sixteen men of that village coming by the road we were to pursue, all
armed, and they told us that there were three elephants in the way, so
we waited until nine o’clock and in the meantime the elephants sought
their pasture. This second day we supped at the foot of a very high
mountain over which our road lay, and as there was no village and there
were elephants about, after supper we climbed part of the mountain and
slept there. After midnight we climbed nearly all the rest of the
mountain by moonlight, with great labour and fatigue. On reaching the
summit other great mountains appeared, and others beyond them, at which
we were all astounded, for some of them were so steep that we were
obliged to descend in a sitting posture. When the Errari found himself
on these mountains, he said that God was punishing him for his sins,
and that going up and down such mountains would shorten their lives by
ten years. The chatim, our guide, looking down from a mountain, said
that merely looking down dazzled his eyes, and so said the Naires on
other occasions in similar circumstances. But I could not restrain my
laughter, and began singing hymns in Malabar against pagodas, whereupon
the others laughed too, and joined in the hymns. It was now noon, and
we had still another mountain to climb before reaching the village of
the Badagas, neighbours of the Thodares, but we were so tired that we
could go no further. We wished to dine, and there was very good cold
water flowing from a mountain, but we had no fire. The Errari offered
to go up with the Brahmin and to send us down a light. I would not
suffer him to take so much trouble, nor was it necessary, for the
chatim, our guide, struck fire from two twigs, and thereupon everyone
sat down to rest, cooking his rice meanwhile. When we had rested we
climbed the mountain and reached the village of the Badegas. It is a
village of 150 to 200 souls, called Meleuntaõ. [311] The Cacenar is
reported to have visited it. Here we found the chief of the Todeos and
spoke with him. He promised to go and assemble the rest, that we might
speak to them. In this village they have fowls, cows, goats, rice,
lentils, mustard seed, garlick, and honey. They brought me some wheat
in the husk, which was very difficult to remove, and therefore it
seemed to me more like barley or some other grain than wheat. The
Badagos are like the Malabars, and they say there are two other
villages like this in these mountains, four, five, and six leagues
distant from each other. These trade with the Thodares and sell them
rice, buying buffalo butter from them, which they carry to Manaracathe
for sale. The next day I wished to discourse to these Badagas
concerning our law. I showed them the pictures of Our Lady of St. Luke,
telling them that the child was God, who became man to teach us his law
and save us. I showed them a gilt Bible and told them that it was the
book of our law, and as they all surrounded me, I went up into a high
place and the Errari with me. I spoke in Malabar and the Errari
interpreted in Canara, which is their language. A Badaga who understood
Malabar could not contain himself, but came up to where I was and spoke
to me in Topas. [312] Then I taught him that the law given to us by the
God made man was contained in ten commandments, &c., and they all
rejoiced at the ten commandments and their explanation. Only at the
sixth [313] commandment the Topas Badaga represented to me that the
Malabars also had many wives. I told him that this law was not the law
of the Malabars, but of God, and that they did wrong in having many
wives, whereupon he was satisfied. Finally I told him that I had not
come to teach the Thodares only, but them also if they would accept
this law. They replied that the law was very good, but they did not
dare adopt it, neither could I live in these barren mountains, &c. I
make no doubt that if a priest were there they would all be converted.
While I was in this village of Melentaõ the priest of the Thodares came
thither, but he remained outside the village, for he may not touch a
woman. I went to see him and found him seated on the ground with seven
or eight others seated near him. He was a huge man, well proportioned,
with a long beard and hair like a Nazarene falling on his shoulders,
the front hair drawn back over his head, leaving his forehead
uncovered. His dress was a shawl from the waist to the knees, and the
rest of his body was naked; he held a sickle in his hand. When I had
come up to him and sat down, he asked me how I was; I replied that I
was well and all the better for meeting him, for it proved to me that
God was my guide, since I had come from so far to see the Thodares and
immediately met with their chief. He asked the purpose of my coming. I
replied that I had come to see the Thodares, having heard that we were
of the same race and laws, and that last year one of our people visited
them and gave us a very good account of them. I asked him if they knew
from whom they were descended. He said no, and thereupon would have
taken leave of us. Then I said that it was not right to wish to leave
us so soon, since we had come so far solely to visit them, and upon
this he remained. Then I inquired of those around who he was, and what
was his office. They replied that he was called Pallem and was like the
Belicha Paro among the Malabars. Belichaparo is he who takes care of
the pagoda, and sometimes the devil enters into him, and he trembles
and rolls upon the ground, and answers questions put to him in the name
of the pagoda. I asked if the Thodares had pagodas; they replied that
they had a live buffalo cow for a pagoda, and they hung a bell round
its neck, and the Pallem offered it milk every day, and then let it
loose in the fields to graze with the rest. And every month or
thereabouts, the Pallem seizes the buffalo by the horns and trembles,
saying that the buffalo bids them change the pasture, and thereupon
they change their place and pasture. By the milk and butter of this
buffalo and that of its children and grandchildren, which already reach
120, this Pallem is maintained. On this mountain where I was there were
100 Thodares, [314] and they had three pallems between them, each
having his buffalo for a pagoda. When the buffalo dies the Thodares
assemble, choose one of these hundred, tie the bell round its neck, and
it becomes a pagoda. Besides the buffalo they have 300 pagodas to whom
they also make offerings of milk. I asked him why he carried the sickle
in his hand, and he replied that God commanded him to carry no other
arm or stick but only that sickle. He used it to scratch his head,
which was swarming with lice, and they could be seen crawling among his
hair. I asked if he was married; he answered that he and his younger
brother were married to the same woman, but as he might not touch a
woman in the house she always lived with his brother, but he sent for
her into the bush every week or so, when it was a fine day. And when he
liked he sent for any of the wives of the Thodares whom he chose, and
the husbands allowed it so long as he paid them. I asked if they had
books and he said no; none of them can read or write. He also told me
that they had a father whom God took up to heaven, body and soul, and
the buffaloes looked up to heaven after him, and that was why they made
offerings to the buffaloes. At last I gave him one of the
looking-glasses from Calicut, with which he was very pleased and said
he would give it to his wife. Then I took leave of him, after showing
him the pictures and Bible, at which he wondered. Besides this pallem
they have another whom they call Ferral, [315] who is present when they
give the buffaloes salt water, and he trembles, bidding them give them
drink, and they will give much milk, and grow fat, and give butter in
plenty, &c.
The next day we went to visit the villages of the Thodares. We climbed
quite half a league above this village, and on reaching the summit
nothing was visible on every side but mountains and valleys; all was
desert without a single fruit or forest tree, excepting in an
occasional damp place where there were a few forest trees. There are no
palm trees or jacks in all these mountains, nor any fruit trees, as I
have said. As we traversed these mountains and valleys, every now and
then we saw a herd of buffaloes in the distance with a Thodar or two
guarding them. In this way we met four or five Thodares and sent them
to fetch the rest. As no women were visible, I promised one a
looking-glass if he would go and fetch them. He hastened away up a
mountain and brought back four women, who remained at a distance
through timidity and would not join the rest. I sent them word that
they must approach if they wanted looking-glasses, and then they came
up. After this we went on for another half a league or more and came
upon two Thodar huts at the foot of a mountain. They were like a large
barrel half buried in the ground, or like a covered bier. They were
nine spans in length and the same in breadth; and six spans in the
highest part. The hoops of the barrel were of thick reeds like Indian
cane, bent into a hoop with both ends fixed in the ground. Pieces of
wood from the bush were laid across these reeds and covered with grass.
The front was made of stakes set on end, like organ pipes, with no
other filling whatever. The door was a span and four inches wide, and
two spans and an inch high, so that the Errari and myself could
scarcely enter, and inside we had to kneel. There were two beds with
grass mattresses on each side, and a small pit in the middle of the hut
which was the fireplace. There was a little window on one side, a
finger’s length high and a span wide. Beside these houses was a pen for
buffaloes, and close by another little house where they make the
butter. They said the other houses were half a league distant from each
other. Thirty or forty Thodares assembled; they are clothed in a large
sheet with no other covering but a small loincloth four or five fingers
wide. Their arms are long sticks smeared with butter; when new they
look like strips of white paper at a distance, but they cure them and
they turn black. They wear long beards, and rather long hair, but not
so long as the Pallem. It was two months since I had shaved or cut my
hair, so that I looked like one of them, and they did not wonder at me
as they did at the Cacenar, who went there with no hair or beard. They
never shave except when one of them dies. At a death they kill half of
the dead man’s buffaloes, and the other half goes to his heirs. If he
has no buffaloes each person gives one, and half of them are killed and
the rest are left. They burn the dead body, but it must be wrapped in a
veil of pure silk, which they call a toda-pata, worth five or six
fanams; and if this is lacking they must wait for it, though it be for
a year. In the meantime, in order to preserve the body they open it at
the loins, take out the entrails, and cut off the occiput; then they
place it in an arbour and dry it in the smoke. Two brothers marry the
same woman; she lives with the eldest at night, and with the youngest
by day. Others have two or three wives. They do not eat fowls, cow’s
flesh, nor goat, and so they breed none of these. They do not eat
buffalo’s flesh, but only wild boar and venison. They eat no salt. They
have no crops of any kind, and no occupation but the breeding of
buffaloes, on whose milk and butter they live. They have no vassals, as
was reported; on the contrary, they are subject and pay tribute to the
Badega chiefs. When they eat they hold the rice in their left hand,
take a lump of butter in the right, mix it with the rice, and so eat
it; when their meal is finished they rub their hands together and wipe
them on their hair, and so they all smell of butter. In colour they
resemble the Malabars, some whiter and some darker; they are generally
moderately tall. Their ears are pierced or bored, not long like those
of the Malabars, and some wear a silver circle in them like a ring.
