It is clear that the whole code of knightly honor was utterly unknown

to the ancients; for the simple reason that they always took a natural

and unprejudiced view of human affairs, and did not allow themselves

to be influenced by any such vicious and abominable folly. A blow

in the face was to them a blow and nothing more, a trivial physical

injury; whereas the moderns make a catastrophe out of it, a theme for

a tragedy; as, for instance, in the _Cid_ of Corneille, or in a

recent German comedy of middle-class life, called _The Power of

Circumstance_, which should have been entitled _The Power of

Prejudice_. If a member of the National Assembly at Paris got a blow

on the ear, it would resound from one end of Europe to the other. The

examples which I have given of the way in which such an occurrence

would have been treated in classic times may not suit the ideas of

_honorable people_; so let me recommend to their notice, as a kind of

antidote, the story of Monsieur Desglands in Diderot's masterpiece,

_Jacques le fataliste_. It is an excellent specimen of modern knightly

honor, which, no doubt, they will find enjoyable and edifying.[1]

[Footnote: 1: _Translator's Note_. The story to which Schopenhauer

here refers is briefly as follows: Two gentlemen, one of whom was

named Desglands, were paying court to the same lady. As they sat at

table side by side, with the lady opposite, Desglands did his best to

charm her with his conversation; but she pretended not to hear him,

and kept looking at his rival. In the agony of jealousy, Desglands, as

he was holding a fresh egg in his hand, involuntarily crushed it; the

shell broke, and its contents bespattered his rival's face. Seeing him

raise his hand, Desglands seized it and whispered: _Sir, I take it as

given_. The next day Desglands appeared with a large piece of black

sticking-plaster upon his right cheek. In the duel which followed,

Desglands severely wounded his rival; upon which he reduced the size

of the plaster. When his rival recovered, they had another duel;

Desglands drew blood again, and again made his plaster a little

smaller; and so on for five or six times. After every duel Desglands'

plaster grew less and less, until at last his rival.]

From what I have said it must be quite evident that the principle

of knightly honor has no essential and spontaneous origin in human

nature. It is an artificial product, and its source is not hard to

find. Its existence obviously dates from the time when people used

their fists more than their heads, when priestcraft had enchained the

human intellect, the much bepraised Middle Age, with its system of

chivalry. That was the time when people let the Almighty not only care

for them but judge for them too; when difficult cases were decided by

an ordeal, a _Judgment of God_; which, with few exceptions, meant

a duel, not only where nobles were concerned, but in the case of

ordinary citizens as well. There is a neat illustration of this in

Shakespeare's Henry VI.[1] Every judicial sentence was subject to an

appeal to arms--a court, as it were, of higher instance, namely, _the

Judgment of God_: and this really meant that physical strength and

activity, that is, our animal nature, usurped the place of reason on

the judgment seat, deciding in matters of right and wrong, not by what

a man had done, but by the force with which he was opposed, the same

system, in fact, as prevails to-day under the principles of knightly

honor. If any one doubts that such is really the origin of our modern

duel, let him read an excellent work by J.B. Millingen, _The History

of Dueling_.[2] Nay, you may still find amongst the supporters of

the system,--who, by the way are not usually the most educated or

thoughtful of men,--some who look upon the result of a duel as really

constituting a divine judgment in the matter in dispute; no doubt in

consequence of the traditional feeling on the subject.

But leaving aside the question of origin, it must now be clear to us

that the main tendency of the principle is to use physical menace for

the purpose of extorting an appearance of respect which is deemed too

difficult or superfluous to acquire in reality; a proceeding which

comes to much the same thing as if you were to prove the warmth of

your room by holding your hand on the thermometer and so make it rise.

In fact, the kernel of the matter is this: whereas civic honor aims

at peaceable intercourse, and consists in the opinion of other people

that _we deserve full confidence_, because we pay unconditional

respect to their rights; knightly honor, on the other hand, lays

down that _we are to be feared_, as being determined at all costs to

maintain our own.

As not much reliance can be placed upon human integrity, the principle

that it is more essential to arouse fear than to invite confidence

would not, perhaps, be a false one, if we were living in a state of

nature, where every man would have to protect himself and directly

maintain his own rights. But in civilized life, where the State

undertakes the protection of our person and property, the principle is

no longer applicable: it stands, like the castles and watch-towers of

the age when might was right, a useless and forlorn object, amidst

well-tilled fields and frequented roads, or even railways.

Accordingly, the application of knightly honor, which still recognizes

this principle, is confined to those small cases of personal assault

which meet with but slight punishment at the hands of the law, or even

none at all, for _de minimis non_,--mere trivial wrongs, committed

sometimes only in jest. The consequence of this limited application of

the principle is that it has forced itself into an exaggerated respect

for the value of the person,--a respect utterly alien to the nature,

constitution or destiny of man--which it has elated into a species

of sanctity: and as it considers that the State has imposed a very

insufficient penalty on the commission of such trivial injuries, it

takes upon itself to punish them by attacking the aggressor in life

or limb. The whole thing manifestly rests upon an excessive degree

of arrogant pride, which, completely forgetting what man really is,

claims that he shall be absolutely free from all attack or even

censure. Those who determine to carry out this principle by main

force, and announce, as their rule of action, _whoever insults or

strikes me shall die_! ought for their pains to be banished the

country.[1]

[Footnote 1: Knightly honor is the child of pride and folly, and it is

_needy_ not pride, which is the heritage of the human race. It is a

very remarkable fact that this extreme form of pride should be found

exclusively amongst the adherents of the religion which teaches the

deepest humility. Still, this pride must not be put down to religion,

but, rather, to the feudal system, which made every nobleman a petty

sovereign who recognized no human judge, and learned to regard his

person as sacred and inviolable, and any attack upon it, or any blow

or insulting word, as an offence punishable with death. The principle

of knightly honor and of the duel were at first confined to the

nobles, and, later on, also to officers in the army, who, enjoying a

kind of off-and-on relationship with the upper classes, though they

were never incorporated with them, were anxious not to be behind them.

It is true that duels were the product of the old ordeals; but

the latter are not the foundation, but rather the consequence and

application of the principle of honor: the man who recognized no human

judge appealed to the divine. Ordeals, however, are not peculiar to

Christendom: they may be found in great force among the Hindoos,

especially of ancient times; and there are traces of them even now.]

