He was not destined to extract this thorn for many years,

and then only after many trials and troubles. Soon afterward he made a

journey with Governor Clinton to Ticonderoga, and along the valley of

the Mohawk, "to wear away the time," as he wrote to Congress. He wore

away time to more purpose than most people, for where he traveled he

observed closely, and his observations were lessons which he never

forgot. On this trip he had the western posts and the Indians always

in mind, and familiarized himself with the conditions of a part of the

country where these matters were of great importance.

On his return he went to Princeton, where Congress had been sitting

since their flight from the mutiny which he had recently suppressed,

and where a house had been provided for his use. He remained there two

months, aiding Congress in their work. During the spring he had been

engaged on the matter of a peace establishment, and he now gave

Congress elaborate and well-matured advice on that question, and on

those of public lands, western settlement, and the best Indian policy.

In all these directions his views were clear, far-sighted, and wise.

He saw that in these questions was involved much of the future

development and wellbeing of the country, and he treated them with a

precision and an easy mastery which showed the thought he had given to

the new problems which now were coming to the front. Unluckily, he was

so far ahead, both in knowledge and perception, of the body with which

he dealt, that he could get little or nothing done, and in September

he wrote in plain but guarded terms of the incapacity of the

lawmakers. The people were not yet ripe for his measures, and he was

forced to bide his time, and see the injuries caused by indifference

and short-sightedness work themselves out. Gradually, however, the

absolutely necessary business was brought to an end. Then Washington

issued a circular letter to the governors of the States, which was

one of the ablest he ever wrote, and full of the profoundest

statesmanship, and he also sent out a touching address of farewell to

the army, eloquent with wisdom and with patriotism.

From Princeton he went to West Point, where the army that still

remained in service was stationed. Thence he moved to Harlem, and

on November 25 the British army departed, and Washington, with his

troops, accompanied by Governor Clinton and some regiments of local

militia, marched in and took possession. This was the outward sign

that the war was over, and that American independence had been won.

Carleton feared that the entry of the American army might be the

signal for confusion and violence, in which the Tory inhabitants would

suffer; but everything passed off with perfect tranquillity and good

order, and in the evening Governor Clinton gave a public dinner to the

commander-in-chief and the officers of the army.

All was now over, and Washington prepared to go to Annapolis and lay

down his commission. On December 4 his officers assembled in Fraunces'

Tavern to bid him farewell. As he looked about on his faithful

friends, his usual self-command deserted him, and he could not control

his voice. Taking a glass of wine, he lifted it up, and said simply,

"With a heart full of love and gratitude I now take my leave of you,

most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and

happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." The toast

was drunk in silence, and then Washington added, "I cannot come to

each of you and take my leave, but shall be obliged if you will come

and take me by the hand." One by one they approached, and Washington

grasped the hand of each man and embraced him. His eyes were full of

tears, and he could not trust himself to speak. In silence he bade

each and all farewell, and then, accompanied by his officers, walked

to Whitehall Ferry. Entering his barge, the word was given, and as

the oars struck the water he stood up and lifted his hat. In solemn

silence his officers returned the salute, and watched the noble and

gracious figure of their beloved chief until the boat disappeared from

sight behind the point of the Battery.

At Philadelphia he stopped a few days and adjusted his accounts, which

he had in characteristic fashion kept himself in the neatest and most

methodical way. He had drawn no pay, and had expended considerable

sums from his private fortune, which he had omitted to charge to the

government. The gross amount of his expenses was about 15,000 pounds

sterling, including secret service and other incidental outlays. In

these days of wild money-hunting, there is something worth pondering

in this simple business settlement between a great general and his

government, at the close of eight years of war. This done, he started

again on his journey. From Philadelphia he proceeded to Annapolis,

greeted with addresses and hailed with shouts at every town and

village on his route, and having reached his destination, he addressed

a letter to Congress on December 20, asking when it would be agreeable

to them to receive him. The 23d was appointed, and on that day, at

noon, he appeared before Congress.

The following year a French orator and "maître avocat," in an oration

delivered at Toulouse upon the American Revolution, described this

scene in these words: "On the day when Washington resigned his

commission in the hall of Congress, a crown decked with jewels was

placed upon the Book of the Constitutions. Suddenly Washington seizes

it, breaks it, and flings the pieces to the assembled people. How

small ambitious Cæsar seems beside the hero of America." It is worth

while to recall this contemporary French description, because its

theatrical and dramatic untruth gives such point by contrast to the

plain and dignified reality. The scene was the hall of Congress. The

members representing the sovereign power were seated and covered,

while all the space about was filled by the governor and state

officers of Maryland, by military officers, and by the ladies and

gentlemen of the neighborhood, who stood in respectful silence with

uncovered heads. Washington was introduced by the Secretary of

Congress, and took a chair which had been assigned to him. There was

a brief pause, and then the president said that "the United States

in Congress assembled were prepared to receive his communication."

Washington rose, and replied as follows:--

"Mr. President: The great events, on which my resignation depended,

having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my

sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before

them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to

claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and

pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming

a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I

accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish

so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in

the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the

Union, and the patronage of Heaven. The successful termination of the

war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for

the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received

from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous

contest." Then, after a word of gratitude to the army and to his

staff, he concluded as follows: "I consider it an indispensable duty

to close this last solemn act of my official life by commending the

interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God,

and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping.

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great

theatre of action; and bidding an affectionate farewell to this

august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my

commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life."

In singularly graceful and eloquent words his old opponent, Thomas

Mifflin, the president, replied, the simple ceremony ended, and

Washington left the room a private citizen.

The great master of English fiction, touching this scene with skillful

hand, has said: "Which was the most splendid spectacle ever witnessed,

the opening feast of Prince George in London, or the resignation

of Washington? Which is the noble character for after ages to

admire,--yon fribble dancing in lace and spangles, or yonder hero

who sheathes his sword after a life of spotless honor, a purity

unreproached, a courage indomitable, and a consummate victory?"

