commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the aforesaid
season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that
before the execution of Gods purpose dooth come to passe, in changing
the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is
giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses.
This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first
booke De ostentis intreating of the same argument, telleth of a
strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any
such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto
them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the
face of the Pedacien prophetesse, so often as the citie was to be
touched with any alteration and change. "Nam (saith he) descriptas
esse diuinitùs ætates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret,
quibus finitis, prædici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius
euenturam rerum, quæque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent.
Emittuntur igitur cometæ diuinitus, & reuocantur dum supra nos
conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c." Plato referreth such
changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that
resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do
consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight &
measure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile &
humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue
the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to
the force of number with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the
Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and appointment of God,
which onelie may be called destinie as S. Augustine saith, for of
other destinie it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all
euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his
numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sundrie causes
of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto
principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion,
contempt of religion and lawes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in
few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But whatsoeuer
Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first
causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being
suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high
God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such
as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuolution of things in
their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose,
and correction of our errors. The causes therefore that Aristotle
dooth deliuer, are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to
bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes,
in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But
in truth other than secondarie or third causes no man can iustlie call
them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6. making a large
discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the
first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth
that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse
of the excellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of
empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other.
Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so
[Sidenote: Fatal numbers.]
that he setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; to wit, sixe vnto
women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue "Magnam in
tota rerum natura potestatem," meaning as well in common-wealths and
kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies,
for sickenesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c:
and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie
examples of apparent likelihood, either by multiplication of one by
the other, or diuision of greater numbers by either of them, or their
concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his
criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather
restoreth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythagoras, yet
neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in
respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause
of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any
wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things depend vpon
his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him.
Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these
assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas
mutationum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present
the example of Bodinus, first in the alterations of our ciuill estate
passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the
flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into
our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the
readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie
denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at
all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of
other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight
of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, therby to be
farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning
therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was
generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse
to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of
Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the
quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuolution of the same
number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the
originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the
whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes
it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide therefore the
said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods
remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine,
or rather his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vnto the
Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact
supputation 126. yeares, which being parted by nine or seauen sheweth
such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the
more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith
alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change
in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold
not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From
Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Albion, are 335. yeares complet, so that
he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth
with the 590 after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion
continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile
restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our
estate openlie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and
death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time
after his departure out of Grecia, before he came into Albion) so that
if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86.
septenaries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his posteritie
in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchie of Britaine, are 630. yeares, or
70. nouenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise
period after this method or prescription, for manie and diuers
considerations. The time of the pentarchie indured likewise 49.
yeares, or seauen septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought
all the princes vnder his subiection, and ruled ouer them as monarch
of this Ile. After the pentarchie ended, we find againe, that in the
98. yeare, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, wherevpon
insued cruell bloodshed betwéene them. So that here you haue 14.
septenaries, as you haue from those warres ended, which indured a full
yeare & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the
comming of Cæsar into this Iland (whereat our seruitude and miserable
thraldome to the Romans may worthilie take his entrance) 48. or 336.
yeares, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should
imagine a more exact.
After the comming of Cæsar we haue 54. or sixe nouenaries to Christ,
whose death and passion redoundeth generallie to all that by firme and
sure faith take hold of the same, and applie it vnto their comfort.
From the birth of Christ to our countrie deliuered from the Romane
yoke, are 446. yeares, at which time the Britains chose them a king,
and betooke themselues to his obedience. But neither they nor their
king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which dailie
made hauocke of their countrie; the said Vortiger in the third yeare
of his reigne (which was the 63. septenarie after Christ) did send for
the Saxons, who arriued here in the 449. and 450. yeares of Grace, in
great companies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end
their entrances turned to our vtter decaie and ruine, in that they
made a conquest of the whole Ile, and draue vs out of our liuings.
Hereby we sée therefore how the preparatiue began in the 449. but how
it was finished in the tenth nouenarie, the sequele is too too plaine.
In like sort in the 43. nouenarie or 387. after the comming of the
Saxons, the Danes entred, who miserablie afflicted this Ile by the
space of 182. yeares or 46. septenaries, which being expired, they
established themselues in the kingdome by Canutus. But their time
lasting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. yeare,
and thus you sée how these numbers do hold exactlie vnto the conquest.