As a palliative to this rash arrogance, people are in the habit of

giving way on everything. If two intrepid persons meet, and neither

will give way, the slightest difference may cause a shower of abuse,

then fisticuffs, and, finally, a fatal blow: so that it would really

be a more decorous proceeding to omit the intermediate steps and

appeal to arms at once. An appeal to arms has its own special

formalities; and these have developed into a rigid and precise system

of laws and regulations, together forming the most solemn farce there

is--a regular temple of honor dedicated to folly! For if two intrepid

persons dispute over some trivial matter, (more important affairs are

dealt with by law), one of them, the cleverer of the two, will of

course yield; and they will agree to differ. That this is so is proved

by the fact that common people,--or, rather, the numerous classes of

the community who do not acknowledge the principle of knightly honor,

let any dispute run its natural course. Amongst these classes homicide

is a hundredfold rarer than amongst those--and they amount, perhaps,

in all, to hardly one in a thousand,--who pay homage to the principle:

and even blows are of no very frequent occurrence.

Then it has been said that the manners and tone of good society are

ultimately based upon this principle of honor, which, with its system

of duels, is made out to be a bulwark against the assaults of savagery

and rudeness. But Athens, Corinth and Rome could assuredly boast of

good, nay, excellent society, and manners and tone of a high order,

without any support from the bogey of knightly honor. It is true that

women did not occupy that prominent place in ancient society which

they hold now, when conversation has taken on a frivolous and

trifling character, to the exclusion of that weighty discourse which

distinguished the ancients.

This change has certainly contributed a great deal to bring about the

tendency, which is observable in good society now-a-days, to prefer

personal courage to the possession of any other quality. The fact is

that personal courage is really a very subordinate virtue,--merely the

distinguishing mark of a subaltern,--a virtue, indeed, in which we are

surpassed by the lower animals; or else you would not hear people say,

_as brave as a lion_. Far from being the pillar of society, knightly

honor affords a sure asylum, in general for dishonesty and wickedness,

and also for small incivilities, want of consideration and

unmannerliness. Rude behavior is often passed over in silence because

no one cares to risk his neck in correcting it.

After what I have said, it will not appear strange that the dueling

system is carried to the highest pitch of sanguinary zeal precisely in

that nation whose political and financial records show that they

are not too honorable. What that nation is like in its private and

domestic life, is a question which may be best put to those who are

experienced in the matter. Their urbanity and social culture have long

been conspicuous by their absence.

There is no truth, then, in such pretexts. It can be urged with more

justice that as, when you snarl at a dog, he snarls in return, and

when you pet him, he fawns; so it lies in the nature of men to return

hostility by hostility, and to be embittered and irritated at any

signs of depreciatory treatment or hatred: and, as Cicero says, _there

is something so penetrating in the shaft of envy that even men of

wisdom and worth find its wound a painful one_; and nowhere in the

world, except, perhaps, in a few religious sects, is an insult or a

blow taken with equanimity. And yet a natural view of either would

in no case demand anything more than a requital proportionate to the

offence, and would never go to the length of assigning _death_ as the

proper penalty for anyone who accuses another of lying or stupidity or

cowardice. The old German theory of _blood for a blow_ is a revolting

superstition of the age of chivalry. And in any case the return or

requital of an insult is dictated by anger, and not by any such

obligation of honor and duty as the advocates of chivalry seek to

attach to it. The fact is that, the greater the truth, the greater

the slander; and it is clear that the slightest hint of some real

delinquency will give much greater offence than a most terrible

accusation which is perfectly baseless: so that a man who is quite

sure that he has done nothing to deserve a reproach may treat it with

contempt, and will be safe in doing so. The theory of honor demands

that he shall show a susceptibility which he does not possess, and

take bloody vengeance for insults which he cannot feel. A man must

himself have but a poor opinion of his own worth who hastens to

prevent the utterance of an unfavorable opinion by giving his enemy a

black eye.

True appreciation of his own value will make a man really indifferent

to insult; but if he cannot help resenting it, a little shrewdness and

culture will enable him to save appearances and dissemble his anger.

If he could only get rid of this superstition about honor--the idea, I

mean, that it disappears when you are insulted, and can be restored by

returning the insult; if we could only stop people from thinking

that wrong, brutality and insolence can be legalized by expressing

readiness to give satisfaction, that is, to fight in defence of it,

we should all soon come to the general opinion that insult and

depreciation are like a battle in which the loser wins; and that, as

Vincenzo Monti says, abuse resembles a church-procession, because it

always returns to the point from which it set out. If we could only

get people to look upon insult in this light, we should no longer have

to say something rude in order to prove that we are in the right. Now,

unfortunately, if we want to take a serious view of any question, we

have first of all to consider whether it will not give offence in some

way or other to the dullard, who generally shows alarm and resentment

at the merest sign of intelligence; and it may easily happen that the

head which contains the intelligent view has to be pitted against the

noodle which is empty of everything but narrowness and stupidity. If

all this were done away with, intellectual superiority could take

the leading place in society which is its due--a place now occupied,

though people do not like to confess it, by excellence of physique,

mere fighting pluck, in fact; and the natural effect of such a change

would be that the best kind of people would have one reason the

less for withdrawing from society. This would pave the way for the

introduction of real courtesy and genuinely good society, such as

undoubtedly existed in Athens, Corinth and Rome. If anyone wants

to see a good example of what I mean, I should like him to read

Xenophon's _Banquet_.

The last argument in defence of knightly honor no doubt is, that,

but for its existence, the world--awful thought!--would be a regular

bear-garden. To which I may briefly reply that nine hundred and

ninety-nine people out of a thousand who do not recognize the code,

have often given and received a blow without any fatal consequences:

whereas amongst the adherents of the code a blow usually means death

to one of the parties. But let me examine this argument more closely.

I have often tried to find some tenable, or at any rate, plausible

basis--other than a merely conventional one--some positive reasons,

that is to say, for the rooted conviction which a portion of mankind

entertains, that a blow is a very dreadful thing; but I have looked

for it in vain, either in the animal or in the rational side of human

nature. A blow is, and always will be, a trivial physical injury which

one man can do to another; proving, thereby, nothing more than his

superiority in strength or skill, or that his enemy was off his guard.