They wear black threads round their necks, and some have a large silver
bead like a pater-noster in front. I had a skein of black thread in my
pocket and drew it out; a Thodar seeing it begged it of me earnestly
two or three times. I told him that I must give it to the women, and I
divided it in four and gave it to the four women above mentioned, and I
gave them a looking-glass each, with which they were very delighted.
The women wear nothing but a long sheet like the men; they wrap it
round them, throwing the right end over the left shoulder, and so cover
themselves. Their hair hangs loose, but their faces are uncovered. I
said that the women lower down wore bracelets, chains, and jewels on
their arms and necks, and in their ears, and thereupon one of them
uncovered her arm, on which she wore four large well-made copper
bracelets. The sheet worn by both men and women is so filthy that it
looks as if it would not burn if you put it on the fire, and if water
were thrown on it, it would not penetrate. The men look after the
house, cook the rice, do the milking, make the butter, and mind the
buffaloes. The women do nothing but pound the rice, and sometimes mind
the buffaloes in the absence of their husbands. In speaking with the
Pallem I asked him whether he or his wife cooked the rice; he replied
that it was a great disgrace among them to allow the wife to cook the
rice. The Thodares being thus assembled, I told them that, hearing that
we were of the same race and law, I had come to visit them, and as I
knew they had neither priest, book, nor law, I being a priest had come
to teach them. I asked if they were glad to have me with them, and they
replied that they rejoiced greatly at it. I asked if they would follow
all my instructions, and they said they would. Then I asked if they
would leave off adoring the buffalo and the 300 pagodas. They replied
that they feared the buffaloes and pagodas would do them some harm. I
said I would be answerable for it, and that I had more power than the
pagodas. Then they said that if I would defend them they would
willingly leave off adoring them. I asked if they would give up the
custom of two brothers marrying one woman, and they said they would. I
asked if they thought it right to give their wives to the Pallem; an
old man replied, “If it is the command of God, what can we do?” After
this they asked me of their own accord to show them the pictures and
the book; I did so, and they paid homage to them with great rejoicing.
I also gave them a looking-glass each, and after discoursing and
conversing with them for some time I asked them to give me two children
to take away with me; they excused themselves, saying that they could
not do so just then. I asked from whence they were descended, and one
replied that he had heard that they came from the East, and some
remained there while some settled lower down. They were amazed at
seeing white men, and asked me to uncover my arms for them to look at.
They were delighted with the Errari’s red tunic and gold buttons, and
velvet cap with the gold braid.
At last I took leave of them, promising to return at some time during
the year and remain with them longer. It did not seem to me necessary
to delay any longer, nor to lay any foundation of our faith, as I do
not think that the present is a suitable time for the Company to
undertake such out-of-the-way enterprises, since it cannot attend to
others of greater importance which are close at hand, for want of
workers. The Thodares only number a thousand, and these are scattered
about four mountains, two belonging to the Malabar, where there are
300. I went to one of these which belongs to the Samorim, another
belonging to the Naique, where there are another 300, or a little over;
and another belonging to another king, near Charti, where there are
another 300 or rather more; the whole distance being eight Canara
leagues, which are sixteen in Malabar. And they live scattered
about—every month or thereabouts they move their village. The whole
district is uninhabited desert. The winds and climate are very cold;
the water is excellent, but icy cold; it flows down from the mountains;
it cannot be drunk at a draught because of the cold. One is obliged to
pause, and after drinking one has to wait awhile for the gums and teeth
to get warm. The journey there and back is very laborious and can only
be undertaken in January and February. From Manarcate upwards it is
impossible to travel in a litter. On the return journey I was very
fatigued and asked if it were possible to find men to carry me. I was
told that there were plenty of men, but that it was impossible to be
carried over these mountains, where one person alone could only climb
up and down with great difficulty. Besides this, the Errari and all the
rest were very pressing that I should return before any of us fell ill;
the Errari said he was himself indisposed, as well as some of the
others. They could not tell me anything concerning the Blessed Trinity.
I asked them why they wore their hair loose, and a Badaga replied that
in the time of Charamparimatei they killed the father of the Thodares,
and they asked, “Who killed our father?” and they answered that God
killed him; whereupon they unbound their hair and said, “Never will we
bind up our hair again until we have killed God, in revenge for our
father [and] for the broken pots.” On the return journey the Badegas
showed us a shorter and less difficult road, which took us two days and
a half, but saved going up and down the last steep mountains. However,
there was no lack of mountains to climb, but they were not so
difficult, though the first day we climbed down one which was very high
and steep. We numbered fourteen with the guides. There was a Badega
village at the foot of the mountain, and seeing us they took us for a
hostile band and fled into the bush. Our guides called to them not to
fly, for we were men of peace who had been to visit the Thodares,
whereupon they returned, and coming down we found them armed with their
little lances, but we saw the women and children still hidden in the
bush. A little further on we came upon four or five more houses; these
people also fled into the bush, the women carrying the children on
their backs. The second day we slept in the bush two leagues from
Manarecate. There were tigers and elephants about, but God preserved us
and we all reached Calicut in safety, thanks be to Our Lord. Several
afterwards fell sick, however, among whom was the Variel, who is still
suffering. May God restore him, for he has promised me to become a
Christian, and has already broken his own law as regards food, &c.
APPENDIX II
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1812. Keys, William. A Topographical Description of the Neelaghery
Mountains (a letter printed in Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District,
Appendix, p. xlviii).
1819. “A Subscriber.” Letter to the Madras Courier, Feb. 23, 1819
(reprinted in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lii).
1820. Macpherson, Evans. A Letter reprinted in Grigg’s Manual,
Appendix, p. lv.
1821. Ward, B. S. Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of
the Neelgherry Mountains (printed in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lx).
1829. Hough, James. Letters on the Climate, Inhabitants, Productions,
etc., of the Neilgherries or Blue Mountains of Coimbatore, South India.
London. (Letters previously published in the Bengal Hurkaru, 1826.)
1829. Young, D. S. An Account of the General and Medical Topography of
the Neelgherries. Trans. Medical and Physical Soc. of Calcutta, vol.
iv, p. 36.
1832. Harkness, Henry. A Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race
inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills. London.
1834. Jervis, H. Narrative of a Journey to the Falls of the Cavery;
with an historical and descriptive Account of the Neilgherry Hills.
London.
1834. Mignon, Capt. Notes extracted from a Private Journal written
during a Tour through Malabar and among the Neilgherries. Bombay,
American Mission Press (I have not been able to see a copy of this
book).
1837. Schmid, Bernhard. An Essay on the Relationship of Language and
Nations. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. v, p. 133: on p. 155 is a
section “On the Dialect of the Todavers, the Aborigines of the
Neelgherries.”
1837. Barron, Richard. Views in India. London. (Coloured plates of Toda
man and woman, and of the village of Kars.)
1838. Birch, de Burgh. Topographical Report on the Neilgherries. Madras
Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. viii, p. 86.
1838. Schmid, Bernhard. Ueber Sprache- und Völkerverwandschaft, Halle.
On S. 27 is a section on the dialect of the Todas.
1842. Stevenson, Rev. Dr. A Collection of Words from the Language of
the Todas, the Chief Tribe of the Nilgiri Hills. Journ. Bombay Branch
of Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. i, p. 155.
1844. Muzzy, C. F. Account of the Neilgherry Hill Tribes. Madras
Christian Instructor and Missionary Record, Madras, vol. ii, p. 358.
1844. Anon. Madras Spectator, Aug. 31, 1844, p. 559 (an account of a
Toda funeral).
1844–5. Congreve, H. The Descent of the Thautawars. Madras Spectator,
1844, pp. 361, 655, 694, 768; 1845, pp. 29, 37, 63.
1847. Congreve, H. The Antiquities of the Neilgherry Hills, including
an Inquiry into the Descent of the Thautawars or Todas. Madras Journ.
Lit. and Sci., vol. xiv, p. 77.
1848. Ouchterlony. Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of
the Neilgherry Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1848, vol. xv,
p. 1.
1849. Schmid, B. Remarks on the Origin and Languages of the Aborigines
of the Nilgiris, suggested by the papers of Captain Congreve and the
Rev. W. Taylor on the supposed Celto-Scythic Antiquities in the South
of India. Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. iii, Part I, p.
50.
1851. Ford, Sir Francis. Neilgherry Letters. Bombay, 1851.
1851. Burton, R. F. Goa and the Blue Mountains. London, 1851 (pp.
316–344).