There is no need to say more. Comment or criticism on such a farewell,

from such a man, at the close of a long civil war, would be not only

superfluous but impertinent. The contemporary newspaper, in its meagre

account, said that the occasion was deeply solemn and affecting, and

that many persons shed tears. Well indeed might those then present

have been thus affected, for they had witnessed a scene memorable

forever in the annals of all that is best and noblest in human nature.

They had listened to a speech which was not equaled in meaning and

spirit in American history until, eighty years later, Abraham Lincoln

stood upon the slopes of Gettysburg and uttered his immortal words

upon those who died that the country might live.

INDEX for Volumes I & II

ACKERSON, DAVID,

describes Washington's personal appearance, ii. 386-388.

Adams, Abigail,

on Washington's appearance in 1775, i. 137.

Adams, John,

moves appointment of Washington as commander-in-chief, i. 134;

on political necessity for his appointment, 135;

and objections to it, 135;

statement as to Washington's difficulties, 163;

over-sanguine as to American prospects, 171;

finds fault with Washington, 214, 215;

one of few national statesmen, 252;

on Washington's opinion of titles, ii. 52;

advocates ceremony, 54;

returns to United States, 137;

attacked by Jefferson as a monarchist, 226;

praised by Democrats as superior to Washington, 251;

his administration upheld by Washington, 259;

advised by Washington, 260;

his inauguration, 276;

sends special mission to France, 284;

urges Washington to take command of provisional army, 285;

wishes to make Knox senior to Hamilton, 286;

censured by Washington, gives way, 287;

lack of sympathy with Washington, 287;

his nomination of Murray disapproved by Washington, 292, 293;

letter of Washington to, on immigration, 326.

Adams, J.Q.,

on weights and measures, ii. 81.

Adams, Samuel,

not sympathized with by Washington in working for independence, i. 131;

his inability to sympathize with Washington, 204;

an enemy of Constitution, ii. 71;

a genuine American, 309.

Alcudia, Duke de,

interviews with Pinckney, ii. 166.

Alexander, Philip,

hunts with Washington, i. 115.

Alien and Sedition Laws,

approved by Washington and Federalists, ii. 290, 297.

Ames, Fisher,

speech on behalf of administration in Jay treaty affair, ii. 210.

André, Major,

meets Arnold, i. 282;

announces capture to Arnold, 284;

confesses, 284;

condemned and executed, 287;

justice of the sentence, 287, 288;

Washington's opinion of, 288, ii. 357.

Armstrong, John, Major,

writes Newburg address, i. 335.

Army of the Revolution,

at Boston, adopted by Congress, i. 134;

its organization and character, 136-143;

sectional jealousies in, at New York, 162;

goes to pieces after defeat, 167, 175, 176;

condition in winter of 1777, 186;

difficulties between officers, 189;

with foreign officers, 190-192;

improvement as shown by condition after Brandywine and Germantown,

200, 201;

hard winter at Valley Forge, 228;

maintained alive only by Washington, 227, 228, 232;

improved morale at Monmouth, 239;

mutinies for lack of pay, 258;

suffers during 1779, 270;

bad condition in 1780, 279;

again mutinies for pay, 291, 292, 295;

conduct of troops, 292, 293;

jealousy of people towards, 332;

badly treated by States and by Congress, 333;

grows mutinous, 334;

adopts Newburg addresses, 335, 336;

ready for a military dictatorship, 338, 340;

farewell of Washington to, 345.

Arnold, Benedict,

sent by Washington to attack Quebec, i. 144;

sent against Burgoyne, 210;

plans treason, 281;

shows loyalist letter to Washington, 282;

meets André, 282;

receives news of André's capture, 284;

escapes, 284, 285;

previous benefits from Washington, 286;

Washington's opinion of, 288;

ravages Virginia, 303;

sent back to New York, 303;

one of the few men who deceived Washington, ii. 336.

Arnold, Mrs.,

entertains Washington at time of her husband's treachery, i. 284, 285.

Articles of Confederation,

their inadequacy early seen by Washington, i. 297, 298; ii. 17.

Asgill, Capt.,

selected for retaliation for murder of Huddy, i. 328;

efforts for his release, 329;

release ordered by Congress, 330.

BACHE, B.F.,

publishes Jay treaty in "Aurora," ii. 185;

joins in attack on Washington, 238, 244;

rejoices over his retirement, 256.

Baker,----,

works out a pedigree for Washington, i. 31.

Ball, Joseph,

advises against sending Washington to sea, i. 49, 50.

Barbadoes,

Washington's description of, i. 64.

Beckley, John,

accuses Washington of embezzling, ii. 245.

Bernard, John,

his conversation with Washington referred to, i. 58, 107;

describes encounter with Washington, ii. 281-283;

his description of Washington's conversation, 343-348.

Blackwell, Rev. Dr.,

calls on Washington with Dr. Logan, ii. 264.

Blair, John,

appointed to Supreme Court, ii. 73.

Bland, Mary,

"Lowland Beauty," admired by Washington, i. 95, 96.

Blount, Governor,

pacifies Cherokees, ii. 94.

Boston,

visit of Washington to, i. 97, 99;

political troubles in, 120;

British measures against condemned by Virginia, 122, 123;

appeals to colonies, 124;

protests against Jay treaty, ii. 186;

answered by Washington, 190.

Botetourt, Lord, Governor of Virginia,

quarrels with Assembly, i. 121;

manages to calm dissension, 122;

on friendly terms with Washington, 122.

Braddock, General Edward,

arrives in Virginia, i. 82;

invites Washington to serve on his staff, 82;

respects him, 83;

his character and unfitness for his position, 83;

despises provincials, 83;

accepts Washington's advice as to dividing force, 84;

rebukes Washington for warning against ambush, 85;

insists on fighting by rule, 85;

defeated and mortally wounded, 85;

death and burial, 87.

Bradford, William,

succeeds Randolph, ii. 246.