Analysis will carry us no further. The same knight who regards a blow

from the human hand as the greatest of evils, if he gets a ten times

harder blow from his horse, will give you the assurance, as he limps

away in suppressed pain, that it is a matter of no consequence

whatever. So I have come to think that it is the human hand which is

at the bottom of the mischief. And yet in a battle the knight may get

cuts and thrusts from the same hand, and still assure you that his

wounds are not worth mentioning. Now, I hear that a blow from the flat

of a sword is not by any means so bad as a blow from a stick; and

that, a short time ago, cadets were liable to be punished by the one

but not the other, and that the very greatest honor of all is the

_accolade_. This is all the psychological or moral basis that I can

find; and so there is nothing left me but to pronounce the whole thing

an antiquated superstition that has taken deep root, and one more

of the many examples which show the force of tradition. My view is

confirmed by the well-known fact that in China a beating with a bamboo

is a very frequent punishment for the common people, and even for

officials of every class; which shows that human nature, even in a

highly civilized state, does not run in the same groove here and in

China.

On the contrary, an unprejudiced view of human nature shows that it is

just as natural for a man to beat as it is for savage animals to bite

and rend in pieces, or for horned beasts to butt or push. Man may be

said to be the animal that beats. Hence it is revolting to our sense

of the fitness of things to hear, as we sometimes do, that one man

bitten another; on the other hand, it is a natural and everyday

occurrence for him to get blows or give them. It is intelligible

enough that, as we become educated, we are glad to dispense with blows

by a system of mutual restraint. But it is a cruel thing to compel a

nation or a single class to regard a blow as an awful misfortune which

must have death and murder for its consequences. There are too

many genuine evils in the world to allow of our increasing them by

imaginary misfortunes, which brings real ones in their train: and yet

this is the precise effect of the superstition, which thus proves

itself at once stupid and malign.

It does not seem to me wise of governments and legislative bodies to

promote any such folly by attempting to do away with flogging as a

punishment in civil or military life. Their idea is that they are

acting in the interests of humanity; but, in point of fact, they are

doing just the opposite; for the abolition of flogging will serve only

to strengthen this inhuman and abominable superstition, to which so

many sacrifices have already been made. For all offences, except the

worst, a beating is the obvious, and therefore the natural penalty;

and a man who will not listen to reason will yield to blows. It seems

to me right and proper to administer corporal punishment to the man

who possesses nothing and therefore cannot be fined, or cannot be put

in prison because his master's interests would suffer by the loss of

his service. There are really no arguments against it: only mere talk

about _the dignity of man_--talk which proceeds, not from any clear

notions on the subject, but from the pernicious superstition I have

been describing. That it is a superstition which lies at the bottom of

the whole business is proved by an almost laughable example. Not

long ago, in the military discipline of many countries, the cat was

replaced by the stick. In either case the object was to produce

physical pain; but the latter method involved no disgrace, and was not

derogatory to honor.

By promoting this superstition, the State is playing into the hands of

the principle of knightly honor, and therefore of the duel; while at

the same time it is trying, or at any rate it pretends it is trying,

to abolish the duel by legislative enactment. As a natural consequence

we find that this fragment of the theory that _might is right_, which

has come down to us from the most savage days of the Middle Age, has

still in this nineteenth century a good deal of life left in it--more

shame to us! It is high time for the principle to be driven out bag

and baggage. Now-a-days no one is allowed to set dogs or cocks to

fight each other,--at any rate, in England it is a penal offence,--but

men are plunged into deadly strife, against their will, by the

operation of this ridiculous, superstitious and absurd principle,

which imposes upon us the obligation, as its narrow-minded supporters

and advocates declare, of fighting with one another like gladiators,

for any little trifle. Let me recommend our purists to adopt the

expression _baiting_[1] instead of _duel_, which probably comes to us,

not from the Latin _duellum_, but from the Spanish _duelo_,--meaning

suffering, nuisance, annoyance.

[Footnote 1: _Ritterhetze_]

In any case, we may well laugh at the pedantic excess to which this

foolish system has been carried. It is really revolting that this

principle, with its absurd code, can form a power within the

State--_imperium in imperio_--a power too easily put in motion, which,

recognizing no right but might, tyrannizes over the classes which come

within its range, by keeping up a sort of inquisition, before which

any one may be haled on the most flimsy pretext, and there and then be

tried on an issue of life and death between himself and his opponent.

This is the lurking place from which every rascal, if he only belongs

to the classes in question, may menace and even exterminate the

noblest and best of men, who, as such, must of course be an object of

hatred to him. Our system of justice and police-protection has made it

impossible in these days for any scoundrel in the street to attack us

with--_Your money or your life_! An end should be put to the burden

which weighs upon the higher classes--the burden, I mean, of having to

be ready every moment to expose life and limb to the mercy of anyone

who takes it into his rascally head to be coarse, rude, foolish or

malicious. It is perfectly atrocious that a pair of silly, passionate

boys should be wounded, maimed or even killed, simply because they

have had a few words.

The strength of this tyrannical power within the State, and the force

of the superstition, may be measured by the fact that people who are

prevented from restoring their knightly honor by the superior or

inferior rank of their aggressor, or anything else that puts the

persons on a different level, often come to a tragic-comic end by

committing suicide in sheer despair. You may generally know a thing

to be false and ridiculous by finding that, if it is carried to its

logical conclusion, it results in a contradiction; and here, too, we

have a very glaring absurdity. For an officer is forbidden to take

part in a duel; but if he is challenged and declines to come out, he

is punished by being dismissed the service.

As I am on the matter, let me be more frank still. The important

distinction, which is often insisted upon, between killing your enemy

in a fair fight with equal weapons, and lying in ambush for him, is

entirely a corollary of the fact that the power within the State, of

which I have spoken, recognizes no other right than might, that is,

the right of the stronger, and appeals to a _Judgment of God_ as the

basis of the whole code. For to kill a man in a fair fight, is to

prove that you are superior to him in strength or skill; and to

justify the deed, _you must assume that the right of the stronger is

really a right_.