1856. Caldwell, R. A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages.
London; p. 503, “Are the Nilgherry Tudas Dravidians?” (2nd edition,
1875, p. 555).
1857. Metz, J. F. Die Volkstämme der Nilagiri’s. Basel.
1857–8. Metz, F. A Vocabulary of the Dialect spoken by the Todas of the
Nilagiri Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., N.S., vol. i, pp. 103,
131, and vol. ii, p. 1.
1864. Metz, F. The Tribe inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills: their Social
Customs and Religious Rites; from the rough notes of a German
Missionary. Second enlarged edition, Mangalore.
1868. Shortt, J. An Account of the Tribes on the Neilgherries. Madras
(republishes part of Ouchterlony’s Memoir).
1869. Shortt, J. An Account of the Hill Tribes of the Neilgherries.
Trans. Ethnol. Soc., N.S., vol. vii, p. 230.
1870. King, W. Ross. The Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. London
(republished from Journal of Anthropology).
1873. Marshall, William E. A Phrenologist among the Todas. London
(includes “a Brief Outline of the Grammar of the Tuda Language,” by the
Rev. G. U. Pope).
1873. Breeks, James Wilkinson. An Account of the Primitive Tribes and
Monuments of the Nilagiris. London.
1873. Burnell, A. C. Specimens of South Indian Dialects. Mangalore.
1873–5. de Quatrefages. Étude sur les Todas. Journal des Savants,
Paris, 1873, p. 729; 1874, pp. 5 and 96; 1875, p. 30.
1874. Walhouse, M. J. A Toda Dry Funeral. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii,
p. 93. A Toda “Green Funeral.” Ibid., p. 274.
1874. Kittel. On some Dravidian Words. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p.
205.
1877. Walhouse, M. J. Archæological Notes. Indian Antiquary, vol. vi,
p. 41.
1880. Grigg, H. B. A Manual of the Nilagiri District in the Madras
Presidency. Madras.
1894. Natesa Sastri, S. M. A New Study of the Todas. Madras Mail, Aug.
28th, 1894.
1895. Thurston, Edgar. The Todas of the Nilgiris. Bull. Madras
Government Museum, vol. i, p. 141.
1901. Thurston, Edgar. Todas of the Nilgiris. Ibid., vol. iv, p. 1.
? Ling, Catharine F. The Todas. Publication of the Church of England
Zenana Missionary Society: London.
1904. Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi. A few notes on the Todas.
Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, vol. vii, p. 68.
APPENDIX III
LIST OF TODA VILLAGES (NOT INCLUDING TI MAD)
Village. Clan. Badaga name. Remarks.
Akîrsikòdri Nidrsi Taranadmand male funeral place.
Ârpâr Päm
Ârs Kuudr Anekkalmand
Artol Taradr Aretalmand
Âtimad Taradr Karadikottumand
Eirgûdr Nòdrs Nerkodumand
Erparskòdr Piedr Yeppakodumand
Îdrtol Kuudr Edattalmand
Inikitj Päm Bettumand
Isharâdr Kars Kadimand
Iûdi Kwòdrdoni male funeral place.
Îvigar Kuudr Kekidamand in ruins.
Kabûdri Pan Tebbekudumand male funeral place.
Kâkhûdri Melgars Kaggodumand
Kalmathi Kars Kalmattimand in ruins ten years.
Kalmad Kars Kulamand in ruins.
Kanòdrs Kanòdrs Devarmand etudmad.
Kapthòri Keadr Kunnapemand in ruins.
Karars Keradr
Karia Kuudr Kariyamand
Kârs Kars Kandalmand etudmad.
Kârsh Karsh
Kashtkòdr Kuudr Kattikadumand unoccupied.
Katerk Nòdrs Kaitarkemand
Katikâr Kwòdrdoni Kodanadmand
Katol Melgars in ruins.
Kâvâther Nidrsi Kabaiteraimand
Kavîdi Piedr in the Wainad.
Keâdr Keadr Karrikadumand etudmad.
Kebâr Nidrsi female funeral place.
Kedâr Nòdrs Kangatarmand in ruins.
Keirod Kuudr Keradamand
Kerâdr Keradr Kannagimand etudmad, also male
funeral place.
Kerkârs Taradr Karrakalmand
Keshkar Kanòdrs
Keshker Kars Kakerimand also called Minikimand.
Kidmad Kidmad
Kîrsâs Melgars
Kiûdr Kuudr Kengodumand satimad.
Kiûsh Piedr Karimulimand
Kòdrers Piedr Hadamand
Koers Keradr Kokimalmand in ruins.
Kozhber Kuudr Kasubiramand disused.
Kozhtûdi Nòdrs
Kûtdimad Taradr Kulimand
Kudòdrs Nòdrs Kombutukkimand
Kûdrâdr Keadr Kudukkadumand
Kûdrmâs Taradr Kudimalmand kalolmad.
Kûdrnâkhum Nòdrs Kudinagamand
Kugwuln Kuudr disused.
Kûirsi Pan Kolimand
Kûlikâl Kwòdrdoni Kolikkalmand in ruins.
Kulkòdri Nòdrs Kolakkadumand in ruins.
Külmud Kars Malaividumand female funeral place.
Külthpuli Nòdrs female funeral place.
Kûrkalmut Kuudr female funeral place.
Kurvâs Nòdrs Kurudamand
Kushârf Kusharf etudmad.
Kûûdi Piedr Anaikundukulimand (? Köûdi).
Kûûdr Kuudr Kundakodumand etudmad.
Kuzhû Kars Kunditolmand
Kuzhû Kanòdrs near Kanòdrs: disused.
Kwarâdr Keadr Kugadodmand
Kwatkash Päm Marunallimand female funeral place.
Kwîrg Kuudr Korangumand
Kwòdrdôni Kwòdrdoni Kodudonnemand etudmad.
Madôni Pedrkars
Madsû Päm Manjathalmand
Madsû Kuudr disused.
Marsners Päm
Melgârs Melgars Manjakkalmand etudmad.
Melkòdr Kuudr Mekkodumand
Melûr Pedrkars Madaliyurmand
Merkwadrvalth Kanòdrs
Meroln Piedr male funeral place.
Mîrzôti Melgars male funeral place.
Miûni Kuudr Marlimand
Molkush Kuudr Malkodmand
Mòmanôthi Piedr female funeral place.
Mulòrs Nòdrs funeral place for boys.
Muthûkòr Kuudr disused.
Nasmiòdr Kars (Aganadmand)
Nâtêrs Pan Natanerimand
Nedrdol Taradr Kilmand in ruins.
Nelkush Nòdrs Neykadimand in ruins.
Nerigudi Nòdrs Nergulimand
Nerngòdr Kuudr disused.
Nersvem Kwòdrdoni Nervenumand in ruins.
Nersvem Nidrsi Nadumand in ruins.
Neshkwòdr Keadr Nedikodumand
Nidrsi Nidrsi Nidimand etudmad.
Nîrkâtji Kuudr Nirkachimand
Nîrsht Piedr
Nirsk Päm female funeral place.
Nòdrmad Taradr Nadumand
Nòdrs Nòdrs Muttanadmand etudmad.
Nongârsi Kars Kettarimand in ruins (? belonged to
Piedr).
Nüln Melgars Nerigulimand
Òdr Nòdrs Aganadmand
Òrs Taradr Alaikudalmand
Padegâr Melgars Kottapolmand also called Kotapol,
see p. 664.
Pâkhalkûdr Kars Bagalkodumand
Paliners Kuudr
Päm Päm in ruins.
Pamârkol Piedr female funeral place.
Pan Pan Onnamand etudmad: often called
“One mand.”
Panmuti Nidrsi Banatimand
Parzkadi Nidrsi in ruins.
Pathâdr Nòdrs Buddankodumand
Pathmârs Pan Bettumand
Pêdrkârs Pedrkars Bedakalmand etudmad.
Pegârsi Keradr Attumand in ruins.
Peivòrs Kuudr
Pekhòdr Keadr Osamand “new mand.”
Peletkwur Kars Attakoraimand
Pêrg Pan Yeragimand kalolmad.
Perththo Nòdrs Perittitalmand see p. 648.
Peshkimad Pedrkars female funeral place.
Pevar Taradr Pevarmand in ruins.
Pidati Nidrsi Bendutimand
Pîedr Pîedr Waragudumand etudmad.
Pîitth Kuudr male funeral place,
near Kuudr.
Pineiwars Nòdrs Pinnapolamand in ruins.
Pirshti Nòdrs Baggulamand
Pîrsûsh Kuudr Billanjikadumand
Pishkwosht Kanòdrs Bikkapatimand
Pòdzkwar Kars Narigulimand or Pûzhkwar.
Poln Kusharf Pagulimand
Pömad Pemand Kars in ruins twenty years:
near Peletkwur.
Pongûdr Pedrkars
Pòsh Melgars Onnekudimand
Pòti Piedr Pattimand
Potvaili Piedr disused.