Brandywine,

battle of, i. 196-198.

Bunker Hill,

question of Washington regarding battle of, i. 136.

Burgoyne, General John,

junction of Howe with, feared by Washington, i. 194, 195, 205, 206;

significance of his defeat, 202;

danger of his invasion foreseen by Washington, 203-206;

captures Ticonderoga, 207;

outnumbered and defeated, 210;

surrenders, 211.

Burke, Edmund,

understands significance of Washington's leadership, i. 202;

unsettled by French Revolution, ii. 294.

CABOT, GEORGE,

entertains Lafayette's son, ii. 366.

Cadwalader, General,

fails to cross Delaware to help Washington, i. 180;

duel with Conway, 226.

Calvert, Eleanor,

misgivings of Washington over her marriage to John Custis, i. 111.

Camden, battle of, i. 281.

Canada,

captured by Wolfe, i. 94;

expedition of Montgomery against, 143, 144;

project of Conway cabal against, 222; 253;

project of Lafayette to attack, 254;

plan considered dangerous by Washington, 254, 255;

not undertaken by France, 256.

Carleton, Sir Guy,

informs Washington of address of Commons for peace, i. 324;

suspected by Washington, 325;

remonstrates against retaliation by Washington for murder of

Huddy, 328;

disavows Lippencott, 328;

fears plunder of New York city, 345;

urges Indians to attack the United States, ii. 102, 175.

Carlisle, Earl of,

peace commissioner, i. 233.

Carlyle, Thomas,

sneers at Washington, i. 4, 14;

calls him "a bloodless Cromwell," i. 69, ii. 332;

fails to understand his reticence, i. 70;

despises him for not seizing power, 341.

Carmichael, William,

minister at Madrid, ii. 165;

on commission regarding the Mississippi, 166.

Carrington, Paul,

letter of Washington to, ii. 208;

Washington's friendship for, 363.

Cary, Mary,

early love affair of Washington with, i. 96.

Chamberlayne, Major,

entertains Washington at Williams' Ferry, i. 101.

Charleston,

siege and capture of, i. 273, 274, 276.

Chastellux, Marquis de,

Washington's friendship for and letter to, ii. 351;

on Washington's training of horses, 380.

Cherokees,

beaten by Sevier, ii. 89;

pacified by Blount, 94,101.

Chester, Colonel,

researches on Washington pedigree, i. 31.

Chickasaws,

desert from St. Clair, ii. 96.

China,

honors Washington, i. 6.

Choctaws,

peaceable in 1788, ii. 89.

Cincinnati, Society of the,

Washington's connection with, ii. 4.

Clarke, Governor,

thinks Washington is invading popular rights, i. 215.

Cleaveland, Rev.----,

complimented by Washington, ii. 359.

Clinton, George,

appealed to by Washington to attack Burgoyne, i. 210;

journey with Washington to Ticonderoga, 343;

enters New York city, 345;

letter of Washington to, ii. 1;

meets Washington on journey to inauguration, 45;

opponent of the Constitution, 71;

orders seizure of French privateers, 153.

Clinton, Sir Henry,

fails to help Burgoyne, i. 210;

replaces Howe at Philadelphia, his character, 232;

tries to cut off Lafayette, 233;

leaves Philadelphia, 234;

defeats Lee at Monmouth, 236;

retreats to New York, 238;

withdraws from Newport, 248;

makes a raid, 265;

fortifies Stony Point, 268;

his aimless warfare, 269, 270;

after capturing Charleston returns to New York, 276;

tries to save André, 287;

alarmed at attacks on New York, 306;

jealous of Cornwallis, refuses to send reinforcements, 308;

deceived by Washington, 311;

sends Graves to relieve Cornwallis, 312.

Congress, Continental,

Washington's journey to, i. 128;

its character and ability, 129;

its state papers, 129;

adjourns, 132;

in second session, resolves to petition the king, 133;

adopts Massachusetts army and makes Washington commander, 134;

reasons for his choice, 135;

adheres to short-term enlistments, 149;

influenced to declare independence by Washington, 160;

hampers Washington in campaign of New York, 167;

letters of Washington to, 170, 179, 212, 225, 229, 266, 278, 295,

321, 323, 333;

takes steps to make army permanent, 171;

its over-confidence, 171;

insists on holding Forts Washington and Lee, 174;

dissatisfied with Washington's inactivity, 187;

criticises his proclamation requiring oath of allegiance, 189;

makes unwise appointments of officers, 189;

especially of foreigners, 190-192; 248, 249;

applauds Washington's efforts at Germantown, 200;

deposes Schuyler and St. Clair, 208;

appoints Gates, 210;

irritation against Washington, 212-215;

falls under guidance of Conway cabal, 221, 222;

discovers incompetence of cabal, 223;

meddles with prisoners and officers, 231;

rejects English peace offers, 233;

makes alliance with France, 241;

suppresses protests of officers against D'Estaing, 244;

decline in its character, 257;

becomes feeble, 258;

improvement urged by Washington, 259, 266;

appoints Gates to command in South, 268;

loses interest in war, 278;

asks Washington to name general for the South, 295;

considers reduction of army, 313;

elated by Yorktown, 323;

its unfair treatment of army, 333, 335;

driven from Philadelphia by Pennsylvania troops, 340;

passes half-pay act, 342;

receives commission of Washington, 347-349;

disbands army, ii. 6;

indifferent to Western expansion, 15;

continues to decline, 22;

merit of its Indian policy, 88.

Congress, Federal,

establishes departments, ii. 64;

opened by Washington, 78, 79;

ceremonial abolished by Jefferson, 79;

recommendations made to by Washington, 81-83;

acts upon them, 81-83;

creates commission to treat with Creeks, 90;

increases army, 94, 99;

fails to solve financial problems, 106;

debates Hamilton's report on credit, 107, 108;

establishes national bank, 109;

establishes protective revenue duties, 113;

imposes an excise tax, 123;

prepares for retaliation on Great Britain, 176;

Senate ratifies Jay treaty conditionally, 184;

House demands papers, 207;

debates over its right to concur in treaty, 208-210;

refuses to adjourn on Washington's birthday, 247;

prepares for war with France, 285;

passes Alien and Sedition Laws, 296.