But the truth is that, if my opponent is unable to defend himself, it

gives me the possibility, but not by any means the right, of killing

him. The _right_, the _moral justification_, must depend entirely upon

the _motives_ which I have for taking his life. Even supposing that I

have sufficient motive for taking a man's life, there is no reason

why I should make his death depend upon whether I can shoot or fence

better than he. In such a case, it is immaterial in what way I kill

him, whether I attack him from the front or the rear. From a moral

point of view, the right of the stronger is no more convincing than

the right of the more skillful; and it is skill which is employed if

you murder a a man treacherously. Might and skill are in this case

equally right; in a duel, for instance, both the one and the other

come into play; for a feint is only another name for treachery. If I

consider myself morally justified in taking a man's life, it is stupid

of me to try first of all whether he can shoot or fence better than

I; as, if he can, he will not only have wronged me, but have taken my

life into the bargain.

It is Rousseau's opinion that the proper way to avenge an insult is,

not to fight a duel with your aggressor, but to assassinate him,--an

opinion, however, which he is cautious enough only to barely indicate

in a mysterious note to one of the books of his _Emile_. This shows

the philosopher so completely under the influence of the mediaeval

superstition of knightly honor that he considers it justifiable to

murder a man who accuses you of lying: whilst he must have known that

every man, and himself especially, has deserved to have the lie given

him times without number.

The prejudice which justifies the killing of your adversary, so long

as it is done in an open contest and with equal weapons, obviously

looks upon might as really right, and a duel as the interference of

God. The Italian who, in a fit of rage, falls upon his aggressor

wherever he finds him, and despatches him without any ceremony, acts,

at any rate, consistently and naturally: he may be cleverer, but he is

not worse, than the duelist. If you say, I am justified in killing my

adversary in a duel, because he is at the moment doing his best to

kill me; I can reply that it is your challenge which has placed him

under the necessity of defending himself; and that by mutually putting

it on the ground of self-defence, the combatants are seeking a

plausible pretext for committing murder. I should rather justify the

deed by the legal maxim _Volenti non fit injuria_; because the parties

mutually agree to set their life upon the issue.

This argument may, however, be rebutted by showing that the injured

party is not injured _volens_; because it is this tyrannical principle

of knightly honor, with its absurd code, which forcibly drags one at

least of the combatants before a bloody inquisition.

I have been rather prolix on the subject of knightly honor, but I

had good reason for being so, because the Augean stable of moral and

intellectual enormity in this world can be cleaned out only with the

besom of philosophy. There are two things which more than all

else serve to make the social arrangements of modern life compare

unfavorably with those of antiquity, by giving our age a gloomy, dark

and sinister aspect, from which antiquity, fresh, natural and, as it

were, in the morning of life, is completely free; I mean modern honor

and modern disease,--_par nobile fratrum_!--which have combined to

poison all the relations of life, whether public or private. The

second of this noble pair extends its influence much farther than at

first appears to be the case, as being not merely a physical, but also

a moral disease. From the time that poisoned arrows have been found

in Cupid's quiver, an estranging, hostile, nay, devilish element has

entered into the relations of men and women, like a sinister thread

of fear and mistrust in the warp and woof of their intercourse;

indirectly shaking the foundations of human fellowship, and so more or

less affecting the whole tenor of existence. But it would be beside my

present purpose to pursue the subject further.

An influence analogous to this, though working on other lines, is

exerted by the principle of knightly honor,--that solemn farce,

unknown to the ancient world, which makes modern society stiff, gloomy

and timid, forcing us to keep the strictest watch on every word that

falls. Nor is this all. The principle is a universal Minotaur; and the

goodly company of the sons of noble houses which it demands in yearly

tribute, comes, not from one country alone, as of old, but from every

land in Europe. It is high time to make a regular attack upon this

foolish system; and this is what I am trying to do now. Would that

these two monsters of the modern world might disappear before the end

of the century!

Let us hope that medicine may be able to find some means of preventing

the one, and that, by clearing our ideals, philosophy may put an end

to the other: for it is only by clearing our ideas that the evil can

be eradicated. Governments have tried to do so by legislation, and

failed.

Still, if they are really concerned to stop the dueling system; and if

the small success that has attended their efforts is really due only

to their inability to cope with the evil, I do not mind proposing a

law the success of which I am prepared to guarantee. It will involve

no sanguinary measures, and can be put into operation without recourse

either to the scaffold or the gallows, or to imprisonment for life. It

is a small homeopathic pilule, with no serious after effects. If any

man send or accept a challenge, let the corporal take him before the

guard house, and there give him, in broad daylight, twelve strokes

with a stick _a la Chinoise_; a non-commissioned officer or a private

to receive six. If a duel has actually taken place, the usual criminal

proceedings should be instituted.

A person with knightly notions might, perhaps, object that, if such

a punishment were carried out, a man of honor would possibly shoot

himself; to which I should answer that it is better for a fool like

that to shoot himself rather than other people. However, I know very

well that governments are not really in earnest about putting down

dueling. Civil officials, and much more so, officers in the army,

(except those in the highest positions), are paid most inadequately

for the services they perform; and the deficiency is made up by honor,

which is represented by titles and orders, and, in general, by the

system of rank and distinction. The duel is, so to speak, a very

serviceable extra-horse for people of rank: so they are trained in the

knowledge of it at the universities. The accidents which happen to

those who use it make up in blood for the deficiency of the pay.

Just to complete the discussion, let me here mention the subject

of _national honor_. It is the honor of a nation as a unit in the

aggregate of nations. And as there is no court to appeal to but the

court of force; and as every nation must be prepared to defend its own

interests, the honor of a nation consists in establishing the opinion,

not only that it may be trusted (its credit), but also that it is to

be feared. An attack upon its rights must never be allowed to pass

unheeded. It is a combination of civic and knightly honor.

_Section 5.--Fame_.

Under the heading of place in the estimation of the world we have put

_Fame_; and this we must now proceed to consider.

