discouraged army is one of the most astonishing chapters in the whole
history of the Conquest. Wounded, impoverished, greatly reduced in
numbers and broken in spirit by the terrible experience through which
they had passed, they demanded that the expedition should be abandoned
and themselves conveyed back to Cuba. Before long, the practical wisdom
and personal influence of Cortes had recovered them, reanimated their
spirits, and inspired them with fresh zeal for conquest, and now for
revenge. He added to their numbers the very men sent against him by
Velasquez at this juncture, whom he persuaded to join him; and had the
same success with the members of another rival expedition from Jamaica.
Eventually he set out once more for Mexico, with a force of nearly six
hundred Spaniards, and a number of allies from Tlascala.
_IV.--The Siege and Capture of Mexico_
The siege of Mexico is one of the most memorable and most disastrous
sieges of history. Cortes disposed his troops so as to occupy the three
great causeways leading from the shore of the lake to the city, and thus
cut off the enemy from their sources of supply. He was strong in the
possession of twelve brigantines, built by his orders, which swept the
lake with their guns and frequently defeated the manoeuvres of the
enemy, to whom a sailing ship was as new and as terrible a phenomenon as
were firearms and cavalry. But the Aztecs were strong in numbers, and in
their deadly hatred of the invader, the young emperor, Guatemozin,
opposed to the Spaniards a spirit as dauntless as that of Cortes
himself. Again and again, by fierce attack, by stratagem, and by their
indefatigable labours, the Aztecs inflicted checks, and sometimes even
disaster, upon the Spaniards. Many of these, and of their Indian allies,
fell, or were carried off to suffer the worse fate of the sacrificial
victim. The priests promised the vengeance of the gods upon the
strangers, and at one point Cortes saw his allies melting away from him,
under the power of this superstitious fear. But the threats were
unfulfilled, the allies returned, and doom settled down upon the city.
Famine and pestilence raged with it, and all the worst horrors of a
siege were suffered by the inhabitants.
But still they remained implacable, fighting to their last breath, and
refusing to listen to the repeated and urgent offers of Cortes to spare
them and their property if they would capitulate. It was not until the
15th of August, 1521, that the siege, which began in the latter part of
May, was brought to an end. After a final offer of terms, which
Guatemozin still refused, Cortes made the final assault, and carried the
city in face of a resistance now sorely enfeebled but still heroic.
Guatemozin, attempting to escape with his wife and some followers to the
shore of the lake, was intercepted by one of the brigantines and carried
to Cortes. He bore himself with all the dignity that belonged to his
courage, and was met by Cortes in a manner worthy of it. He and his
train was courteously treated and well entertained.
Meanwhile, at Guatemozin's request, the population of Mexico were
allowed to leave the city for the surrounding country; and after this
the Spaniards set themselves to the much-needed work of cleansing the
city. They were greatly disappointed in their hope of treasure, which
the Aztecs had so effectively hidden that only a small part of the
expected riches was ever discovered. It is a blot upon the history of
the war that Cortes, yielding to the importunity of his soldiers,
permitted Guatemozin to be tortured, in order to gain information
regarding the treasure. But no information of value could be wrung from
him, and the treasure remained hidden.
At the very time of his distinguished successes in Mexico, the fortunes
of Cortes hung in the balance in Spain. His enemy Velasquez, governor of
Cuba, and the latter's friends at home, made such complaint of his
conduct that a commissioner was sent to Vera Cruz to apprehend Cortes
and bring him to trial. But, as usual, the hostile effort failed, and
the commissioner sailed for Cuba, having accomplished nothing. The
friends of Cortes, on the other hand, made counter-charges, in which
they showed that his enemies had done all in their power to hinder him
in what was a magnificent effort on behalf of the Spanish dominion, and
asked if the council were prepared to dishonour the man who, in the face
of such obstacles, and with scarcely other resources than what he found
in himself, had won an empire for Castile, such as was possessed by no
European potentate. This appeal was irresistible. However irregular had
been the manner of proceeding, no one could deny the grandeur of the
results. The acts of Cortes were confirmed in their full extent. He was
constituted Governor, Captain General, and Chief Justice of New Spain,
as the province was called, and his army was complimented by the
emperor, fully acknowledging its services.