The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession
of the Conquerour, which indured but 89. yeares, being extinguished in
Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henrie the second,
although it lacke one whole yeare of ten nouenaries, which is a small
thing, sith vpon diuers occasions the time of the execution of any
accident may be preuented or proroged, as in direction and progression
astronomicall is oftentimes perceiued. From hence to the infamous
excommunication of England in king Iohns daies, wherevpon insued the
resignation of his crownes and dominions to the pope, are eight
septenaries or 56. yeares. Thence againe to the deposition of Richard.
2. and vsurpation of Henrie 4. are 77. yeares or 11. septenaries. From
hence to the conspiracie made against Edward. 2. after which he was
deposed & murdered are 117. yeares, or 13. nouenaries. From hence to
the beginning of the quarell betwéene the houses of Yorke and
Lancaster (wherein foure score and od persons of the blood roiall were
slaine and made awaie first and last, and which warres begunne in the
1448. and the yeare after the death of the Duke of Glocester, whose
murther séemed to make frée passage to the said broile) are 72. yeares
or eight nouenaries. From hence to the translation of the crowne from
the house of Lancaster to that of Yorke, in Edward the 4. are 14.
yeares or two septenaries, and last of all to the vnion of the said
houses in Henrie the eight, is an exact quadrat of seuen multiplied in
it selfe, or 49. yeares, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.
Now as concerning religion, we haue from Christ to the faith first
preached in Britaine (by Iosephus ab Aramathia, and Simon Zelotes) as
some write 70. yeares or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptisme
of Lucius, and his nobilitie in the yeare after their conuersion, 12.
nouenaries or 108. yeares. After these the Saxons entred and changed
the state of religion for the most part into paganisme, in the yeare
449. 39. nouenarie, and 273. yeare after Lucius had beene baptised,
which is 39. septenaries, if I be not deceiued. In the 147. or 21.
septenarie, Augustine came, who brought in poperie, which increased
and continued till Wicklif with more boldnesse than anie other began
to preach the gospell, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. yeares after the
comming of Augustine, and yeeld 85. nouenaries exactlie. From hence
[Sidenote: Henrie 8.]
againe to the expulsion of the pope 175. yeares, or 25. septenaries,
[Sidenote: Marie.]
thence to the receiuing of the pope and popish doctrine 21. yeares or
3. septenaries, wherevnto I would ad the time of restoring the gospell
by Quéene Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full yeare of 7.
Whereby we may well gather, that if there be anie hidden mysterie or
thing conteined in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not vnto the
diuine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and frée
mercie vnto the penitent, vnto which neither number weight nor measure
shall be able to aspire.
OF SUCH ILANDS AS ARE TO BE SEENE VPON THE COASTS OF BRITAINE.
CAP. 10.
There are néere vnto, or not verie farre from the coasts of Britaine
many faire Ilands, wherof Ireland with hir neighbors (not here handled)
séeme to be the cheefe. But of the rest, some are much larger or lesse
than other, diuers in like sort enuironed continuallie with the salt sea
(whereof I purpose onelie to intreat, although not a few of them be
Ilands but at the floud) and other finallie be clipped partlie by the
fresh and partlie by the salt water, or by the fresh alone, whereof I
may speake afterward.
Of these salt Ilands (for so I call them that are enuironed with the
Ocean waues) some are fruitfull in wood, corne, wild foule, and pasture
ground for cattell, albeit that manie of them be accounted barren,
bicause they are onelie replenished with conies, and those of sundrie
colours (cherished of purpose by the owners, for their skins or carcases
in their prouision of household) without either man or woman otherwise
inhabiting in them. Furthermore, the greatest number of these Ilands
haue townes and parish-churches, within their seuerall precincts, some
mo, some lesse: and beside all this, are so inriched with commodities,
that they haue pleasant hauens, fresh springs, great store of fish, and
plentie of cattell, wherby the inhabitants doo reape no small aduantage.