Fame and honor are twins; and twins, too, like Castor and Pollux, of

whom the one was mortal and the other was not. Fame is the undying

brother of ephemeral honor. I speak, of course, of the highest kind of

fame, that is, of fame in the true and genuine sense of the word; for,

to be sure, there are many sorts of fame, some of which last but a

day. Honor is concerned merely with such qualities as everyone may be

expected to show under similar circumstances; fame only of those which

cannot be required of any man. Honor is of qualities which everyone

has a right to attribute to himself; fame only of those which should

be left to others to attribute. Whilst our honor extends as far as

people have knowledge of us; fame runs in advance, and makes us known

wherever it finds its way. Everyone can make a claim to honor; very

few to fame, as being attainable only in virtue of extraordinary

achievements.

These achievements may be of two kinds, either _actions_ or _works_;

and so to fame there are two paths open. On the path of actions, a

great heart is the chief recommendation; on that of works, a great

head. Each of the two paths has its own peculiar advantages and

detriments; and the chief difference between them is that actions are

fleeting, while works remain. The influence of an action, be it never

so noble, can last but a short time; but a work of genius is a living

influence, beneficial and ennobling throughout the ages. All that can

remain of actions is a memory, and that becomes weak and disfigured by

time--a matter of indifference to us, until at last it is extinguished

altogether; unless, indeed, history takes it up, and presents it,

fossilized, to posterity. Works are immortal in themselves, and once

committed to writing, may live for ever. Of Alexander the Great we

have but the name and the record; but Plato and Aristotle, Homer and

Horace are alive, and as directly at work to-day as they were in their

own lifetime. The _Vedas_, and their _Upanishads_, are still with us:

but of all contemporaneous actions not a trace has come down to us.[1]

[Footnote 1: Accordingly it is a poor compliment, though sometimes

a fashionable one, to try to pay honor to a work by calling it an

action. For a work is something essentially higher in its nature.

An action is always something based on motive, and, therefore,

fragmentary and fleeting--a part, in fact, of that Will which is the

universal and original element in the constitution of the world. But

a great and beautiful work has a permanent character, as being of

universal significance, and sprung from the Intellect, which rises,

like a perfume, above the faults and follies of the world of Will.

The fame of a great action has this advantage, that it generally

starts with a loud explosion; so loud, indeed, as to be heard all over

Europe: whereas the fame of a great work is slow and gradual in its

beginnings; the noise it makes is at first slight, but it goes on

growing greater, until at last, after a hundred years perhaps, it

attains its full force; but then it remains, because the works

remain, for thousands of years. But in the other case, when the first

explosion is over, the noise it makes grows less and less, and is

heard by fewer and fewer persons; until it ends by the action having

only a shadowy existence in the pages of history.]

Another disadvantage under which actions labor is that they depend

upon chance for the possibility of coming into existence; and hence,

the fame they win does not flow entirely from their intrinsic value,

but also from the circumstances which happened to lend them importance

and lustre. Again, the fame of actions, if, as in war, they are purely

personal, depends upon the testimony of fewer witnesses; and these

are not always present, and even if present, are not always just or

unbiased observers. This disadvantage, however, is counterbalanced

by the fact that actions have the advantage of being of a practical

character, and, therefore, within the range of general human

intelligence; so that once the facts have been correctly reported,

justice is immediately done; unless, indeed, the motive underlying the

action is not at first properly understood or appreciated. No action

can be really understood apart from the motive which prompted it.

It is just the contrary with works. Their inception does not depend

upon chance, but wholly and entirely upon their author; and whoever

they are in and for themselves, that they remain as long as they live.

Further, there is a difficulty in properly judging them, which becomes

all the harder, the higher their character; often there are no persons

competent to understand the work, and often no unbiased or honest

critics. Their fame, however, does not depend upon one judge only;

they can enter an appeal to another. In the case of actions, as I have

said, it is only their memory which comes down to posterity, and then

only in the traditional form; but works are handed down themselves,

and, except when parts of them have been lost, in the form in

which they first appeared. In this case there is no room for any

disfigurement of the facts; and any circumstance which may have

prejudiced them in their origin, fall away with the lapse of time.

Nay, it is often only after the lapse of time that the persons really

competent to judge them appear--exceptional critics sitting in

judgment on exceptional works, and giving their weighty verdicts in

succession. These collectively form a perfectly just appreciation; and

though there are cases where it has taken some hundreds of years to

form it, no further lapse of time is able to reverse the verdict;--so

secure and inevitable is the fame of a great work.

Whether authors ever live to see the dawn of their fame depends upon

the chance of circumstance; and the higher and more important their

works are, the less likelihood there is of their doing so. That was

an incomparable fine saying of Seneca's, that fame follows merit as

surely as the body casts a shadow; sometimes falling in front, and

sometimes behind. And he goes on to remark that _though the envy of

contemporaries be shown by universal silence, there will come those

who will judge without enmity or favor_. From this remark it is

manifest that even in Seneca's age there were rascals who understood

the art of suppressing merit by maliciously ignoring its existence,

and of concealing good work from the public in order to favor the bad:

it is an art well understood in our day, too, manifesting itself, both

then and now, in _an envious conspiracy of silence_.

As a general rule, the longer a man's fame is likely to last, the

later it will be in coming; for all excellent products require time

for their development. The fame which lasts to posterity is like an

oak, of very slow growth; and that which endures but a little while,

like plants which spring up in a year and then die; whilst false fame

is like a fungus, shooting up in a night and perishing as soon.

And why? For this reason; the more a man belongs to posterity, in

other words, to humanity in general, the more of an alien he is to his

contemporaries; since his work is not meant for them as such, but only

for them in so far as they form part of mankind at large; there is

none of that familiar local color about his productions which would

appeal to them; and so what he does, fails of recognition because it

is strange.

People are more likely to appreciate the man who serves the

circumstances of his own brief hour, or the temper of the

moment,--belonging to it, living and dying with it.

The general history of art and literature shows that the highest

achievements of the human mind are, as a rule, not favorably received

at first; but remain in obscurity until they win notice from

intelligence of a high order, by whose influence they are brought into

a position which they then maintain, in virtue of the authority thus

given them.

If the reason of this should be asked, it will be found that

ultimately, a man can really understand and appreciate those things

only which are of like nature with himself. The dull person will like

what is dull, and the common person what is common; a man whose ideas

are mixed will be attracted by confusion of thought; and folly will

appeal to him who has no brains at all; but best of all, a man will

like his own works, as being of a character thoroughly at one with

himself. This is a truth as old as Epicharmus of fabulous memory--

[Greek: Thaumaston ouden esti me tauth outo legein

Kal andanein autoisin autous kal dokein

Kalos pethukenai kal gar ho kuon kuni

Kalloton eimen phainetai koi bous boi

Onos dono kalliston [estin], us dut.]