Constitution, Federal,

necessity of, foreseen by Washington, ii. 17-18, 23, 24;

the Annapolis Convention, 23-29;

the Federal Convention, 30-36;

Washington's attitude in, 31,34;

his influence, 36;

campaign for ratification, 38-41.

Contrecoeur, Captain,

leader of French and Indians in Virginia, i. 75.

"Conway cabal,"

elements of in Congress, i. 214, 215;

in the army, 215;

organized by Conway, 217;

discovered by Washington, 220;

gets control of Board of War, 221;

tries to make Washington resign, 222, 224;

fails to invade Canada or provide supplies, 222, 223;

harassed by Washington's letters, 223,226;

breaks down, 226.

Conway, Moncure D.,

his life of Randolph, ii. 65, note, 196;

his defense of Randolph in Fauchet letter affair, 196;

on Washington's motives, 200;

on his unfair treatment of Randolph, 201, 202.

Conway, Thomas,

demand for higher rank refused by Washington, i. 216;

plots against him, 217;

his letter discovered by Washington, 221;

made inspector-general, 221, 222;

complains to Congress of his reception at camp, 225;

resigns, has duel with Cadwalader, 226;

apologizes to Washington and leaves country, 226.

Cooke, Governor,

remonstrated with by Washington for raising state troops, i. 186.

Cornwallis, Lord,

pursues Washington in New Jersey, i. 175;

repulsed at Assunpink, 181;

outgeneraled by Washington, 182;

surprises Sullivan at Brandywine, 197;

defeats Lee at Monmouth, 236;

pursues Greene in vain, 302;

wins battle of Guilford Court House, 302;

retreats into Virginia, 302;

joins British troops in Virginia, 303;

his dangerous position, 304;

urged by Clinton to return troops to New York, 306;

plunders Virginia, 307;

defeats Lafayette and Wayne, 307;

wishes to retreat South, 307;

ordered by ministry to stay on the Chesapeake, 307;

abandoned by Clinton, 308;

establishes himself at Yorktown, 308;

withdraws into town, 315;

besieged, 316, 317;

surrenders, 317;

outgeneraled by Washington, 319, 320.

Cowpens,

battle of, i. 301.

Craik, Dr.,

attends Washington in last illness, ii. 300-302;

Washington's friendship with, 363.

Creeks,

their relations with Spaniards, ii. 89, 90;

quarrel with Georgia, 90;

agree to treaty with United States, 91;

stirred up by Spain, 101.

Curwen, Samuel,

on Washington's appearance, i. 137.

Cushing, Caleb,

appointed to Supreme Court, ii. 72.

Custis, Daniel Parke,

first husband of Martha Washington, i. 101.

Custis, G.W.P.,

tells mythical story of Washington and the colt, i. 45;

Washington's care for, ii. 369.

Custis, John,

Washington's tenderness toward, i. 111;

care for his education and marriage, 111;

hunts with Washington, 141;

death of, 322.

Custis, Nellie,

marriage with Washington's nephew, ii. 281, 369;

letter of Washington to, 377.

DAGWORTHY, CAPTAIN,

claims to outrank Washington in Virginia army, i. 91, 97.

Dallas, Alexander,

protests to Genet against sailing of Little Sarah, ii. 155.

Dalton, Senator,

entertains Washington at Newburyport, ii. 359.

Deane, Silas,

promises commissions to foreign military adventurers, i. 190.

De Barras,

jealous of De Grasse, decides not to aid him, i. 310;

persuaded to do so by Washington and Rochambeau, 311;

reaches Chesapeake, 312.

De Grasse, Comte,

announces intention of coming to Washington, i. 305;

warned by Washington not to come to New York, 305;

sails to Chesapeake, 306;

asked to meet Washington there, 308;

reaches Chesapeake, 312;

repulses British fleet, 312;

wishes to return to West Indies, 315;

persuaded to remain by Washington, 315;

refuses to join Washington in attack on Charleston, 322;

returns to West Indies, 322.

De Guichen,----,

commander of French fleet in West Indies, i. 280;

appealed to for aid by Washington, 281;

returns home, 282.

Delancey, Oliver,

escapes American attack, i. 306.

Democratic party,

its formation as a French party, ii. 225;

furnished with catch-words by Jefferson, 226;

with a newspaper organ, 227;

not ready to oppose Washington for president in 1792, 235;

organized against treasury measure, 236;

stimulated by French Revolution, 238;

supports Genet, 237;

begins to attack Washington, 238;

his opinion of it, 239, 240, 258, 261, 267, 268;

forms clubs on French model, 241;

Washington's opinion of, 242, 243;

continues to abuse him, 244, 245, 250, 252;

exults at his retirement, 256;

prints slanders, 257.

Demont, William,

betrays plans of Fort Washington to Howe, i. 175.

D'Estaing, Admiral,

reaches America, i. 242;

welcomed by Washington, 243;

fails to cut off Howe and goes to Newport, 243;

after battle with Howe goes to Boston, 244;

letter of Washington to, 246;

sails to West Indies, 246;

second letter of Washington to, 247;

attacks Savannah, 248;

withdraws, 248.

De Rochambeau, Comte,

arrives at Newport, i. 277;

ordered to await second division of army, 278;

refuses to attack New York, 280;

wishes a conference with Washington, 282;

meets him at Hartford, 282;

disapproves attacking Florida, 301;

joins Washington before New York, 306;

persuades De Barras to join De Grasse, 311;

accompanies Washington to Yorktown, 314.

Dickinson, John,

commands scouts at Monmouth, i. 326.

Digby, Admiral,

bitter comments of Washington on, i. 325.