How manie they are in number I cannot as yet determine, bicause mine
informations are not so fullie set downe, as the promises of some on the
one side, & mine expectation on the other did extend vnto. Howbeit,
first of all that there are certeine which lie neere togither, as it
were by heapes and clusters, I hope none will readilie denie. Of these
[Sidenote: Nesiadæ.]
[Sidenote: Insulæ Scylurum.]
[Sidenote: Sileustræ.]
[Sidenote: Syllanæ.]
[Sidenote: Sorlingæ.]
[Sidenote: Sylley.]
[Sidenote: Hebrides.]
[Sidenote: Hebudes.]
[Sidenote: Meuaniæ.]
[Sidenote: Orchades.]
also those called the Nesiadæ, Insulæ Scylurum, Sileustræ, Syllanæ, now
the Sorlings, and Iles of Silley, lieng beyond Cornwall are one, and
conteineth in number one hundreth fourtie and seauen (each of them
bearing grasse) besides shelfes and shallowes. In like sort the companie
of the Hebrides in old time subject vnto Ireland are another, which are
said to be 43. situat vpon the west side of this Iland, betweene Ireland
& Scotland, and of which there are some that repute Anglesei, Mona
Cæsaris, and other lieng betweene them to be parcell, in their corrupted
iudgement. The third cluster or bunch consisteth of those that are
called the Orchades, and these lie vpon the northwest point of Scotland,
being 31. aliàs 28. in number, as for the rest they lie scattered here
and there, and yet not to be vntouched as their courses shall come
about. There are also the 18. Shetland Iles, and other yet farther
distant from them, of which Iohn Frobuser I doubt not touched vpon some
in his voiage to Meta Incognita: but for somuch as I must speake of the
Shetlands hereafter, I doo not meane to spend anie time about them as
yet.
There haue beene diuers that haue written of purpose, De insulis
Britanniæ, as Cæsar doth confesse. The like also may be seene by
Plutarch, who nameth one Demetrius a Britaine, that should set foorth an
exact treatise of each of them in order, and among other tell of
certeine desert Iles beyond Scotland dedicated to sundrie gods and
goddesses, but of one especiallie, where Briareus should hold Saturne
and manie other spirits fast bound with the chaines of an heauie sléepe,
as he heard, of which some die now and then, by meane wherof the aire
becommeth maruellouslie troubled, &c: as you may sée in Plutarch De
cessatione oraculorum, &c. But sith those bookes are now perished, and
the most of the said Ilands remaine vtterlie vnknowen, euen to our owne
selues (for who is able in our time to say where is Glota, Hiucrion,
Etta, Iduna, Armia, Æsarea, Barsa, Isiandium, Icdelis, Xantisma,
Indelis, Siata, Ga. Andros or Edros, Siambis, Xanthos, Ricnea, Menapia,
&c? whose names onelie are left in memorie by ancient writers, but I
saie their places not so much as heard of in our daies) I meane (God
willing) to set downe so manie of them with their commodities, as I doo
either know by Leland, or am otherwise instructed of by such as are of
credit. Herein also I will touch at large those that are most famous,
and breeflie passe ouer such as are obscure and vnknowen, making mine
entrance at the Thames mouth, and directing this imagined course (for I
neuer sailed it) by the south part of the Iland into the west. From
thence in like sort I will proceed into the north, & come about againe
by the east side into the fall of the aforesaid streame, where I will
strike saile, and safelie be set ashore, that haue often in this voiage
wanted water, but oftener béene set a ground, especiallie on the Scotish
side.
In beginning therefore, with such as lie in the mouth of the aforesaid
[Sidenote: Hoo.]
riuer, I must néeds passe by the How, which is not an Iland, and
therefore not within the compasse of my description at this time, but
almost an Iland, which parcels the Latins call Peninsulas, and I doo
english a Byland, vsing the word for such as a man may go into
drie-footed at the full sea, or on horssebacke at the low water without
anie boat or vessell: and such a one almost is Rochford hundred in Essex
also, yet not at this time to be spoken of, bicause not the sea onelie
but the fresh water also doth in maner enuiron it, and is the cheefe
occasion wherfore it is called an Iland. This How lieth between Cliffe
(in old time called Clouesho, to wit, Cliffe in How or in the hundred of
How) & the midwaie that goeth along by Rochester, of which hundred there
goeth an old prouerbe in rime after this maner:
He that rideth into the hundred of How,
Beside pilfering sea-men shall find durt ynow.