The sense of this passage--for it should not be lost--is that we

should not be surprised if people are pleased with themselves, and

fancy that they are in good case; for to a dog the best thing in the

world is a dog; to an ox, an ox; to an ass, an ass; and to a sow, a

sow.

The strongest arm is unavailing to give impetus to a featherweight;

for, instead of speeding on its way and hitting its mark with effect,

it will soon fall to the ground, having expended what little energy

was given to it, and possessing no mass of its own to be the vehicle

of momentum. So it is with great and noble thoughts, nay, with the

very masterpieces of genius, when there are none but little, weak, and

perverse minds to appreciate them,--a fact which has been deplored

by a chorus of the wise in all ages. Jesus, the son of Sirach, for

instance, declares that _He that telleth a tale to a fool speaketh to

one in slumber: when he hath told his tale, he will say, What is the

matter_?[1] And Hamlet says, _A knavish speech sleeps in a fool's

ear_.[2] And Goethe is of the same opinion, that a dull ear mocks at

the wisest word,

_Das glücktichste Wort es wird verhöhnt,

Wenn der Hörer ein Schiefohr ist_:

and again, that we should not be discouraged if people are stupid, for

you can make no rings if you throw your stone into a marsh.

_Du iwirkest nicht, Alles bleibt so stumpf:

Sei guter Dinge!

Der Stein in Sumpf

Macht keine Ringe_.

[Footnote 1: Ecclesiasticus, xxii., 8.]

[Footnote 2: Act iv., Sc. 2.]

Lichtenberg asks: _When a head and a book come into collision, and one

sounds hollow, is it always the book_? And in another place: _Works

like this are as a mirror; if an ass looks in, you cannot expect an

apostle to look out_. We should do well to remember old Gellert's

fine and touching lament, that the best gifts of all find the fewest

admirers, and that most men mistake the bad for the good,--a daily

evil that nothing can prevent, like a plague which no remedy can cure.

There is but one thing to be done, though how difficult!--the foolish

must become wise,--and that they can never be. The value of life they

never know; they see with the outer eye but never with the mind, and

praise the trivial because the good is strange to them:--

_Nie kennen sie den Werth der Dinge,

Ihr Auge schliesst, nicht ihr Verstand;

Sie loben ewig das Geringe

Weil sie das Gute nie gekannt_.

To the intellectual incapacity which, as Goethe says, fails to

recognize and appreciate the good which exists, must be added

something which comes into play everywhere, the moral baseness of

mankind, here taking the form of envy. The new fame that a man wins

raises him afresh over the heads of his fellows, who are thus degraded

in proportion. All conspicuous merit is obtained at the cost of those

who possess none; or, as Goethe has it in the _Westöstlicher Divan_,

another's praise is one's own depreciation--

_Wenn wir Andern Ehre geben

Müssen wir uns selbst entadeln_.

We see, then, how it is that, whatever be the form which excellence

takes, mediocrity, the common lot of by far the greatest number, is

leagued against it in a conspiracy to resist, and if possible, to

suppress it. The pass-word of this league is _à bas le mérite_. Nay

more; those who have done something themselves, and enjoy a certain

amount of fame, do not care about the appearance of a new reputation,

because its success is apt to throw theirs into the shade. Hence,

Goethe declares that if we had to depend for our life upon the favor

of others, we should never have lived at all; from their desire

to appear important themselves, people gladly ignore our very

existence:--

_Hätte ich gezaudert zu werden,

Bis man mir's Leben geögnut,

Ich wäre noch nicht auf Erden,

Wie ihr begreifen könnt,

Wenn ihr seht, wie sie sich geberden,

Die, um etwas zu scheinen,

Mich gerne mochten verneinen_.

Honor, on the contrary, generally meets with fair appreciation, and is

not exposed to the onslaught of envy; nay, every man is credited with

the possession of it until the contrary is proved. But fame has to be

won in despite of envy, and the tribunal which awards the laurel is

composed of judges biased against the applicant from the very first.

Honor is something which we are able and ready to share with everyone;

fame suffers encroachment and is rendered more unattainable in

proportion as more people come by it. Further, the difficulty of

winning fame by any given work stands in reverse ratio to the number

of people who are likely to read it; and hence it is so much harder

to become famous as the author of a learned work than as a writer

who aspires only to amuse. It is hardest of all in the case of

philosophical works, because the result at which they aim is rather

vague, and, at the same time, useless from a material point of view;

they appeal chiefly to readers who are working on the same lines

themselves.

It is clear, then, from what I have said as to the difficulty of

winning fame, that those who labor, not out of love for their subject,

nor from pleasure in pursuing it, but under the stimulus of ambition,

rarely or never leave mankind a legacy of immortal works. The man who

seeks to do what is good and genuine, must avoid what is bad, and be

ready to defy the opinions of the mob, nay, even to despise it and its

misleaders. Hence the truth of the remark, (especially insisted upon

by Osorius _de Gloria_), that fame shuns those who seek it, and seeks

those who shun it; for the one adapt themselves to the taste of their

contemporaries, and the others work in defiance of it.

But, difficult though it be to acquire fame, it is an easy thing to

keep when once acquired. Here, again, fame is in direct opposition to

honor, with which everyone is presumably to be accredited. Honor

has not to be won; it must only not be lost. But there lies the

difficulty! For by a single unworthy action, it is gone irretrievably.

But fame, in the proper sense of the word, can never disappear; for

the action or work by which it was acquired can never be undone; and

fame attaches to its author, even though he does nothing to deserve it

anew. The fame which vanishes, or is outlived, proves itself thereby

to be spurious, in other words, unmerited, and due to a momentary

overestimate of a man's work; not to speak of the kind of fame which

Hegel enjoyed, and which Lichtenberg describes as _trumpeted forth by

a clique of admiring undergraduates_--_the resounding echo of empty

heads_;--_such a fame as will make posterity smile when it lights upon

a grotesque architecture of words, a fine nest with the birds long

ago flown; it will knock at the door of this decayed structure of

conventionalities and find it utterly empty_!--_not even a trace of

thought there to invite the passer-by_.