The news of this was received in New Spain with general acclamation. The
mind of Cortes was set at ease as to the past, and he saw opening before
him a noble theatre for future enterprise. His career, ever one of
adventure and of arms, was still brilliant and still chequered. He fell
once more under suspicion in Spain, and at last determined to present
himself in person before his sovereign, to assert his innocence and
claim redress. Favourably received by Charles V., he subsequently
returned to Mexico, pursued difficult and dangerous voyages of
discovery, and ultimately returned to Spain, where he died in 1547.
The history of the Conquest of Mexico is the history of Cortes, who was
its very soul. He was a typical knight-errant; more than this, he was a
great commander. There is probably no instance in history where so vast
an enterprise has been achieved by means apparently so inadequate. He
may be truly said to have effected the conquest by his own resources. It
was the force of his genius that obtained command of the co-operation of
the Indian tribes. He arrested the arm that was lifted to smite him, he
did not desert himself. He brought together the most miscellaneous
collection of mercenaries who ever fought under one standard,--men with
hardly a common tie, and burning with the spirit of jealousy and
faction; wild tribes of the natives also, who had been sworn enemies
from their cradles. Yet this motley congregation was assembled in one
camp, to breathe one spirit, and to move on a common principle of
action.
As regards the whole character of his enterprise, which seems to modern
eyes a bloody and at first quite unmerited war waged against the Indian
nations, it must be remembered that Cortes and his soldiers fought in
the belief that their victories were the victories of the Cross, and
that any war resulting in the conversion of the enemy to Christianity,
even as by force, was a righteous and meritorious war. This
consideration dwelt in their minds, mingling indeed with the desire for
glory and for gain, but without doubt influencing them powerfully. This
is at any rate one of the clues to this extraordinary chapter of
history, so full of suffering and bloodshed, and at the same time of
unsurpassed courage and heroism on every side.
* * * * *
History of the Conquest of Peru
The "History of the Conquest of Peru," which appeared in 1847,
followed Prescott's "History of the Conquest of Mexico." It is
a vivid and picturesque narrative of one of the most romantic,
if also in some ways one of the darkest, episodes in history.
It is impossible in a small compass to convey a tithe of the
astonishing series of hairbreadth escapes, of conquest over
tremendous odds, and of rapid eventualities which make up this
kaleidoscopic story.
_I.--The Realm of the Incas_
Among the rumours which circulated among the ambitious adventurers of
the New World, one of the most dazzling was that of a rich empire far to
the south, a very El Dorado, where gold was as abundant as were the
common metals in the Old World, and where precious stones were to be
had, almost for the picking up. These rumours fired the hopes of three
men in the Spanish colony at Panama, namely, Francisco Pizarro and Diego
de Almagro, both soldiers of fortune, and Hernando de Luque, a Spanish
priest. As it was primarily from the efforts of these three that that
astonishing episode, the Spanish conquest of Peru, came to pass.
The character of that empire which the Spaniards discovered and
undertook to conquer may be briefly sketched.
According to the traditions of Peru, there had come to that country,
then lying in barbarism and darkness, two "Children of the Sun." These
had taught them wise customs and the arts of civilisation, and from them
had sprung by direct descent the Incas, who thus ruled over them by a
divine right. Besides the ruling Inca, whose person and decrees received
an honour that was almost worship, there were numerous nobles, also of
the royal blood, who formed a ruling caste. These were held in great
honour, and were evidently of a race superior to the common people, a
fact to which the very shape of their skulls testifies.