Pülkwûdr Taradr Olakkodumand
Pulthkûln Keradr Bikkolmand
Punmud Kwòdrdoni Banukudumand female funeral place.
Punumikâtuni Kuudr female funeral place.
Purati Nòdrs Portimand
Puretimokh Melgars female funeral place.
Purskudiâr Pan Porikodiyoramand
Pushtar Taradr Pattaraimand
Putamad Kuudr disused.
Pûtol Nòdrs Puttalmand
Püvars Kars Ammakoraimand
Pûvi Päm Pudiyapalamand male funeral place
Sultar Pedrkars male funeral place.
Sudvaili Piedr male funeral place in
the Wainad.
Tâktut Päm place for small male
funerals.
Taknin Kanòdrs near Kanòdrs.
Tâmâkh Kuudr Tamogamand
Târâdr Taradr Tarnardmand etudmad, and male
funeral place.
Târâdrkîrsi Kars Kavaikkadumand male funeral place,
also kalolmad.
Tarkòdr Kuudr Terkodmand
Tavatkûdr Piedr Tavattakoraimand
Tebmârs Taradr Urutharaimand
Tedshteiri Nòdrs Talapatharaimand
Teidr Kusharf Denadmand
Telgûdr Taradr Telhodumand kalolmad.
Tigòir Piedr Tukkaramand
Tîm Pan male funeral place:
possibly another name
of Kabûdri.
Tòthikeir Nòdrs Jegadevarmand in ruins.
Tôvalkan Keradr Tuvalkandimand
Tûdrkwur Kusharf Todakaraimand
Tülchoven Päm male funeral place.
Umgâs Kusharf Yemmekalmand
Ushâdr Melgars Kavaimand male and female funeral
place.
Wengûdr Taradr Yenakodumand in ruins.
APPENDIX IV
In the following list I give the botanical names of the plants or kinds
of wood used by the Todas in their ordinary life or in their
ceremonial. I owe these names to the kindness of Mr. Thurston and Mr.
K. Rangachari.
Änmul Rubus moluccanus, L.
Âvelashki Hedyotis stylosa, Br.
Kabûdri Euphorbia Rothiana, Sprengl.
Kadak or kadakmul Rosa Leschenaultiana, W and A.
Kâkâr Eragrostica nigra, Nees.
Kâkhûdri Dregea volubilis, Benth.
Kâkkûdri Gardneria ovata, Wall.
Kâkûd Mappia foetida, Miers.
Kârkekoi Rhamnus Wightii, W and A.
Karneizi Acronychia laurifolia, Bl.
Kêrs Eugenia Arnottiana, Wight.
Kîâz Litsaea Wightiana, Benth. and Hk. f.
Kid Probably Olea robusta.
Kîri or Kîrsi Amaranthus (speciosus ?).
Kudi Hydrocotyle asiatica, L.
Kûrêrs Eugenia calophyllifolia, Wight.
Kurskat Strobilanthes, ? species.
Kwadiki or kwadriki Myrsine capitellata, Wall. var. lanceolata.
Kwagal Polygonum rude, Meissn. and P. chinense, L.
Kwatimali Coriandrum sativum, L.
Main Cinnamomum Wightii, Meissn.
Melkûdri Piper sp.
Mòrs Michelia nilagirica, Zenk.
Nârk Andropogon schoenanthus, L.
Pârs (wood) ? Sideroxylon.
Pârs (leaves) Pentapanax Leschenaultii, Seem.
Parskuti Eleagnus latifolia, L.
Pâsòr Dodonaea viscosa, L.
Pathanmul Solanum indicum, L.
Patm Panicum miliare, Lamk.
Pelkkodsthmul Rubus ellipticus, Sm.
Peshteinmul ? Phyllochlamys sp.
Pôhvet Pavetta creniflora, DC.
Pötûr Anaphalis oblonga, DC.
Pûl Ilex Wightiana, Wall.
Purs Rhododendron arboreum, Sm. and Elaeagnus
latifolia.
Pûtkimul Rubus lasiocarpus, Sm.
Pûv or pûf Sophora glauca, Lesch.
Püvkai Strobilanthes, ? species.
Takmul Berberis aristata, DC.
Tavat Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, Wight.
Teinkûdri Senecio corymbosus, Wall.
Tib Leucas zeylanica, Br., and L. aspera, Sprengl.
Tirparikat Strobilanthes, ? species.
Tiveri Atylosa candollei, W and A.
Tôârsmitch Diospyros sp.
Tòri or tòrimul Berberis nepalensis, Sprengl.
Tûdr Meliosma pungens, Wall. and M. Wightii, Planch.
Twadri Girardinia heterophylla DC.
Wâdr Ochlandra sp.
GLOSSARY
Only the more important Toda words used in this book are included in
the glossary. The words are arranged in alphabetical order, neglecting
the quantity or other value of the first vowel. The numbers refer to
the pages on which fuller descriptions of the terms are given.
Âḍrpârs, coagulated milk, curd, p. 64.
agâr, a stand in the dairy, p. 60.
al, the deposit after the clarification of butter used as food, pp. 50,
242.
alug, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.
Amnòḍr, the world of the dead, p. 397.
an (anna), elder brother, p. 486.
än, ancient clothing of the Todas, pp. 196, 342, 572.
Anto, a dairy, p. 112;
also a god, p. 188.
ârpatznol or ârpasnol, a sacred day, p. 407.
ârs, house, p. 583.
ârsaiîr, buffaloes of the Kwòḍrdôni tî, p. 121.
ârsûp, a salt-giving ceremony, p. 175.
ashkkârtpimi, a food used on ceremonial occasions, p. 580.
âtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.
âv (âvâ), mother, p. 485.
âzâram, the circle of stones in which the ashes are buried at a
funeral, pp. 337, 379.
âzâramkêḍr, the last part of the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 378.
Epotirikhtârs, a double hut, p. 29.
êr, a male buffalo, p. 47.
êrkumptthpimi or êrkumptthiti, the ceremony of sacrificing a calf, p.
274.
êrnkâr, sacrificial place at the êrkumptthpimi ceremony, p. 276.
êrs, leaf.
êrsteiti, the act of making a leaf-cup, pp. 75, 148.
ertatpun, a dairy vessel, p. 60.
ertatmâr, part of the dairy where the less sacred vessels stand, p. 58.
ertatpur, the less sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.
etûdpali, chief dairy, p. 40.
etûdmad, the chief village of a clan or other important village, pp.
24, 36, 419.
etvainolkêḍr, the first funeral ceremony, p. 337.
ichchil, a condition of impurity due to death or child-birth, pp. 102,
326, 368.
iḍith, “for the sake of,” p. 216.
îḍrkwoi, a vessel used at a tî dairy, p. 90.
îḍrtul, part of a hut containing the sleeping-places, p. 583.
îmûḍrikârs, stones at certain villages, p. 439.
in, father, p. 484.
îr, a female buffalo, p. 47.
îrkarmus or îrkarmüs, the milking-place, p. 53.
îrkârtpun (îrkârithtpun), milking-vessel, p. 58.
îrnörtiti, the offering of a buffalo calf to the tî, p. 293;
or to another division of the clan, p. 294.
îrnòḍrthnol, the day of migration, p. 124.
îrpâlvusthi, ceremony after the birth of a calf, p. 172.
îrsankâti, a funeral ceremony, p. 381.
îrskiḍithbûtnol, the day of migration, p. 124.
Kaban, iron.
kabkaḍiti, procedure in which the back is not turned to the contents of
the dairy, p. 73.
kachütthti, the cloth-giving ceremony at a funeral, p. 358.
kaḍr, the calf-pen, p. 26.
kâfkati, knife burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.
kagûrs, the tî name of the kûvn, p. 103.
kaimûkhti, a salutation, p. 31.
kaizhvatiti, the rite of pouring out buttermilk for the palol, p. 97.
kâkûdêrs, leaves of the kâkûd plant, p. 79.
kâkûl, stick used in the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.
kalkani, part of the dairy, p. 58.
kalmelpuḍithti, a salutation, pp. 34, 496.
kalolmad, villages where women may not live, p. 420.
kâltmokh, the attendant on a palol, pp. 42, 105.
kalvol, a path, p. 26.
Kamasòḍrolam, legendary Todas, p. 195.
kanârvaznûḍr, the evil eye, p. 263.
kar, a young calf, p. 47.
karenpôh, the calf-house of a tî, p. 85.
kârpun, a milking-vessel of the tî, p. 90.
kârs, stone.
karûd, younger, p. 485.
karûvnòḍr, the mother’s village, p. 547.
kârvnol or kârivnol, the day after a ceremony, pp. 105, 333.
kâtû, the wall surrounding a house or dairy, p. 24.
kavulpûv, a flower, p. 111.
kêḍr, funeral, relics, etc., p. 368.
keitankursîr, the wûrsulîr of Niḍrsi and Kwòḍrdôni, p. 71.
kepun (kaipun), vessel to hold water, p. 57.
kerk, the name of the waist-string during the ordination ceremony, pp.