The truth is that fame means nothing but what a man is in comparison

with others. It is essentially relative in character, and therefore

only indirectly valuable; for it vanishes the moment other people

become what the famous man is. Absolute value can be predicated only

of what a man possesses under any and all circumstances,--here, what a

man is directly and in himself. It is the possession of a great heart

or a great head, and not the mere fame of it, which is worth having,

and conducive to happiness. Not fame, but that which deserves to be

famous, is what a man should hold in esteem. This is, as it were, the

true underlying substance, and fame is only an accident, affecting its

subject chiefly as a kind of external symptom, which serves to confirm

his own opinion of himself. Light is not visible unless it meets with

something to reflect it; and talent is sure of itself only when its

fame is noised abroad. But fame is not a certain symptom of merit;

because you can have the one without the other; or, as Lessing nicely

puts it, _Some people obtain fame, and others deserve it_.

It would be a miserable existence which should make its value or want

of value depend upon what other people think; but such would be the

life of a hero or a genius if its worth consisted in fame, that is,

in the applause of the world. Every man lives and exists on his own

account, and, therefore, mainly in and for himself; and what he is and

the whole manner of his being concern himself more than anyone else;

so if he is not worth much in this respect, he cannot be worth much

otherwise. The idea which other people form of his existence is

something secondary, derivative, exposed to all the chances of fate,

and in the end affecting him but very indirectly. Besides, other

people's heads are a wretched place to be the home of a man's true

happiness--a fanciful happiness perhaps, but not a real one.

And what a mixed company inhabits the Temple of Universal

Fame!--generals, ministers, charlatans, jugglers, dancers, singers,

millionaires and Jews! It is a temple in which more sincere

recognition, more genuine esteem, is given to the several excellencies

of such folk, than to superiority of mind, even of a high order, which

obtains from the great majority only a verbal acknowledgment.

From the point of view of human happiness, fame is, surely, nothing

but a very rare and delicate morsel for the appetite that feeds on

pride and vanity--an appetite which, however carefully concealed,

exists to an immoderate degree in every man, and is, perhaps strongest

of all in those who set their hearts on becoming famous at any cost.

Such people generally have to wait some time in uncertainty as to

their own value, before the opportunity comes which will put it to the

proof and let other people see what they are made of; but until then,

they feel as if they were suffering secret injustice.[1]

[Footnote 1: Our greatest pleasure consists in being admired; but

those who admire us, even if they have every reason to do so, are slow

to express their sentiments. Hence he is the happiest man who, no

matter how, manages sincerely to admire himself--so long as other

people leave him alone.]

But, as I explained at the beginning of this chapter, an

unreasonable value is set upon other people's opinion, and one quite

disproportionate to its real worth. Hobbes has some strong remarks on

this subject; and no doubt he is quite right. _Mental pleasure_, he

writes, _and ecstacy of any kind, arise when, on comparing ourselves

with others, we come to the conclusion that we may think well of

ourselves_. So we can easily understand the great value which is

always attached to fame, as worth any sacrifices if there is the

slightest hope of attaining it.

_Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise_

_(That hath infirmity of noble mind)_

_To scorn delights and live laborious days_[1]

And again:

_How hard it is to climb

The heights where Fame's proud temple shines afar_!

[Footnote 1: Milton. _Lycidas_.]

We can thus understand how it is that the vainest people in the world

are always talking about _la gloire_, with the most implicit faith in

it as a stimulus to great actions and great works. But there can he no

doubt that fame is something secondary in its character, a mere echo

or reflection--as it were, a shadow or symptom--of merit: and, in

any case, what excites admiration must be of more value than the

admiration itself. The truth is that a man is made happy, not by fame,

but by that which brings him fame, by his merits, or to speak more

correctly, by the disposition and capacity from which his merits

proceed, whether they be moral or intellectual. The best side of a

man's nature must of necessity be more important for him than for

anyone else: the reflection of it, the opinion which exists in the

heads of others, is a matter that can affect him only in a very

subordinate degree. He who deserves fame without getting it possesses

by far the more important element of happiness, which should console

him for the loss of the other. It is not that a man is thought to be

great by masses of incompetent and often infatuated people, but that

he really is great, which should move us to envy his position; and his

happiness lies, not in the fact that posterity will hear of him, but

that he is the creator of thoughts worthy to be treasured up and

studied for hundreds of years.

Besides, if a man has done this, he possesses something which cannot

be wrested from him; and, unlike fame, it is a possession dependent

entirely upon himself. If admiration were his chief aim, there would

be nothing in him to admire. This is just what happens in the case

of false, that is, unmerited, fame; for its recipient lives upon it

without actually possessing the solid substratum of which fame is the

outward and visible sign. False fame must often put its possessor out

of conceit with himself; for the time may come when, in spite of the

illusions borne of self-love, he will feel giddy on the heights which

he was never meant to climb, or look upon himself as spurious

coin; and in the anguish of threatened discovery and well-merited

degradation, he will read the sentence of posterity on the foreheads

of the wise--like a man who owes his property to a forged will.

The truest fame, the fame that comes after death, is never heard of by

its recipient; and yet he is called a happy man.

His happiness lay both in the possession of those great qualities

which won him fame, and in the opportunity that was granted him of

developing them--the leisure he had to act as he pleased, to dedicate

himself to his favorite pursuits. It is only work done from the heart

that ever gains the laurel.

Greatness of soul, or wealth of intellect, is what makes a man

happy--intellect, such as, when stamped on its productions, will

receive the admiration of centuries to come,--thoughts which make him

happy at the time, and will in their turn be a source of study and

delight to the noblest minds of the most remote posterity. The value

of posthumous fame lies in deserving it; and this is its own reward.

Whether works destined to fame attain it in the lifetime of their

author is a chance affair, of no very great importance. For the

average man has no critical power of his own, and is absolutely

incapable of appreciating the difficulty of a great work. People are

always swayed by authority; and where fame is widespread, it means

that ninety-nine out of a hundred take it on faith alone. If a man is

famed far and wide in his own lifetime, he will, if he is wise, not

set too much value upon it, because it is no more than the echo of a

few voices, which the chance of a day has touched in his favor.