The government was developed to an extraordinary pitch of control over
even the private lives of the people. The whole land and produce of the
country were divided into three parts, one for the Sun, the supreme
national deity; one for the Inca, and the third for the people. This
last was divided among them according to their needs, especially
according to the size of their families, and the distribution of land
was made afresh each year. On this principle, no one could suffer from
poverty, and no one could rise by his efforts to a higher position than
that which birth and circumstances allotted to him. The government
prescribed to every man his local habitation, his sphere of action, nay,
the very nature and quality of that action. He ceased to be a free
agent; it might almost be said, that it relieved him of personal
responsibility. Even his marriage was determined for him; from time to
time all the men and women who had attained marriageable age were
summoned to the great squares of their respective towns, and the hands
of the couples joined by the presiding magistrate. The consent of
parents was required, and the preference of the parties was supposed to
be consulted, but owing to the barriers imposed by the prescribed age of
the parties, this must have been within rather narrow limits. A dwelling
was prepared for each couple at the charge of the district, and the
prescribed portion of land assigned for their maintenance.
The country as a whole was divided into four great provinces, each ruled
by a viceroy. Below him, there was a minute subdivision of supervision
and authority, down to the division into decades, by which every tenth
man was responsible for his nine countrymen.
The tribunals of justice were simple and swift in their procedure, and
all responsible to the Crown, to whom regular reports were forwarded,
and who was thus in a position to review and rectify any abuses in the
administration of the law.
The organisation of the country was altogether on a much higher level
than that encountered by the Spaniards in any other part of the American
continent. There was, for example, a complete census of the people
periodically taken. There was a system of posts, carried by runners,
more efficient and complete than any such system in Europe. There was,
lastly, a method of embodying in the empire any conquered country which
can only be compared to the Roman method. Local customs were interfered
with as little as possible, local gods were carried to Cuzco and
honoured in the pantheon there, and the chiefs of the country were also
brought to the capital, where they were honoured and by every possible
means attached to the new _régime_. The language of the capital was
diffused everywhere, and every inducement to learn it offered, so that
the difficulty presented by the variety of dialects was overcome. Thus
the Empire of the Incas achieved a solidarity very different from the
loose and often unwilling cohesion of the various parts of the Mexican
empire, which was ready to fall to pieces as soon as opportunity
offered. The Peruvian empire arose as one great fabric, composed of
numerous and even hostile tribes, yet, under the influence of a common
religion, common language, and common government, knit together as one
nation, animated by a spirit of love for its institutions and devoted
loyalty to its sovereign. They all learned thus to bow in unquestioning
obedience to the decrees of the divine Inca. For the government of the
Incas, while it was the mildest, was the most searching of despotisms.
_II.--First Steps Towards Conquest_
It was early in the sixteenth century that tidings of the golden empire
in the south reached the Spaniards, and more than one effort was made to
discover it. But these proved abortive, and it was not until after the
brilliant conquest of Mexico by Cortes that the enterprise destined for
success was set on foot. Then, in 1524, Francisco Pizarro, Almagro, and
Father Luque united their efforts to pursue the design of discovering
and conquering this rich realm of the south. The first expedition,
sailing under Pizarro in 1524, was unable to proceed more than a certain
distance owing to their inadequate numbers and scanty outfit, and
returned to Panama to seek reinforcements. Then, in 1526, the three
coadjutors signed a contract which has become famous. The two captains
solemnly engaged to devote themselves to the undertaking until it should
be accomplished, and to share equally with Father Luque all gains, both
of land and treasure, which should accrue from the expedition. This last
provision was in recognition of the fact that the priest had supplied by
far the greater part of the funds required, or apparently did so, for
from another document it appears that he was only the representative of
the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, then at Panama, who really furnished
the money.