148, 572.
kêrtnòḍr, a funeral place, p. 338.
kevenârût, mode of baring the right arm, pp. 31, 571.
kîp, the broom, p. 32.
kîtün, bed on left-hand side of dairy, p. 57.
kô, stake used at the êrkumptthpimi sacrifice, p. 276.
kòghlag, the name of the churning-stick at the tî, p. 89.
kòrûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.
kubuntuni, the cloak of the palol, p. 103.
kudeipîr, the wûrsulîr of Pan, p. 71;
also the sacred buffaloes of Pieḍr, p. 81.
kudi, a measure used for liquids corresponding to about four pints, p.
588.
kûḍr, horn, a division of a clan, pp. 37, 295, 542.
kûḍrpali, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 66.
kûdrpalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kûḍrpali, p. 66.
kûḍrs mani, the bells of the punîr of the tî, p. 91.
kûḍrvars, fireplace made of four stones, pp. 57, 583.
kudupel or kudubel, family, p. 545.
kûgh, daughter, p. 485.
kûghîr, a buffalo whose horns bend downwards, p. 47.
kugvali, a sacred dairy of Târâḍr, pp. 41, 76.
kugvalîr, the buffaloes of the kugvali, pp. 41, 77.
kugvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kugvali, pp. 41, 76.
kûlâtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.
Kûlinkârs, a god, p. 188.
kuneḍsti, funeral laments, etc., pp. 385, 600.
Kûrub, a Kurumba, p. 641.
kûrubûḍrchiti, Kurumba sorcery, p. 262.
kush (? kûḍsh), structure for young calves, p. 26.
kuter, floor, pp. 62, 583.
kûvn, the perineal band, p. 30.
kûvun or kûpun, a vessel used at the kugvali of Târâḍr, p. 79.
kwainûr (kwoinûr), the tî name of the pennâr, p. 103.
kwarkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.
kwarzam, name used in prayer, etc., pp. 216, 384, 614.
kwoi, the milking-vessel of the tî dairy, p. 89.
kwoinîr spring supplying water for a tî dairy, p. 85.
kwoinörtpet, a wand used by the palol when milking, p. 90.
kwotârs, the calf-house, p. 26.
Kwoten, a teu or god, p. 193.
Kwoto, a god, p. 203.
kwottün, seat, p. 29.
kwungg, the ordinary bell, p. 424.
Kwûrg, Coorg, p. 114.
Mad, village, pp. 24, 338;
head, p. 282.
madnol, sacred day of village, p. 405.
madol, village people or clan, p. 36.
madth, the churning-stick, p. 60.
maj, buttermilk.
majparîv, a dairy vessel, p. 60.
majvatitthkalvol, path reserved for women, p. 27.
majvatvaiîḍrn, spot on which women receive buttermilk, p. 28.
maiîr, a barren buffalo, p. 47.
mani, the sacred bell, pp. 40, 66, 424.
mankûgh, sister’s daughter, 488.
manmokh, sister’s son, pp. 484, 488.
martîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Kârs clan, p. 68.
mârûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.
mârvainolkêḍr, the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 372.
masth, axe, pp. 57, 585.
matchuni, children of brother and sister, pp. 488, 512.
Mâv, a Badaga, p. 630;
also sambhar.
meilkûḍr, extra share, 560.
meitün, bed on right-hand side of dairy, p. 57.
merkalârs, double hut, pp. 29, 318.
mersgûrsîr, the wûrsulîr of Nòḍrs, p. 71.
methkûdi, place of cremation, p. 343.
miniapîr, the wûrsulîr of Kerâḍr, pp. 71, 192.
mogâl, forearm, also segment of forelimb of calf corresponding to
metacarpus, p. 281.
mogoi, a cubit, p. 588.
mokh, son, child, p. 485.
mokhthoditi (mokhthodvaiol), mode of union between the sexes, p. 526.
mokhûḍrtvaiol, man who gives away a wife, p. 494.
Mondârdsetipol, Toda name of a tribe living in the Wainad.
mòr, the name of buttermilk at the tî, p. 107.
mòrkuḍriki, a ladle of the tî dairy, p. 90.
mòrol, privileged visitors to a tî, p. 107.
mòrpun, a dairy vessel used to hold buttermilk at the tî, p. 90.
mòrûp, the ordinary salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 175.
mû, a name given to several kinds of dairy vessels, pp. 58, 422.
muli or mul, a name for various plants, p. 145;
also used for thorns, p. 194;
and for the quills of a porcupine, p. 267.
mulinîròditi, the ordination ceremony of the palikartmokh, p. 148.
mun, mother’s brother and wife’s father, pp. 487, 492.
mûrn, the sieve, p. 32.
mûrthvichi, anger, p. 260.
Naim or noim, the council, pp. 32, 550.
nâkh, a three-year-old calf, p. 47.
nan, a young shoot, p. 145.
nânmakud, a club, pp. 381, 586.
nârthpimi, a game, p. 596.
nâshperthîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Nòḍrs, p. 69.
nêḍrkursh, middle room of a three-roomed dairy, p. 57.
nêḍrvol, intermediary, pp. 258, 527.
nei, clarified butter or ghi, p. 50.
nersatiti, a salutation, p. 304.
neurzûtpol, name of the kâltmokh at the migration ceremony, p. 139.
neurzülnkârs, stones of ceremonial importance, pp. 129, 140, 438.
nîpâ, stream, p. 26.
nîr, water, spring.
nîròdibudnûḍr, the initial stages of the ordination of the kâltmokh, p.
153.
nîròditi, the ordination ceremony, pp. 144, 157.
nîrsi, the fire-stick, p. 60.
nòḍr, country, place;
sometimes used for ‘ceremony.’
nòḍrkûtchi, ancestors of buffaloes, p. 112.
nòḍrodchi, a ruler, pp. 183, 186.
nòḍrved, younger brother, p. 486.
Nòtîrzi, a goddess, p. 189.
Ol or òl, man, husband, p. 489.
oñ, a sacred syllable uttered in the dairy ceremonial, p. 65.
Ön, a god, p. 184.
Paiol, male relations-in-law, pp. 489, 492.
Pâkhwâr, a river, 418;
also a god.
pali or paḷthli, the dairy, p. 26.
palikârtmokh (? paḷḷikârithtmokh), the dairyman, p. 39.
palinol, sacred day of dairy, p. 405.
pâlmän, staff used in churning, p. 52.
palol, the dairyman of a ti, pp. 42, 98.
paniûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.
pâpun, a water-vessel at the tî, p. 92.
pârkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.
pârsêrs, milk-leaves, p. 317.
parsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.
pârskaḍrvenmû, vessel to hold butter, p. 58.
pasthîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol, p. 39.
pâtat, vessel to hold milk, p. 58.
pâtatmâr, part of the dairy where the more sacred vessels stand, p. 58.
pâtatpur, the more sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.
patcherski, the husked grain patm (samai), p. 580.
pâtol, one who has held the office palol, p. 104.
pâtun, screen separating the two rooms of a tî dairy, p. 86.
pâv, threshold.
pâvnersatiti, saluting the threshold, p. 65.
Peḍr, a Tamil.
pelk, the lamp, p. 60.
pelkkoḍichiti, the ordination ceremony, p. 144.
pelkkatitthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used in lighting the lamp,
p. 92.
pem, a plateau or a gradual slope of a hill.
pen, butter, p. 58.
pennâr, the string supporting the kûvn, pp. 30, 572.
pep, buttermilk used ceremonially, pp. 64, 166.
pepeirthti, a rite at the kûḍrpali, p. 67.
pepkarichâ or pepkarichti, the ceremony of making new pep, p. 166.
pepkarmus, the milking-place of a tî, p. 85.
peptòrzum, a dairy vessel of the tî, p. 89.
pepûti, the rite of drinking buttermilk at the ordinary dairy, p. 78;
also the ceremonial drinking of buttermilk by buffaloes, p. 135.
perithîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.
perkûrsol, the lower stage in the office of kâltmokh, p. 105.
perol, an ordinary person, not ordained to any dairy office, p. 39.
persâsîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Melgârs, p. 69.
persin, the vessel in which milk is churned at the tî, p. 89.
persinîr, the sacred buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.
perûd, elder, p. 485.
petuni, a piece of tuni, p. 105.
pîan, grandfather, p. 485.
pîâv, grandmother, p. 486.
pîlikòren, sorcerers, p. 255.
pîlinörtiti, offering of a ring, pp. 294, 306.
pîliûtpol, a sorcerer, p. 255.
pîliûtvichi, sorcery, p. 255.
pineipîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Pan, p. 69.
pöḍri, contributions from relatives by marriage, p. 396.
pòḍrshtuni, the loin-cloth of the palol, p. 103.
pôh, the conical and other sacred dairies, p. 45.
pôhkârtpol, the dairyman at Kanòḍrs, p. 79.
pôhvelkârs, seat on which the palol sits, pp. 87, 96.
pôhvet (pôhpet), a wand used by the palol when praying, pp. 89, 96.
pòl, a calf of one to two years, p. 47.
pòlm, a portion, a division of a clan pp. 37, 544.
pòlmachok, a dairy vessel, p. 60.
pon, festival, pp. 85, 161;
up, p. 383;
see also p. 496.
ponkârtvaimokh, boy who takes a leading part at the îrnörtiti ceremony,
p. 302.
ponnol, festival day.
ponûp, a salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 177.
pòrmunkursh, outer room of dairy, p. 56.
püḍrshtipîr, the wûrsulîr of Kârs and Târâḍr, p. 71.
pûkûrûputkûli, the ornamented cloak, p. 572.
pül, surroundings or outskirts, p. 85.
püliol, relatives with whom marriage is prohibited, p. 509.
punetkalvol, path reserved for the dairyman, p. 27.
punîr, the ordinary buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.
punrs, a name for two days, p. 142.
pürsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.
pursütpimi, the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow during pregnancy, p.