Dinwiddie, Governor,

remonstrates against French encroachments, i. 66;

sends Washington on mission to French, 66;

quarrels with the Virginia Assembly, 71;

letter of Washington to, 73;

wishes Washington to attack French, 79;

tries to quiet discussions between regular and provincial troops, 80;

military schemes condemned by Washington, 91;

prevents his getting a royal commission, 93.

Diplomatic History:

refusal by Washington of special privileges to French minister,

ii. 59-61;

slow growth of idea of non-intervention, 132, 133;

difficulties owing to French Revolution, 134;

to English retention of frontier posts, 135;

attitude of Spain, 135;

relations with Barbary States, 136;

mission of Gouverneur Morris to sound English feeling, 137;

assertion by Washington of non-intervention policy toward Europe,

145, 146;

issue of neutrality proclamation, 147, 148;

its importance, 148;

mission of Genet, 148-162;

guarded attitude of Washington toward émigrés, 151;

excesses of Genet, 151;

neutrality enforced, 153, 154;

the Little Sarah episode, 154-157;

recall of Genet demanded, 158;

futile missions of Carmichael and Short to Spain, 165, 166;

successful treaty of Thomas Pinckney, 166-168;

question as to binding nature of French treaty of commerce, 169-171;

irritating relations with England, 173-176;

Jay's mission, 177-184;

the questions at issue, 180, 181;

terms of the treaty agreed upon, 182;

good and bad points, 183;

ratified by Senate, 184;

signing delayed by renewal of provision order, 185;

war with England prevented by signing, 205;

difficulties with France over Morris and Monroe, 211-214;

doings of Monroe, 212, 213;

United States compromised by him, 213, 214;

Monroe replaced by Pinckney, 214;

review of Washington's foreign policy, 216-219;

mission of Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry to France, 284;

the X.Y.Z. affair, 285.

Donop, Count,

drives Griffin out of New Jersey, i. 180;

killed at Fort Mercer, 217.

Dorchester, Lord.

See Carleton.

Duane, James,

letters of Washington to, i. 294, 329.

Dumas, Comte,

describes enthusiasm of people for Washington, i. 288.

Dunbar, Colonel,

connection with Braddock's expedition, i. 84, 87.

Dunmore, Lord,

arrives in Virginia as governor, i. 122;

on friendly terms with Washington, 122, 123;

dissolves assembly, 123.

Duplaine, French consul,

exequatur of revoked, ii. 159.

EDEN, WILLIAM,

peace commissioner, i. 233.

Edwards, Jonathan,

a typical New England American, ii. 309.

Emerson, Rev. Dr.,

describes Washington's reforms in army before Boston, i. 140.

Emigrés,

Washington's treatment of, ii. 151, 253.

England,

honors Washington, i. 20;

arrogant behavior toward colonists, 80, 81, 82, 148;

its policy towards Boston condemned by Virginia, 119, 121, 123, 126;

by Washington, 124, 125,126;

sends incompetent officers to America, 155, 201, 202, 233;

stupidity of its operations, 203, 205, 206, 265;

sincerity of its desire for peace doubted by Washington, 324, 325;

arrogant conduct of toward the United States after peace, ii. 24, 25;

stirs up the Six Nations and Northwestern Indians, 92, 94, 101;

folly of her policy, 102;

sends Hammond as minister, 169;

its opportunity to win United States as ally against France, 171, 172;

adopts contrary policy of opposition, 172, 173;

adopts "provision order," 174;

incites Indians against United States, 175;

indignation of America against, 176;

receives Jay well, but refuses to yield points at issue, 180;

insists on monopoly of West India trade, 180;

and on impressment, 181;

later history of, 181;

renews provision order, 185;

danger of war with, 193;

avoided by Jay treaty, 205;

Washington said to sympathize with England, 252;

his real hostility toward, 254;

Washington's opinion of liberty in, 344.

Ewing, General James,

fails to help Washington at Trenton, i. 180.

FAIRFAX, BRYAN,

hunts with Washington, i. 115;

remonstrates with Washington against violence of patriots, 124;

Washington's replies to, 124, 126, 127;

letter of Washington to in Revolution, ii. 366.

Fairfax, George,

married to Miss Cary, i. 55;

accompanies Washington on surveying expedition, 58;

letter of Washington to, 133.

Fairfax, Mrs.----,

letter of Washington to, ii. 367.

Fairfax, Thomas, Lord,

his career in England, i. 55;

comes to his Virginia estates, 55;

his character, 55;

his friendship for Washington, 56;

sends him to survey estates, 56;

plans a manor across the Blue Ridge, 59;

secures for Washington position as public surveyor, 60;

probably influential in securing his appointment as envoy to

French, 66;

hunts with Washington, 115;

his death remembered by Washington, ii. 366.

Fairlie, Major,

amuses Washington, ii. 374.

Farewell Address, ii. 248, 249.

Fauchet, M.,----,

letter of, incriminating Randolph, ii. 195,196, 202.

Fauntleroy, Betsy,

love affair of Washington with, i. 97.

Fauquier, Francis, Governor,

at Washington's wedding, i. 101.

Federal courts,

suggested by Washington, i. 150.

"Federalist,"

circulated by Washington, ii. 40.

Federalist party,

begun by Hamilton's controversy with Jefferson, ii. 230;

supports Washington for reëlection, 235;

organized in support of financial measures, 236;

Washington looked upon by Democrats as its head, 244, 247;

only its members trusted by Washington, 246, 247, 259, 260, 261;

becomes a British party, 255;

Washington considers himself a member of, 269-274;

the only American party until 1800, 273;

strengthened by X, Y, Z affair, 285;

dissensions in, over army appointments, 286-290;

its horror at French Revolution, 294, 295;

attempts of Washington to heal divisions in, 298.

Fenno's newspaper,

used by Hamilton against the "National Gazette," ii. 230.

Finances of the Revolution,

effect of paper money on war, i. 258, 262;

difficulties in paying troops, 258;

labors of Robert Morris, 259, 264, 312;

connection of Washington with, 263;

continued collapse, 280, 290, 312.