The next expedition met with great vicissitudes, and it was only the
invincible spirit of Pizarro which carried them as far as the Gulf of
Guayaquil and the rich city of Tumbez. Hence they returned once more to
Panama, carrying this time better tidings, and again seeking
reinforcements. But the governor of the colony gave them no
encouragement, and at last it was decided that Pizarro should go to
Spain and apply for help from the Crown. He did so, and in 1529 was
executed the memorable "Capitulation" which defined the powers and
privileges of Pizarro. It granted to Pizarro the right of discovery and
conquest in the province of Peru, (or New Castile as it was then
called,) the title of Governor, and a salary, with inferior honours for
his associates; all these to be enjoyed on the conquest of the country,
and the salaries to be derived from its revenues. Pizarro was to provide
for the good government and protection of the natives, and to carry with
him a specified number of ecclesiastics to care for their spiritual
welfare.
On Pizarro's return to America, he had to contend with the discontent of
Almagro at the unequal distribution of authority and honours, but after
he had been somewhat appeased by the efforts of Pizarro the third
expedition set sail in January, 1531. It comprised three ships, carrying
180 men and 27 horses--a slender enough force for the conquest of an
empire.
After various adventures, the Spaniards landed at Tumbez, and in May,
1532, set out from there to march along the coast. After founding a town
some thirty leagues south of Tumbez, which he named San Miguel, he
marched into the interior with the bold design of meeting the Inca
himself. He came at a moment when Peru was but just emerging from a
civil conflict, in which Atahuallpa had routed the rival and more
legitimate claimant to the throne of the Incas, Huascar. On his march,
Pizarro was met by an envoy from the Inca, inviting him to visit him in
his camp, with, as Pizarro guessed, no friendly intent. This coincided,
however, with the purpose of Pizarro, and he pressed forward. When his
soldiers showed signs of discouragement in face of the great dangers
before them, Pizarro addressed them thus:
"Let every one of you take heart and go forward like a good soldier,
nothing daunted by the smallness of your numbers. For in the greatest
extremity God ever fights for His own; and doubt not He will humble the
pride of the heathen, and bring him to the knowledge of the true faith,
the great end and object of the Conquest." The enthusiasm of the troops
was at once rekindled. "Lead on!" they shouted as he finished his
address. "Lead on wherever you think best! We will follow with goodwill;
and you shall see that we can do our duty in the cause of God and the
king!"
They had need of all their daring. For when they had penetrated to
Caxamalca they found the Inca encamped there at the head of a great host
of his subjects, and knew that if his uncertain friendliness towards
them should evaporate, they would be in a desperate case. Pizarro then
determined to follow the example of Cortes, and gain possession of the
sovereign's person. He achieved this by what can only be called an act
of treachery; he invited the Inca to visit his quarters, and then,
taking them unawares, killed a large number of his followers and took
him prisoner. The effect was precisely what Pizarro had hoped for. The
"Child of the Sun" once captured, the Indians, who had no law but his
command, no confidence but in his leadership, fled in all directions,
and the Spaniards remained masters of the situation.
They treated the Inca at first with respect, and while keeping him a
prisoner, allowed him a measure of freedom, and free intercourse with
his subjects. He soon saw a door of hope in the Spaniards' eagerness for
gold, and offered an enormous ransom. The offer was accepted, and
messengers were sent throughout the empire to collect it. At last it
reached an amount, in gold, of the value of nearly three and a half
million pounds sterling, besides a quantity of silver. But even this
ransom did not suffice to free the Inca. Owing partly to the malevolence
of an Indian interpreter, who bore the Inca ill-will, and partly to
rumours of a general rising of the natives instigated by the Inca, the
army began to demand his life as necessary to their safety. Pizarro
appeared to be opposed to this demand, but to yield to his soldiers, and
after a form of trial the Inca was executed. But Pizarro cannot be
acquitted of responsibility for a deed which formed the climax of one of
the darkest chapters in Spanish colonial history, and it is probable
that the design coincided only too well with his aims.
_III.--Triumph of Pisarro; his Assassination_
There was nothing now to hinder the victorious march of the Spaniards to
Cuzco, the Peruvian capital. They now numbered nearly five hundred,
having been reinforced by the arrival of Almagro from Panama.
In Cuzco they found great quantities of treasure, with the natural
result that the prices of ordinary commodities rose enormously as the
value of gold and silver declined, so that it was only those few who
returned with their present gains to their native country who could be
called wealthy.