319.
pût, a stirring-stick, p. 60.
pûthpep, the buttermilk obtained in the pepkarichâ ceremony, p. 169.
putiîr, ordinary buffaloes, p. 39.
putkûli, the cloak, pp. 30, 571.
puzhârs, seclusion-hut, p. 313.
puzhûlpimi, the ceremony of throwing earth at a funeral, p. 344.
Satimad, a village of especial sanctity, p. 421.
sedvaitazmokh, name of the woman in the mokhthoditi union, p. 526.
Taḍri, pole used in funeral ceremonies, p. 376.
taḍrp, the loin-cloth, p. 30.
tâf, fern.
tagârs, a chain.
tarsîr, buffaloes of the Pan tî, p. 119.
Târthârol, one of the two divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.
târûpunkudi, hole used at the salt-giving ceremony at a Tarthar
village, p. 177.
târvali or târpali, the lowest grade of Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 61.
târvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the târvali, p. 461.
tasth, the bars in the opening of a pen, p. 153.
tazmokh, woman, wife, p. 489.
teḍshk, a ring used in carrying dairy vessels, p. 60.
Teikîrzi, a goddess, p. 186.
teiks, stone or post at which a buffalo is killed at a funeral, p. 349.
Teipâkh, the Paikara river, p. 418;
also a god, p. 187.
teirtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs ti, p. 112.
Teivaliol, one of the chief divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.
tek (tekh?), basket, p. 57.
têrersthi, custom of transferring wives, p. 523
tersamptpimi, a ceremony of childhood, p. 333.
terzantirikiti, the rite of putting curd or milk on the bell, p. 66.
tesherst, a qualifying ceremony for the office palol, p. 154.
teshnîr, the first stage of the ordination ceremony of the palol, p.
157.
teu, god, p. 182.
teukwoi, clay vessel made at the ponûp ceremony, p. 179.
teuol, diviner, p. 249.
teutütusthchi, ceremony of lighting a fire on a hill, p. 290.
tî, the most sacred dairy institution of the Todas, pp. 42, 83.
tîîr, the buffaloes of the tî, p. 42;
also used of a special group of these buffaloes at the Nòḍrs tî, p.
112.
tîkelfmâv, Badaga associated with a tî, p. 98.
tî mad, a village or place belonging to a tî, p. 83.
tòratthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used to cook food, p. 91.
tòrsum, the tî name of the mû, p. 89.
tû, the buffalo-pen, p. 26.
tûḍr, a sacred tree, pp. 67, 433.
tûkitthkârs, stone lifted as a sport, p. 597.
tûkulîr mani, a bell used in the funeral ceremonies, pp. 376, 424.
tün, a seat or bed, p. 30.
tuni, the grey garment used by many dairymen, pp. 72, 572.
tuninörtiti, offering of a tuni, pp. 294, 305.
tunitusthkâltmokh, the full kâltmokh, pp. 105, 152.
tûrâvali, the cooking-pot of a tî dairy, p. 90.
tûri, knife.
twaḍrinâr, material made by the Todas, p. 574.
Ulârwûrthkûrs, a wand, p. 60.
ulkkursh, inner room of dairy, p. 56.
unîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.
ûppun, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.
ûpunkudi (? ûppunkudi), hole used at the salt-giving ceremonies, p.
176.
ûrvatpimi, ceremony during pregnancy, p. 313.
ûtkòren, people who apply certain magical or medical remedies, p. 263.
ûtpol, medicine man, p. 263.
Wâk, vessels burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.
warsîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112; and of the Pan tî, p. 119.
wask, grain-pounder, p. 32.
waskal, fireplace of three stones, pp. 57, 582.
wûrsol, the dairyman of the wûrsuli, pp. 40, 72, 74.
wûrsuli, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 71.
wûrsulîr, the buffaloes of a wûrsuli, p. 40.
NOTES
[1] One of the most frequent consonantal sounds in the Toda language is
dr which in the text always stands for ḍr; when d comes before sh, it
also represents the lingual sound. In both cases the ḍ was hardly
appreciated by my ear, and the European will perhaps most nearly
imitate the Toda sound if he pronounces dr and dsh as r and sh.
[2] The bibliography of this literature is given in Appendix II.
[3] See British Journal of Psychology, 1905, vol. i., p. 321.
[4] As we shall see later, this is only true of some parts of the hills
and some institutions.
[5] With more exact knowledge of Indian customs and ceremonies which
have lingered on side by side with, though often obscured by
Brahmanism, it is possible that these differences would be found to be
much slighter than the evidence at present available suggests.
[6] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, part ii., chap. v.
[7] See chapter XX and Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1900, vol. xxx., p. 74.
[8] Those who wish for information on this point should consult the
articles by Mr. Edgar Thurston in the Bulletins of the Madras Museum,
vol. i., pp. 148 and 207, and vol. iv., p. 2.
[9] The word marth is also occasionally used.
[10] Harkness and others have called this pen tuel, but repeated
inquiry on my part failed to elicit this form of the word. Tuelu would
mean “where is the tu?” and it is possible that Harkness heard the word
in this form.
[11] For the purpose of photography, a hole was made outside the hut
exactly like that within the hut. The picture must not be taken to
indicate that pounding is ever normally performed out of doors.
[12] The old man on the right in this picture shows a very
characteristic Toda attitude, in which a person crouches down
completely enveloped in the cloak.
[13] This salutation has been previously known by its Badaga name,
adabuddiken.
[14] In these names and throughout the text the signs to indicate long
vowels are generally omitted. In order to ascertain the exact method of
pronunciation, the map or the list of villages in Appendix III. should
be consulted.
[15] This word should probably be paḷḷi and was usually pronounced
paḷthḷi, but I have adopted the spelling of the text for the sake of
simplicity.
[16] According to some Todas, kart was a shortened form of karitht,
milking or milked.
[17] In previous accounts of the Todas, the place where these sacred
herds are kept has always been called a tirieri. This is not properly a
Toda term, but is that used by the Badagas.
[18] An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris,
1873, p. 14.
[19] This word, in the forms boa, boath, &c., has by previous writers
been limited to dairies of the conical shape. There is no doubt that it
has at present a far wider application.
[20] A Phrenologist among the Todas, 1873, p. 132.
[21] This is literally ‘cooked milk.’ It probably receives this name
because the coagulation is often hastened by heating.
[22] About four pints.
[23] I am not sure whether this restriction does not also apply to the
tarvalikartmokh.
[24] See Chapter XXIII.
[25] Probably a corruption of kaipun, hand vessel.
[26] This is done by folding a leaf in such a way that it forms a cup.
[27] The method of wearing the cloak adopted by the wursol is not
unlike that shown in a picture at the Guimet Museum in Paris, which
represents a Brahman engaged in prayer.
[28] The world of the dead.
[29] The proper name for the pen at the ti was mukadr, and for the
calf-pen, tülkkadr, but my informants always used the ordinary words tu
and kadr.
[30] These are the kwarzam, or prayer names (see Chapter X) of Teikirzi
and Tirshti. They were used by Naburs (64) who had been palol at the
Pan ti, but it is doubtful whether their use or the use of any other
kwarzam on these occasions is an established custom.
[31] In the story of Kwoto and the Keradr ti (Chap. IX) the kaltmokh
has to pour away buttermilk at an appointed spot. It is probable that
this buttermilk is that unfinished by the palol, and possibly this
custom is still followed but was not mentioned by my informants.
[32] According to Breeks (p. 14) these garments are made by the Badagas
of Jakaneri. This may be correct, but it is much more probable that
they are procured through the Badagas living in this village.
[33] It is possible that Finicio was told of this custom, and that his
statement about the relations of the palol to women only refer to this
ceremony.
[34] This legendary account probably preserves a tradition of a real
invasion of the Nilgiri Hills by the people of Coorg. The Todas put the
date of the occurrence at about seven or eight generations ago. In 1774
Linga Raja, with 3,000 Coorgs, invaded the Wainad and remained there
for five years. During this time it is highly probable that the Coorgs
would have explored the Nilgiri Hills. (See Mysore and Coorg, by Lewis
Rice, Bangalore, 1878, vol. iii., p. 110.)
[35] In 1902.
[36] The buffaloes may also move from one village to another if
sickness should break out among them, but I do not know whether this
would become the same ceremonial occasion as in the other kinds of
migration.