Financial History,

bad condition in 1789, ii. 105;

decay of credit, paper, and revenue, 106;

futile propositions, 106;

Hamilton's report on credit, 107;

debate over assumption of state debt, 107;

bargain between Hamilton and Jefferson, 108;

establishment of bank, 109;

other measures adopted, 112;

protection in the first Congress, 112-115;

the excise tax imposed, 123;

opposition to, 123-127;

"Whiskey Rebellion," 127-128.

Fishbourn, Benjamin,

nomination rejected by Senate, ii. 63.

Fontanes, M. de,

delivers funeral oration on Washington, i. 1.

Forbes, General,

renews attack on French in Ohio, i. 93.

Forman, Major,

describes impressiveness of Washington, ii. 389.

Fox, Charles James,

understands significance of Washington's leadership, i. 202.

France,

pays honors to Washington, i. I, 6;

war with England, see French and Indian war;

takes possession of Ohio, 65;

considers Jumonville assassinated by Washington, 74;

importance of alliance with foreseen by Washington, 191;

impressed by battle of Germantown, 200;

makes treaty of alliance with United States, 241;

sends D'Estaing, 243;

declines to attack Canada, 256;

sends army and fleet, 274, 277;

relations of French to Washington, 318, 319;

absolute necessity of their naval aid, 318, 319;

Revolution in, applauded by America, ii. 138, 139, 142;

real character understood by Washington and others, 139-142, 295;

debate over in America, 142;

question of relations with United States, 143, 144;

warned by Washington, 144, 145;

neutrality toward declared, 147;

tries to drive United States into alliance, 149;

terms of the treaty with, 169;

latter held to be no longer binding, 169-171;

abrogates it, 171;

demands recall of Morris, 211;

mission of Monroe to, 211-214;

makes vague promises, 212, 213;

Washington's fairness toward, 253;

tries to bully or corrupt American ministers, 284;

the X, Y, Z affair, 285;

war with not expected by Washington, 291;

danger of concession to, 292, 293;

progress of Revolution in, 294.

Franklin, Benjamin,

gets wagons for Braddock's expedition, i. 84;

remark on Howe in Philadelphia, 219;

national, like Washington, 252, ii. 8;

despairs of success of Constitutional Convention, 35;

his unquestioned Americanism, 309;

respect of Washington for, 344, 346, 364.

Frederick II., the Great,

his opinion of Trenton campaign, i. 183;

of Monmouth campaign, 239.

French and Indian war, i. 64-94;

inevitable conflict, 65;

efforts to negotiate, 66, 67;

hostilities begun, 72;

the Jumonville affair, 74;

defeat of Washington, 76;

Braddock's campaign, 82-88;

ravages in Virginia, 90;

carried to a favorable conclusion by Pitt, 93, 94.

Freneau, Philip,

brought to Philadelphia and given clerkship by Jefferson, ii. 227;

attacks Adams, Hamilton, and Washington in "National Gazette," 227;

makes conflicting statements as to Jefferson's share in the paper,

227, 228;

the first to attack Washington, 238.

Fry, Colonel,

commands a Virginia regiment against French and Indians, i. 71;

dies, leaving Washington in command, 75.

GAGE, GENERAL THOMAS,

conduct at Boston condemned by Washington, i. 126;

his treatment of prisoners protested against by Washington, 145;

sends an arrogant reply, 147;

second letter of Washington to, 147, 156.

Gallatin, Albert,

connection with Whiskey Rebellion, ii. 129.

Gates, Horatio,

visits Mt. Vernon, his character, i. 132;

refuses to cooperate with Washington at Trenton, 180;

his appointment as commander against Burgoyne urged, 208;

chosen by Congress, 209;

his part in defeating Burgoyne, 210;

neglects to inform Washington, 211;

loses his head and wishes to supplant Washington, 215;

forced to send troops South, 216, 217;

his attitude discovered by Washington, 221;

makes feeble efforts at opposition, 221, 223;

correspondence with Washington, 221, 223, 226;

becomes head of board of war, 221;

quarrels with Wilkinson, 223;

sent to his command, 226;

fears attack of British on Boston, 265;

sent by Congress to command in South, 268;

defeated at Camden, 281, 294;

loses support of Congress, 294.

Genet, Edmond Charles,

arrives as French minister, ii. 148;

his character, 149;

violates neutrality, 151;

his journey to Philadelphia, 151;

reception by Washington, 152;

complains of it, 153;

makes demands upon State Department, 153;

protests at seizure of privateers, 153;

insists on sailing of Little Sarah, 155;

succeeds in getting vessel away, 157;

his recall demanded, 158;

reproaches Jefferson, 158;

remains in America, 158;

threatens to appeal from Washington to Massachusetts, 159;

demands denial from Washington of Jay's statements, 159;

loses popular support, 160;

tries to raise a force to invade Southwest, 161;

prevented by state and federal authorities, 162;

his arrival the signal for divisions of parties, 237;

hurts Democratic party by his excesses, 241;

suggests clubs, 241.

George IV.,

Washington's opinion of, ii. 346.

Georgia,

quarrels with Creeks, asks aid of United States, ii. 90;

becomes dissatisfied with treaty, 91;

disregards treaties of the United States, 103.

Gerard, M.,

notifies Washington of return of D'Estaing, i. 246.

Germantown,

battle of, i. 199.

Gerry, Elbridge,

on special mission to France, ii. 284;

disliked by Washington, 292.

Giles, W.B.,

attacks Washington in Congress, ii. 251, 252.

Gist, Christopher,

accompanies Washington on his mission to French, i. 66;

wishes to shoot French Indians, 68.

Gordon,----,

letter of Washington to, i. 227.

Graves, Admiral,

sent to relieve Cornwallis, i. 312; defeated by De Grasse, 312.

Grayson, William,

hunts with Washington, i. 115; letter to, ii. 22.

Green Springs,

battle of, i. 307.