All power was now in the hands of the Spaniards. Pizarro indeed placed
upon the throne of the Incas the legitimate heir, Manco, but it was only
in order that he might be the puppet of his own purposes. His next step
was to found a new capital, which should be near enough to the sea-coast
to meet the need of a commercial people. He determined upon the site of
Lima on the festival of Epiphany, 1535, and named it "Ciudad de los
Reyes," or City of the Kings, in honour of the day. But this name was
before long superseded by that of Lima, which arose from the corruption
of a Peruvian name.
Meanwhile Hernando Pizarro, the brother of Francisco, had sailed to
Spain to report their success. He returned with royal letters confirming
the previous grants to Francisco and his associates, and bestowing upon
Almagro a jurisdiction over a given tract of country, beginning from the
southern limit of Pizarro's government. This grant became a fruitful
source of dissension between Almagro and the Pizarros, each claiming as
within his jurisdiction the rich city of Cuzco, a question which the
uncertain knowledge of distances in the newly-explored country made it
difficult to decide.
But the Spaniards had now for a time other occupation than the pursuit
of their own quarrels. The Inca Manco, escaping from the captivity in
which he had lain for a time, put himself at the head of a host of
Indians, said to number two hundred thousand, and laid siege to Cuzco
early in February, 1536. The siege was memorable as calling out the most
heroic displays of Indian and European valour, and bringing the two
races into deadlier conflict with each other than had yet occurred in
the conquest of Peru. The Spaniards were hard pressed, for by means of
burning arrows the Indians set the city on fire, and only their
encampment in the midst of an open space enabled the Spaniards to endure
the conflagration around. They suffered severely, too, from famine. The
relief from Lima for which they looked did not come, as Pizarro was in
no position to send help, and from this they feared the worst as to the
fate of their companions. Only the firm resolution of the Pizarro,
brothers and the other leaders within the city kept the army from
attempting to force a way out, which would have meant the abandoning of
the city. At last they were rewarded by the sight of the great host
around them melting away. Seedtime had come, and the Inca knew it would
be fatal for his people to neglect their fields, and thus prepare
starvation for themselves in the following year. Thus, though bodies of
the enemy remained to watch the city, the siege was virtually raised,
and the most pressing danger past.
While these events were passing, Almagro was engaged upon a memorable
expedition to Chili. His troops suffered great privations, and hearing
no good tidings of the country further south, he was prevailed upon to
return to Cuzco. Here, claiming the governorship, he captured Hernando
and Gonzalo Pizarro, though refusing the counsel of his lieutenant that
they should be put to death. Then, proceeding to the coast, he met
Francisco Pizarro, and a treaty was concluded between them by which
Almagro, pending instructions from Spain, was to retain Cuzco, and
Hernando Pizarro was to be set free, on condition of sailing for Spain.
But Francisco broke the treaty as soon as made, and sent Hernando with
an army against Almagro, warning the latter that unless he gave up Cuzco
the responsibility of the consequences would be on his own head. The two
armies met at Las Salinas, and Almagro was defeated and imprisoned in
Cuzco. Before long Hernando brought him to trial and to death, thus ill
requiting Almagro's treatment of him personally. Hernando, on his return
to Spain, suffered twenty years' imprisonment for this deed, which
outraged both public sentiment and sense of justice.
Francisco Pizarro, though affecting to be shocked at the death of
Almagro, cannot be acquitted of all share in it. So, indeed, the
followers of Almagro thought, and they were goaded to still further
hatred of the Pizarros by the poverty and contempt in which they now
lived, as the survivors of a discredited party. The house of Almagro's
son in Lima formed a centre of disaffection, to whose menace Pizarro
showed remarkable blindness. He paid dearly for this excessive
confidence, for on Sunday, the 26th of June, 1541, he was attacked while
sitting in his own house among his friends, and killed.
_IV.--Later Fortunes of the Conquerors_