[37] The vessels used for the purposes of these photographs were not
the real vessels of the dairy, but those of the house. The method of
fastening the earthenware vessels does not correspond to that described
for the ti dairy, and I am doubtful whether the method of fastening for
real dairy vessels would not have corresponded to the procedure of the
ti rather than to that shown in the figures.
[38] This is probably only true of Teivali dairies.
[39] This is a special food used on important ceremonial occasions, the
mode of preparation of which is given in Chapter XXIV.
[40] The vessel derives its name from this ceremony.
[41] Palm juice sugar.
[42] At Anto, and probably at some other dairies, there is a special tu
for use on this occasion.
[43] This word was translated “he prays for the calves.” One verb is
used in naming the ceremony of praying for the calves and another in
the case of praying for the adult buffaloes.
[44] Probably this should be translated “may the river (when in flood)
swallow him.”
[45] This is the ordinary muli used in the ordination of the
palikartmokh.
[46] This is inconsistent with the statement made on p. 73 that the
wursol never prepares food except at the irpalvusthi ceremony. It is
possible that the food is only given to the candidate by the wursol and
is not prepared by him.
[47] This has not the same form as the word uttered by the wursol and
kaltmokh in the corresponding ceremony. In some cases different verbal
forms are used at the ti, and this may be an instance.
[48] It has been stated by Harkness, Marshall and others that when the
palol is entering on his office he has to sleep in the wood completely
naked. This is not strictly correct, though the covering afforded by
the tuni is so meagre that the statement is almost justified.
[49] The ti name of the kuvn.
[50] This is the only occasion on which this cream is used by the
Todas. It is used because there are now neither butter nor ghi at the
dairy. Its use here is an indication that the process of coagulation is
less rapid than usual.
[51] See p. 222.
[52] I am doubtful whether a special wand is also used in other
dairies.
[53] Eleven ak = one kwa (see p. 588).
[54] When there is only one palol for both kinds of buffaloes, as at
the Pan ti, he only digs one hole.
[55] See Chapter XVII.
[56] This hole at an ordinary village is sometimes known as a
tarupunkudi.
[57] This account of the creation of men and buffaloes was obtained
from Arsolv (27) of Kanòdrs, one of the oldest living Todas. It agrees
very closely with the story as related to Mr. Breeks.
[58] According to another account, Püv died from trying to catch the
image of a white calf in the water. At that time, it was the custom to
kill and bury any calf of a white colour, and one had been buried close
to the spring.
[59] Usually called petkuter.
[60] These are quite unlike Toda names, nor is the name of the village,
Mîtâhârzti, like a Toda name.
[61] ? Pòdrâni or pudrâni.
[62] I do not know exactly to which ceremonies tatòtiti and muòtiti
refer. The words mean “he takes the tat” and “he takes the mu,” and
evidently refer to some dairy ceremonial. Ponkastiti probably means
that he kept pon throughout the year—i.e., gave or sold nothing from
his dairy during the year.
[63] A spirit which brings death (see p. 403).
[64] When Keikarskutan shot the bow and arrow he lay down. According to
my informants, Keikarskutan lay down to shoot the bow and arrow because
he was lame, but shot it in the ordinary way and did not use his legs
in doing so. Breeks, who gives a brief version of this legend, was told
that the arrow was shot by means of the legs and refers to this method
as the ancient Indian custom.
[65] I give this as it was told.
[66] To meet this bird going from right to left is a bad omen; if going
from left to right, it is a good omen.
[67] I could not find out the exact meaning of this word, but it
appeared to be a name for the blood-stained froth which may come from
the mouth of a dying man. In a sentence which occurs later the word
appears as pògh (blood), but my informants were certain that pug itself
is not blood.
[68] See p. 616.
[69] This is a creeper used in the funeral ceremonies.
[70] Probably the tree or bush from which the material called twadrinar
is manufactured by the Todas.
[71] My informants could not say whether the boy went away in the air
as a child or as a kite. The boy often assumed the form of a kite
later, and it is tempting to suppose that the assumption of this form
by the child was connected with the death of the kite, i.e., that it
was a case of transmigration. The fact that the child went away in the
air and was found sitting on a tree makes it highly probable that it
flew in the form of a kite, but my informants could not say that this
was definitely part of the legend.
[72] The kwarzam is the name used in prayer (see Chap. X).
[73] This place is close to the spot at which the path from Pishkwosht
(Bikkapatimand) to Kodanad crosses a stream soon after leaving the
former village.
[74] This pool has been converted into the Marlimand reservoir, the
source of the water-supply of Ootacamund.
[75] The Hindu god who sends smallpox is Mari or Mariaman. The Toda
name for buttermilk is mòr.
[76] P. 142.
[77] Erd means two, and this translation is a free rendering of the
Toda words, though it probably conveys the proper meaning.
[78] I am doubtful about this point at the poh of Kanòdrs.
[79] It is in favour of this supposition that in the legend Kwoten wore
the tuni when acting as palikartmokh although he was one of the
Tartharol.
[80] It is an Indian practice to add sour buttermilk to the milk to
promote coagulation, but this is usually done after heating the milk.
It is possible that in some parts of India it may be added to the milk
before or immediately after it is drawn.
[81] From the account of Finicio (Appendix I), it would seem that at
one time the palol and wursol possessed the power of divination.
[82] For an account of what Midjkudr seems to have said and the
consequent proceedings, see p. 392.
[83] I am very doubtful whether the meaning of this and the preceding
clause is correctly given in these words.
[84] The middle room of a three-roomed dairy is the nedrkursh.
[85] For the meaning of this see above.
[86] Bulletin, i. p. 182.
[87] The leaves of this plant, Solanum indicum, are used in the
ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.
[88] For the meaning of these kinship-terms, see Chap. XXI.
[89] It is noteworthy that the Kotas are not included.
[90] This is the plant, Euphorbia Rothiana, used at the purification of
the ti dairy (p. 136).
[91] I think it is probable that all the incantations are said in this
manner, but I only had it specifically mentioned in this case.
[92] This distinction was pointed out to me by my informant.
[93] I did not obtain this formula.
[94] Mul, which means bramble and thorn, is here used for the
porcupine’s quills.
[95] Pûdrt is probably the Toda form of the word bhût.
[96] Our final difficulty, the laughter over which seemed to overcome
Teitnir’s scruples, was in the identification of the spleen, which was
described as “a little tongue.”
[97] This and the succeeding photographs were taken in a badly lighted
wood, and represent the actual ceremony.
[98] The importance of the omentum in Indian animal sacrifices suggests
that the tütmîis might have been the omentum, or have included part of
the omentum. At this stage of the proceedings, so many operations were
going on simultaneously that exact observation became very difficult.
[99] Andropogon Schœnanthus, a strongly-scented grass.
[100] ? Kiaz.
[101] This estimate included the value of the calf four years hence!
[102] Haug’s Aitareya Brahmanam, Bombay, 1863, vol. ii., p. 85, note
II.
[103] I have some reason to think, however, that er may be used as a
term for ‘buffalo’ in general, whether male or female.
[104] From the nature of this formula it might be expected that the
ceremony would only be performed if the man’s wishes are fulfilled,
but, in practice, I think it is clear that the performance is not
conditional on the recovery of himself or his buffaloes.
[105] The special mention of uncut ears and tail in this and the
erkumptthpimi ceremony suggests that the widely spread practice of
cutting the ears of animals may occur among the Todas, but I have no
other notes on the subject.
[106] Or irnörtpuspimi, “buffalo giving have we come.” The whole
formula runs, “Swami, Teikirzi, the kudrpali, the wursuli, the buffalo
pen, may it be well; may it be well with the buffaloes and calves;
buffalo giving have we come, may it be well.”
[107] This is mentioned in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see p. 220).
[108] According to a later finding of the teuol, the death of Tersveli
was due to sorcery (see p. 261).
[109] It will be noticed that the patatpun are placed in the inner room
and the ertatpun in the outer room. In the ordinary dairy both would be
placed in the inner room, though in different places. The procedure of
this ceremony seems, therefore, to resemble that of the ti rather than
of the ordinary dairy. It suggests that we have here a relic of a time
when every dairy had at least two rooms, one for the things of the
patatmar and another for the things of the ertatmar.
[110] I was told at first that it might be done by her husband, but
this appeared to be a mistake.
[111] The fact that the people of Melgars and Kwòdrdoni are not allowed
to intermarry suggests, however, that there is some relation between
these clans which is the cause of the exception.
[112] This may possibly be a corruption of perithtòr.
[113] Eugenia Arnottiana.
[114] Sophora glauca.
[115] Andropogon schœnanthus.
[116] See the bow in the hand of the boy in Fig. 57. This bow is the
same as that used in the pursütpimi ceremony.
[117] The buffalo given in this way is called pulkwadr, or bow and
arrow gift.
[118] My notes do not make it absolutely clear as to whether he may not
also salute the female relatives of his wife, but I do not think that
he does so.