Greene, General Nathanael,

commands at Long Island, ill with fever, i. 164;

wishes forts on Hudson held, 174;

late in attacking at Germantown, 199;

conducts retreat, 200;

succeeds Mifflin as quartermaster-general, 232;

selected by Washington to command in South, 268;

commands army at New York in absence of Washington, 282;

appointed to command Southern army, 295;

retreats from Cornwallis, 302;

fights battle of Guilford Court House, 302;

clears Southern States of enemy, 302;

strong position, 304;

reinforced by Washington, 322;

letter to, 325;

his military capacity early recognized by Washington, ii. 334;

amuses Washington, 374.

Greene, Mrs.----,

dances three hours with Washington, ii. 380.

Grenville, Lord,

denies that ministry has incited Indians against United States,

ii. 175;

receives Jay, 180;

declines to grant United States trade with West Indies, 181.

Griffin, David,

commissioner to treat with Creeks, ii. 90.

Griffin,----,

fails to help Washington at Trenton, i. 180.

Grymes, Lucy,

the "Lowland Beauty," love affair of Washington with, i. 95;

marries Henry Lee, 96.

HALDIMAND, SIR FREDERICK,

leads Indians against colonists, i. 325.

Hale, Nathan, compared with André, i. 288.

Half-King,

kept to English alliance by Washington, i. 68;

his criticism of Washington's first campaign, 76.

Hamilton, Alexander,

forces Gates to send back troops to Washington, i. 216, 217;

remark on councils of war before Monmouth, 234;

informs Washington of Arnold's treason, 284;

sent to intercept Arnold, 285;

writes letters on government and finance, 298;

leads attack at Yorktown, i. 316;

requests release of Asgill, 329;

aids Washington in Congress, 333;

only man beside Washington and Franklin to realize American future,

ii. 7;

letters of Washington to on necessity of a strong government, 17, 18;

writes letters to Duane and Morris, 19;

speech in Federal Convention and departure, 35;

counseled by Washington, 39;

consulted by Washington as to etiquette, 54;

made secretary of treasury, 66;

his character, 67;

his report on the mint, 81;

on the public credit, 107;

upheld by Washington, 107, 108;

his arrangement with Jefferson, 108;

argument on the bank, 110;

his success largely due to Washington, 112;

his report on manufactures, 112, 114, 116;

advocates an excise, 122;

fails to realize its unpopularity, 123;

accompanies expedition to suppress Whiskey Rebellion, 128;

comprehends French Revolution, 139;

frames questions to cabinet on neutrality, 147;

urges decisive measures against Genet, 154;

argues against United States being bound by French treaty, 169;

selected for English mission, but withdraws, 177;

not likely to have done better than Jay, 183;

mobbed in defending Jay treaty, 187;

writes Camillus letters in favor of Jay treaty, 206;

intrigued against by Monroe, 212;

causes for his breach with Jefferson, 224;

his aristocratic tendencies, 225;

attacked by Jefferson and his friends, 228, 229;

disposes of the charges, 229;

retorts in newspapers with effect, 230;

ceases at Washington's request, 230, 234;

resigns from the cabinet, 234;

desires Washington's reëlection, 235;

selected by Washing, ton as senior general, 286;

appeals to Washington against Adams's reversal of rank, 286;

fails to soothe Knox's anger, 288;

report on army organization, 290;

letter of Washington to, condemning Adams's French mission, 293;

fears anarchy from Democratic success, 295;

approves Alien and Sedition Acts, 296;

his scheme of a military academy approved by Washington, 299;

Washington's affection for, 317, 362;

his ability early recognized by Washington, 334, 335;

aids Washington in literary points, 340;

takes care of Lafayette's son, 366.

Hammond, George,

protests against violations of neutrality, ii. 151;

his arrival as British minister, 169;

his offensive tone, 173;

does not disavow Lord Dorchester's speech to Indians, 176;

gives Fauchet letters to Wolcott, 195;

intrigues with American public men, 200.

Hampden, John,

compared with Washington, ii. 312, 313.

Hancock, John,

disappointed at Washington's receiving command of army, i. 135;

his character, ii. 74;

refuses to call first on Washington as President, 75;

apologizes and calls, 75, 76.

Hardin, Colonel,

twice surprised and defeated by Indians, ii. 93.

Harmar, Colonel,

invades Indian country, ii. 92;

attacks the Miamis, 93;

sends out unsuccessful expeditions and retreats, 93;

court-martialed and resigns, 93.

Harrison, Benjamin,

letters of Washington to, i. 259, 261; ii. 10.

Hartley, Mrs.----,

admired by Washington, i. 95.

Heard, Sir Isaac,

Garter King at Arms, makes out a pedigree for Washington, i. 30, 31.

Heath, General,

checks Howe at Frog's Point, i. 173;

left in command at New York, 311.

Henry, Patrick,

his resolutions supported by Washington, i. 119;

accompanies him to Philadelphia, 128;

his tribute to Washington's influence, 130;

ready for war, 132;

letters of Conway cabal to against Washington, 222;

letter of Washington to, 225;

appealed to by Washington on behalf of Constitution, ii. 38;

an opponent of the Constitution, 71;

urged by Washington to oppose Virginia resolutions, 266-268, 293;

a genuine American, 309;

offered secretaryship of state, 324;

friendship of Washington for, 362.

Hertburn, Sir William de,

ancestor of Washington family, i. 31, 33.

Hessians,

in Revolution, i. 194.

Hickey, Thomas,

hanged for plotting to murder Washington, i. 160.

Hobby,----, a sexton,

Washington's earliest teacher, i. 48.

Hopkinson, Francis,

letter of Washington to, ii. 3.

Houdon, J.A., sculptor,

on Washington's appearance, ii. 386.

Howe, Lord,

arrives at New York with power to negotiate and pardon, i. 161;

refuses to give Washington his title, 161;

tries to negotiate with Congress, 167;

escapes D'Estaing at Delaware, 244;

attacks D'Estaing off Newport, 244.