Would a musician feel flattered by the loud applause of an audience

if he knew that they were nearly all deaf, and that, to conceal their

infirmity, they set to work to clap vigorously as soon as ever they

saw one or two persons applauding? And what would he say if he got to

know that those one or two persons had often taken bribes to secure

the loudest applause for the poorest player!

It is easy to see why contemporary praise so seldom develops into

posthumous fame. D'Alembert, in an extremely fine description of the

temple of literary fame, remarks that the sanctuary of the temple is

inhabited by the great dead, who during their life had no place there,

and by a very few living persons, who are nearly all ejected on their

death. Let me remark, in passing, that to erect a monument to a man

in his lifetime is as much as declaring that posterity is not to be

trusted in its judgment of him. If a man does happen to see his own

true fame, it can very rarely be before he is old, though there have

been artists and musicians who have been exceptions to this rule, but

very few philosophers. This is confirmed by the portraits of people

celebrated by their works; for most of them are taken only after their

subjects have attained celebrity, generally depicting them as old and

grey; more especially if philosophy has been the work of their lives.

From the eudaemonistic standpoint, this is a very proper arrangement;

as fame and youth are too much for a mortal at one and the same time.

Life is such a poor business that the strictest economy must be

exercised in its good things. Youth has enough and to spare in itself,

and must rest content with what it has. But when the delights and joys

of life fall away in old age, as the leaves from a tree in autumn,

fame buds forth opportunely, like a plant that is green in winter.

Fame is, as it were, the fruit that must grow all the summer before it

can be enjoyed at Yule. There is no greater consolation in age than

the feeling of having put the whole force of one's youth into works

which still remain young.

Finally, let us examine a little more closely the kinds of fame which

attach to various intellectual pursuits; for it is with fame of this

sort that my remarks are more immediately concerned.

I think it may be said broadly that the intellectual superiority it

denotes consists in forming theories, that is, new combinations of

certain facts. These facts may be of very different kinds; but

the better they are known, and the more they come within everyday

experience, the greater and wider will be the fame which is to be won

by theorizing about them.

For instance, if the facts in question are numbers or lines or special

branches of science, such as physics, zoology, botany, anatomy, or

corrupt passages in ancient authors, or undecipherable inscriptions,

written, it may be, in some unknown alphabet, or obscure points

in history; the kind of fame that may be obtained by correctly

manipulating such facts will not extend much beyond those who make a

study of them--a small number of persons, most of whom live retired

lives and are envious of others who become famous in their special

branch of knowledge.

But if the facts be such as are known to everyone, for example, the

fundamental characteristics of the human mind or the human heart,

which are shared by all alike; or the great physical agencies which

are constantly in operation before our eyes, or the general course of

natural laws; the kind of fame which is to be won by spreading the

light of a new and manifestly true theory in regard to them, is such

as in time will extend almost all over the civilized world: for if the

facts be such as everyone can grasp, the theory also will be generally

intelligible. But the extent of the fame will depend upon the

difficulties overcome; and the more generally known the facts are, the

harder it will be to form a theory that shall be both new and true:

because a great many heads will have been occupied with them, and

there will be little or no possibility of saying anything that has not

been said before.

On the other hand, facts which are not accessible to everybody, and

can be got at only after much difficulty and labor, nearly

always admit of new combinations and theories; so that, if sound

understanding and judgment are brought to bear upon them--qualities

which do not involve very high intellectual power--a man may easily be

so fortunate as to light upon some new theory in regard to them which

shall be also true. But fame won on such paths does not extend much

beyond those who possess a knowledge of the facts in question. To

solve problems of this sort requires, no doubt, a great ideal of study

and labor, if only to get at the facts; whilst on the path where the

greatest and most widespread fame is to be won, the facts may be

grasped without any labor at all. But just in proportion as less labor

is necessary, more talent or genius is required; and between such

qualities and the drudgery of research no comparison is possible, in

respect either of their intrinsic value, or of the estimation in which

they are held.

And so people who feel that they possess solid intellectual capacity

and a sound judgment, and yet cannot claim the highest mental powers,

should not be afraid of laborious study; for by its aid they may

work themselves above the great mob of humanity who have the facts

constantly before their eyes, and reach those secluded spots which are

accessible to learned toil.

For this is a sphere where there are infinitely fewer rivals, and

a man of only moderate capacity may soon find an opportunity of

proclaiming a theory which shall be both new and true; nay, the merit

of his discovery will partly rest upon the difficulty of coming at

the facts. But applause from one's fellow-students, who are the only

persons with a knowledge of the subject, sounds very faint to the

far-off multitude. And if we follow up this sort of fame far enough,

we shall at last come to a point where facts very difficult to get at

are in themselves sufficient to lay a foundation of fame, without any

necessity for forming a theory;--travels, for instance, in remote and

little-known countries, which make a man famous by what he has seen,

not by what he has thought. The great advantage of this kind of fame

is that to relate what one has seen, is much easier than to impart

one's thoughts, and people are apt to understand descriptions better

than ideas, reading the one more readily than the other: for, as Asmus

says,

_When one goes forth a-voyaging

He has a tale to tell_.

And yet for all that, a personal acquaintance with celebrated

travelers often remind us of a line from Horace--new scenes do not

always mean new ideas--

_Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt_.[1]

[Footnote 1: Epist. I. II.]

But if a man finds himself in possession of great mental faculties,

such as alone should venture on the solution of the hardest of all

problems--those which concern nature as a whole and humanity in its

widest range, he will do well to extend his view equally in all

directions, without ever straying too far amid the intricacies of

various by-paths, or invading regions little known; in other words,

without occupying himself with special branches of knowledge, to say

nothing of their petty details. There is no necessity for him to

seek out subjects difficult of access, in order to escape a crowd of

rivals; the common objects of life will give him material for new

theories at once serious and true; and the service he renders will be

appreciated by all those--and they form a great part of mankind--who

know the facts of which he treats. What a vast distinction there is

between students of physics, chemistry, anatomy, mineralogy, zoology,

philology, history, and the men who deal with the great facts of human

life, the poet and the philosopher!

The Essays of Arthur Schopenhauer: the Wisdom of Life · 第 5 / 5 章