[Sidenote: Greane.]
Next vnto this we haue the Greane, wherein is a towne of the same
denomination, an Ile supposed to be foure miles in length, and two in
[Sidenote: Shepey.]
bredth. Then come we to Shepey, which Ptolomie calleth Connos,
conteining seauen miles in length, and three in bredth, wherein is a
castell called Quinborow, and a parke, beside foure townes, of which one
is named Minster, another Eastchurch, the third Warden, and the fourth
Leyden: the whole soile being throughlie fed with shéepe, verie well
woodded, and (as I heare) belongeth to the Lord Cheyney, as parcell of
his inheritance. It lieth thirtéene miles by water from Rochester, but
the castell is fiftéene, and by south thereof are two small Ilands,
[Sidenote: Elmesie.]
[Sidenote: Hertesie.]
wherof the one is called Elmesie, and the more easterlie Hertesie. In
this also is a towne called Hertie, or Hartie, and all in the Lath of
Scraie, notwithstanding that Hartie lieth in the hundred of Feuersham,
and Shepey reteineth one especiall Bailie of hir owne.
From hence we passe by the Reculuers (or territorie belonging in time
past to one Raculphus, who erected an house of religion, or some such
thing there) vnto a little Iland in the Stoure mouth. Herevpon also
[Sidenote: Stureev.]
[Sidenote: Thanet.]
the Thanet abutteth, which Ptolomie calleth Toliapis, other Athanatos,
bicause serpents are supposed not to liue in the same, howbeit sith it
is not enuironed with the sea, it is not to be dealt withall as an Iland
in this place, albeit I will not let to borow of my determination, and
describe it as I go, bicause it is so fruitfull. Beda noteth it in times
past to haue conteined 600. families, which are all one with Hidelands,
[*]Ploughlands, Carrucates, or Temewares. He addeth also that it is
[Sidenote: * In Lincolneshire the word Hide or hideland,
was neuer in vse in old time as in other places, but for
Hide they vsed the word Carucate or cartware, or Teme,
and these were of no lesse compasse than an Hideland.
_Ex Hugone le blanc Monacho Petrolurgensi._]
diuided from our continent, by the riuer called Wantsume, which is about
thrée furlongs broad, and to be passed ouer in two places onelie. But
whereas Polydore saieth, the Thanet is nine miles in length & not much
lesse in bredth, it is now reckoned that it hath not much aboue seauen
miles from Nordtmuth to Sandwich, and foure in bredth, from the Stoure
to Margate, or from the south to the north, the circuit of the whole
being 17. or 18. as Leland also noteth. This Iland hath no wood growing
in it except it be forced, and yet otherwise it is verie fruitfull, and
beside that it wanteth few other commodities, the finest chalke is said
to be found there. Herein also did Augustine the moonke first arriue,
when he came to conuert the Saxons, and afterward in processe of time,
sundry religious houses were erected there, as in a soile much bettered
(as the supersticious supposed) by the steps of that holy man, & such as
came ouer with him. There are at this time 10. parish churches at the
least in the Ile of Thanet, as S. Nicholas, Birchington, S. Iohns, Wood
or Woodchurch, S. Peters, S. Laurence, Mownton or Monkeron, Minster, S.
Gyles and all Saincts, whereof M. Lambert hath written at large in his
description of Kent, and placed the same in the Lath of sainct Augustine
and hundred of Kingslow, as may easilie be séene to him that will peruse
it.
[Sidenote: Rutupium.]