Howe, Sir William,

has controversy with Washington over treatment of prisoners, i. 148;

checked at Frog's Point, 173;

attacks cautiously at Chatterton Hill, 173;

retreats and attacks forts on Hudson, 174;

takes Fort Washington, 175;

goes into winter quarters in New York, 177, 186;

suspected of purpose to meet Burgoyne, 194, 195;

baffled in advance across New Jersey by Washington, 194;

goes by sea, 195;

arrives at Head of Elk, 196;

defeats Washington at Brandywine, 197;

camps at Germantown, 199;

withdraws after Germantown into Philadelphia, 201;

folly of his failure to meet Burgoyne, 205, 206;

offers battle in vain to Washington, 218;

replaced by Clinton, 232;

tries to cut off Lafayette, 233.

Huddy, Captain,

captured by English, hanged by Tories, i. 327.

Humphreys, Colonel,

letters of Washington to, ii. 13, 339;

at opening of Congress, 78;

commissioner to treat with Creeks, 90;

anecdote of, 375.

Huntington, Lady,

asks Washington's aid in Christianizing Indians, ii. 4.

IMPRESSMENT,

right of, maintained by England, ii. 181.

Independence,

not wished, but foreseen, by Washington, i. 131, 156;

declared by Congress, possibly through Washington's influence, 160.

Indians,

wars with in Virginia, i. 37, 38;

in French and Indian war, 67,68;

desert English, 76;

in Braddock's defeat, 85, 86, 88;

restless before Revolution, 122;

in War of Revolution, 266, 270;

punished by Sullivan, 269;

policy toward, early suggested by Washington, 344;

recommendations relative to in Washington's address to Congress,

ii. 82;

the "Indian problem" under Washington's administration, 83-105;

erroneous popular ideas of, 84, 85;

real character and military ability, 85-87;

understood by Washington, 87, 88;

a real danger in 1788, 88;

situation in the Northwest, 89;

difficulties with Cherokees and Creeks, 89, 90;

influence of Spanish intrigue, 90;

successful treaty with Creeks, 90, 91;

wisdom of this policy, 92;

warfare in the Northwest, 92;

defeats of Harmar and Hardin, 93;

causes for the failure, 93, 94;

intrigues of England, 92, 94, 175, 178;

expedition and defeat of St. Clair, 95-97;

results, 99;

expedition of Wayne, 100, 102;

his victory, 103;

success of Washington's policy toward, 104, 105.

Iredell, James,

appointed to Supreme Court, ii. 73.

JACKSON, MAJOR,

accompanies Washington to opening of Congress, ii. 78.

Jameson, Colonel,

forwards Andrews letter to Arnold, i. 284;

receives orders from Washington, 285.

Jay, John,

on opposition in Congress, to Washington, i. 222;

consulted by Washington as to etiquette, ii. 54;

appointed chief justice, 72;

publishes card against Genet, 159;

appointed on special mission to England, 177;

his character, 177;

instructions from Washington, 179;

his reception in England, 180;

difficulties in negotiating, 181;

concludes treaty, 182;

burnt in effigy while absent, 186;

execrated after news of treaty, 187;

hampered by Monroe in France, 213.

Jay treaty, ii. 180-184;

opposition to and debate over signing, 184-201;

reasons of Washington for signing, 205.

Jefferson, Thomas,

his flight from Cornwallis, i. 307;

discusses with Washington needs of government, ii. 9;

adopts French democratic phraseology, 27;

contrast with Washington, 27, 28, 69;

criticises Washington's manners, 56;

made secretary of state, 68;

his previous relations with Washington, 68;

his character, 69;

supposed to be a friend of the Constitution, 72;

his objections to President's opening Congress, 79;

on weights and measures, 81;

letter of Washington to on assumption of state debts, 107;

makes bargain with Hamilton, 108;

opposes a bank, 110;

asked to prepare neutrality instructions, 146;

upholds Genet, 153;

argues against him publicly, supports him privately, 154;

notified of French privateer Little Sarah, 155;

allows it to sail, 155;

retires to country and is censured by Washington, 156;

assures Washington that vessel will wait his decision, 156;

his un-American attitude, 157;

wishes to make terms of note demanding Genet's recall mild, 158;

argues that United States is bound by French treaty, 170, 171;

begs Madison to answer Hamilton's "Camillus" letters, 206;

his attitude upon first entering cabinet, 223;

causes for his breach with Hamilton, 224;

jealousy, incompatibility of temper, 224;

his democratic opinions, 225;

skill in creating party catch-words, 225;

prints "Rights of Man" with note against Adams, 226;

attacks him further in letter to Washington, 226;

brings Freneau to Philadelphia and gives him an office, 227;

denies any connection with Freneau's newspaper, 227;

his real responsibility, 228;

his purpose to undermine Hamilton, 228;

causes his friends to attack him, 229;

writes a letter to Washington attacking Hamilton's treasury measures,

229;

fails to produce any effect, 230;

winces under Hamilton's counter attacks, 230;

reiterates charges and asserts devotion to Constitution, 231;

continues attacks and resigns, 234;

wishes reëlection of Washington, 235;

his charge of British sympathies resented by Washington, 252;

plain letter of Washington to, 259;

Washington's opinion of, 259;

suggests Logan's mission to France, 262, 265;

takes oath as vice-president, 276;

regarded as a Jacobin by Federalists, 294;

jealous of Washington, 306;

accuses him of senility, 307;

a genuine American, 309.

Johnson, William,

Tory leader in New York, i. 143.

Johnstone, Governor,

peace commissioner, i. 233.

Jumonville, De, French leader,

declared to have been assassinated by Washington, i. 74,79;

really a scout and spy, 75.

KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS,

condemned by Washington, ii. 266-268.

King, Clarence,

his opinion that Washington was not American, ii. 308.

King, Rufus,

publishes card exposing Genet, ii. 159.

King's Bridge,

fight at, i. 170.