Sometime Rutupium or (as Beda calleth it) Reptacester, stood also in
this Iland, but now thorough alteration of the chanell of the Dour, it
is shut quite out, and annexed to the maine. It is called in these daies
Richborow, and as it should seeme builded vpon an indifferent soile or
high ground. The large brickes also yet to be seene there, in the
ruinous walles, declare either the Romane or the old British
workemanship. But as time decaieth all things, so Rutupium named
Ruptimuth is now become desolate, and out of the dust thereof Sandwich
producted, which standeth a full mile from the place where Reptacester
stood. The old writers affirme, how Arthur & Mordred fought one notable
battell here, wherin Gwallon or Gawan was slaine; at which time the said
rebell came against his souereigne with 70000. Picts, Scots, Irish,
Norwegians, &c: and with Ethelbert the first christian king of Kent did
hold his palace in this towne, and yet none of his coine hath hitherto
béene found there, as is dailie that of the Romanes, whereof manie
péeces of siluer and gold, so well as of brasse, copper, and other
mettall haue often beene shewed vnto me. It should appéere in like sort,
that of this place, all the whole coast of Kent therabout was called
Littus Rutupinum, which some doo not a little confirme by these words of
Lucane, to be read in his sixt booke soone after the beginning:
[Sidenote: The last verse of one couple and first of an other.]
Aut vaga cum Tethis, Rutupináq; littora feruent,
Vnda Calidonios fallit turbata Britannos.
Or when the wandering seas
and Kentish coasts doo worke,
And Calidons of British bloud,
the troubled waues beguile.
Meaning in like sort by the latter, the coast néere Andredeswald, which
in time past was called Littus Calidonium of that wood or forrest, as
Leland also confirmeth. But as it is not my mind to deale anie thing
curiouslie in these by-matters, so in returning againe to my purpose,
[Sidenote: Seolesey of Seles there taken.]
and taking my iourney toward the Wight, I must needs passe by Selesey,
which sometime (as it should séeme) hath béene a noble Iland, but now in
maner a Byland or Peninsula, wherin the chéefe sée of the bishop of
Chichester was holden by the space of thrée hundred twentie nine yeares,
and vnder twentie bishops.
Next vnto this, we come vnto those that lie betweene the Wight and the
[Sidenote: Thorne.]
maine land, of which the most easterlie is called Thorne, and to saie
truth, the verie least of all that are to be found in that knot. Being
[Sidenote: Haling.]
past the Thorne, we touched vpon the Haling, which is bigger than the
Thorne, and wherein one towne is situat of the same denomination beside
[Sidenote: Port.]
another, whose name I remember not. By west also of the Haling lieth the
Port (the greatest of the three alreadie mentioned) and in this standeth
Portsmouth and Ringstéed) whereof also our Leland, saieth thus: "Port
Ile is cut from the shore by an arme of the maine hauen, which breaketh
out about thrée miles aboue Portsmouth, and goeth vp two miles or more
by morish ground to a place called Portbridge, which is two miles from
Portsmouth." Then breaketh there out another créeke from the maine sea,
about Auant hauen, which gulleth vp almost to Portbridge, and thence is
the ground disseuered, so that Portsmouth standeth in a corner of this
Ile, which Iland is in length six miles, and three miles in bredth,
verie good for grasse and corne, not without some wood, and here and
there inclosure. Beside this, there is also another Iland north
northwest of Port Ile, which is now so worne and washed awaie with the
working of the sea, that at the spring tides it is wholie couered with
water, and thereby made vnprofitable. Finallie being past all these, and
in compassing this gulfe, we come by an other, which lieth north of
Hirst castell, & southeast of Kaie hauen, whereof I find nothing worthie
to be noted, sauing that it wanteth wood, as Ptolomie affirmeth in his
Geographicall tables of all those Ilands which enuiron our Albion.
[Sidenote: Wight.]
[Sidenote: Guidh.]
The Wight is called in Latine Vectis, but in the British speach Guidh,
that is to saie, Eefe or easie to be séene, or (as D. Caius saith)
separate, bicause that by a breach of the sea, it was once diuided
from the maine, as Sicilia was also from Italie, Anglesei from Wales,
Foulenesse from Essex, & Quinborow from Kent. It lieth distant from the
south shore of Britaine (where it is fardest off) by fiue miles & a
halfe, but where it commeth neerest, not passing a thousand paces, and
this at the cut ouer betwéene Hirst castell and a place called Whetwell
chine, as the inhabitants doo report. It conteineth in length twentie
miles, and in bredth ten, it hath also the north pole eleuated by 50.
degrées and 27. minutes, and is onelie 18. degrees in distance, and 50.
od minuts from the west point, as experience hath confirmed, contrarie
to the description of Ptolomie, and such as folow his assertions in the
same. In forme, it representeth almost an eg, and so well is it
inhabited with meere English at this present, that there are thirtie six
townes, villages and castels to be found therein, beside 27.
parish-churches, of which 15. or 16. haue their Parsons, the rest either
such poore Vicars or Curats, as the liuings left are able to sustaine.
The names of the parishes in the Wight are these.
[Sidenote: P signifieth parsonages, V. vicarages.]
1 Newport, a chap.
2 Cairsbrosie. v.
3 Northwood.
4 Arriun. v.
5 Goddeshill. v.
6 Whitwell.
7 S. Laurence. p.
8 Nighton. p.
9 Brading. v.
10 Newchurch. v.
11 S. Helene. v.
12 Yauerland. p.
13 Calborne. p.
14 Bonechurch. p.
15 Mottesson. p.
16 Yarmouth. p.
17 Thorley. v.
18 Shalflete. v.
19 Whippingham. p.
20 Wootton. p.
21 Chale. p.
22 Kingston. p.
23 Shorwell. p.
24 Gatrombe. p.
25 Brosie.
26 Brixston. p.
27 Bensted. p.
It belongeth for temporall iurisdiction to the countie of Hamshire, but
in spirituall cases it yéeldeth obedience to the sée of Winchester,
wherof it is a Deanerie. As for the soile of the whole Iland, it is
verie fruitfull, for notwithstanding the shore of it selfe be verie full
of rocks and craggie cliffes, yet there wanteth no plentie of cattell,
corne, pasture, medow ground, wild foule, fish, fresh riuers, and
pleasant woods, whereby the inhabitants may liue in ease and welfare. It
was first ruled by a seuerall king, and afterwards wonne from the
Britons by Vespasian the legat, at such time as he made a voiage into
the west countrie. In processe of time also it was gotten from the
Romans by the kings of Sussex, who held the souereigntie of the same,
and kept the king thereof vnder tribute, till it was wonne also from
them, in the time of Athelwold, the eight king of the said south region,
by Ceadwalla, who killed Aruald that reigned there, and reserued the
souereigntie of that Ile to himselfe and his successors for euermore. At
this time also there were 1200. families in that Iland, whereof the said
Ceadwalla gaue 300 to Wilfride sometime bishop of Yorke, exhorting him
to erect a church there, and preach the gospell also to the inhabitants
thereof, which he in like maner performed, but according to the
prescriptions of the church of Rome, wherevnto he yéelded himselfe
vassall and feudarie: so that this Ile by Wilfride was first conuerted
to the faith, though the last of all other that hearkened vnto the word.
After Ceadwalla, Woolfride the parricide was the first Saxon prince that
aduentured to flie into the Wight for his safegard, whither he was
driuen by Kenwalch of the Westsaxons, who made great warres vpon him,
and in the end compelled him to go into this place for succour, as did
also king Iohn, in the rebellious stir of his Barons, practised by the
clergie: the said Iland being as then in possession of the Forts, as
some doo write that haue handled it of purpose. The first Earle of this
Iland that I doo read of, was one Baldwijne de Betoun, who married for
his second wife, the daughter of William le Grosse Earle of Awmarle; but
he dieng without issue by this ladie, she was maried the second time to
Earle Maundeuille, and thirdlie to William de Fortes, who finished
Skipton castell, which his wiues father had begun about the time of king
Richard the first. Hereby it came to passe also, that the Forts were
Earls of Awmarle, Wight, and Deuonshire a long time, till the ladie
Elizabeth Fortes, sole heire to all those possessions came to age, with
whom king Edward the third so preuailed through monie & faire words,
that he gat the possession of the Wight wholie into his hands, & held it
to himselfe & his successors, vntill Henrie the sixt, about the
twentieth of his reigne, crowned Henrie Beauchamp sonne to the lord
Richard Earle of Warwike king thereof and of Iardesey and Gardesey with
his owne hands, and therevnto gaue him a commendation of the Dutchie of
Warwike with the titles of Comes comitum Angliæ, lord Spenser of
Aburgauenie, and of the castell of Bristow (which castell was sometime
taken from his ancestors by king Iohn) albeit he did not long enioy
these great honors, sith he died 1446. without issue, and seuen yéeres
after his father.