[119] According to a recent account given to me by Mr. Thurston, the
people leave the spot about six o’clock in the evening. The time is
determined by the opening of the flowers of Ænothera tetraptera which
is called by the Todas âr mani pûv, or six o’clock flower. This flower
is a garden escape, so that this special practice must be recent, but
it suggests that the general practice of telling the time of day by
means of flowers may be an old Toda custom.
[120] Mr. Natesa Sastri (Madras Mail, August 28th, 1894) states that
the bow and arrow are tied round the neck of the woman, so that they
definitely take the place of the tali.
[121] This seems to have occurred in a similar ceremony practised by
the Badagas, among whom it is said that a woman is not fully considered
a wife till about the seventh month of the first pregnancy, when a cord
is put round her neck by the husband and the legal marriage becomes
complete. (See Thurston, Bull. IV., p. 167.)
[122] Called by the Todas tòri or tòrimul (Berberis nepalensis); its
leaves are used in the ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.
[123] Possibly this means “calf of tuni.”
[124] It will be noticed that the woman puts the fragments of tuni in
her waist-string on the right side, while the various dairymen who wear
petuni put it on the left side.
[125] I am doubtful whether this is essential.
[126] Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, vol. iii. p. 242.
[127] According to one account the ceremony takes place on the fortieth
day after birth.
[128] For the nature of the name see Chapter XXVI.
[129] Rosa Leschenaultiana.
[130] Lit. ‘eye arrow.’
[131] Probably here pei = demon (see p. 180).
[132] Loc. cit.
[133] The madnol and the palinol are sacred days on which certain
activities are prohibited (see Chap. XVII).
[134] Eugenia Arnottiana. This is the tree in which the hole is cut at
the pursütpimi ceremony.
[135] This was a marvainolkedr, but the rules for the earth-throwing
are the same at the first funeral.
[136] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii., p. 274.
[137] Bull., 1901, iv., p. 12.
[138] These photographs were obtained from Messrs. Wiele and Klein, and
I do not know the place or nature of the funeral which they illustrate,
but there is no indication of a pen in the picture; they probably
represent throwing earth at the entrance of a former pen. There is such
a place at Taradrkirsi, the male funeral place of the Kars clan. Here
earth is thrown by the side of a wood where the forest has grown over
the site of an old tu.
[139] Atylosia Candollei.
[140] If the word teiks is the same as that of teak wood it would make
it probable that the buffalo was formerly killed by the side of a
wooden post and that the use of a stone is secondary.
[141] Owing to the fact that the Nòdrs people do not kill both of these
kinds of buffalo at one funeral at the present time, they now only
bring one of the two bells from Òdr.
[142] Some observers have stated that the feet of the corpse are placed
within the mouth of the buffalo, but I could not confirm this.
[143] More elaborate laments are given on pp. 385–8.
[144] This ceremony is also called kachpùtchpimi.
[145] Natesa Sastri, Madras Mail, Aug. 28th, 1894.
[146] The matchuni of a person is the child of his mother’s brother, or
of his father’s sister (see Chapter XXI).
[147] At the azaramkedr (see p. 381) these boxes are only burnt at a
woman’s funeral, their place at a man’s funeral being taken by bamboo
vessels called wak. This is probably also true of the etvainolkedr.
[148] Loc. cit., p. 176.
[149] Ind. Antiq., 1874, iii. 274.
[150] P. 21.
[151] Letters on the Neilgherries, 1829, p. 81.
[152] This experience gave me a very striking object-lesson, showing
how easy it is to make mistakes in anthropological investigation. The
first account given to me seemed to make it absolutely clear that the
removal of the relics was made the occasion of a feast.
[153] Kûdri is the generic word for creeper.
[154] See Thurston, Bull., ii. p. 4.
[155] See Chap. XXV.
[156] Probably Olea robusta.
[157] Bull., i. 176.
[158] As I have already pointed out, this would only happen if the
people were of the same clan and sex.
[159] My notes do not make it absolutely clear who lights the fire at
the funeral of a male. The puntüt is lighted by a man of the same clan,
and this is probably also the case with the azaramtüt. Owing to the
fact that a woman becomes a member of her husband’s clan, the
daughter-in-law who lights the fire at a woman’s funeral will also be
of the same clan as the deceased.
[160] There was some question as to whether the ceremony did not begin
as soon as the fire was lighted.
[161] This would seem to indicate that when the fire is extinguished,
the objects burnt with the relics are far from being consumed by the
fire.
[162] See p. 365.
[163] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii. p 35.
[164] This is also the usual vocative termination.
[165] Kakoji is the Kota name for a toe-ring worn on the second toe of
the right foot by Kota women (see Breeks, p. 123). A similar word is
used for bracelets of vine made by the Todas as a game.
[166] In some cases Samuel could not give the literal meanings, and has
only given the general sense of the kwarzam.
[167] A play on Pidrvan’s name.
[168] As both these funeral laments were obtained from Samuel, I cannot
guarantee that the method of spelling adopted is the same as that used
elsewhere in the book; this is especially the case with the sign ‘th,’
which, in agreement with the practice customary in South India, was
used by Samuel for the lingual ‘ṭ,’ and sometimes for a sound for which
I have used the letter d.
[169] For the story to which this refers, see Chapter XXVIII.
[170] This may possibly be the world of Yama, the Todas rarely, if
ever, using the letter y. The word was often pronounced Amanòdr.
[171] This is one of several instances in which the initial t of a word
is omitted in compound forms.
[172] Möditi is the name applied to all the women of other tribes. It
is perhaps suggestive that this name should be used for a stone
connected with the goddess Teikirzi.
[173] Several of those who have witnessed Toda funerals have noticed
that barren buffaloes are killed on these occasions, and I believe that
it is a recognised custom to use such animals. Pidrvan’s funeral lament
begins with a reference to barren buffaloes, and the clause, “in the
midst of barren buffaloes you went,” evidently refers to Pidrvan’s
skill in catching buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies.
[174] See Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 1890, vol. ii., p. 146.
[175] In Teitnir’s lament for Pidrvan (see p. 387) he speaks of a Kars
kazun, which suggests that each clan has its own kazun.
[176] At this place there is now only a dairy.
[177] Pp. 18 and 67.
[178] According to another account, these bells are kept at the wursuli
of Nasmiòdr, and the wursuli of Kars has three mani in addition to
these.
[179] As we have already seen (p. 243) there is some reason to think
that there has been example of such transference of sanctity to an
object in the case of the mu or buried dairy vessel.
[180] Falls of the Cavery, 1834, p. 49.
[181] For the special method employed see p. 581.
[182] Burton (Goa and the Blue Mountains, p. 316) brands the Todas as
inveterate liars, because, evidently owing to some misunderstanding, he
was told that a “putting stone” was the “grandfather of the gods.”
[183] It will be remembered that at the azaramkedr of a woman, two
women stand at the entrance of the azaram one of whom holds a pounder
in her hands.
[184] I do not intend by this to indicate my belief that these cairns
are ancient Toda monuments. I only wish to point out that one of the
arguments which has been directed against this view is probably not
valid. I shall return to this point in a future chapter.
[185] I had no Toda with me when I visited the place, so cannot speak
with absolute certainty on the point.
[186] I do not wish to lay any stress on this argument, for, as I have
already indicated, it is possible that the eating of sambhar is a
recent innovation, which has arisen since the advent of Europeans to
the Nilgiris. Also I do not wish to indicate by the above that I commit
myself to a belief in the universality of totemism as a stage in
religious development. I only wish to point out that if this has been
so, the Todas furnish a good case in which we might expect all traces
of this descent to have disappeared or to have become so blurred and
scanty as to be of little value.
[187] These were the names given to me by the Todas, and their spelling
may not correspond with that in ordinary use.
[188] See Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits, vol. v, p. 122.
[189] For a few cases in which an individual is entered as the child of
a man who is known not to be his real father, see p. 534. In such a
case I have assigned the child to the parent who is regarded as the
legal father by the Todas.
[190] Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District, 1880, Appendix No. 17,
p. xlviii.
[191] Ibid. App. No. 20, p. lx.
[192] Letters on the Neilgherries, London, 1829, p. 75.
[193] Madras Journ. of Lit. and Science, 1836, vol. viii, p. 86.
[194] Ibid., 1848, vol. xv, p. 1.
[195] Manual, p. 27.
[196] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.
[197] Specimens of South Indian Dialects, Mangalore, 1873.
[198] Pp. 194–5.
[199] See Marshall, p. 213.
[200] Properly the river should not be crossed at all on these days
(see p. 418).
[201] The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol or
palinol.
[202] In cases of polyandry the names of the husbands are enclosed in
square brackets.
[203] See his account at the end of this chapter.
[204] I use the term ‘fatherhood’ instead of ‘paternity’ because the
latter term seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda
notion of ‘father.’
[205] For an instance, see p. 535.
[206] It will be noticed that I am using the term ‘Levirate’ in a wider
sense than that in which it is sometimes employed, for Sargveli was not
a childless widow.
[207] In 1902.
[208] Ter is also used in the sense of ‘fine,’ but is only used when
the fine takes the form of a buffalo or buffaloes. A money fine is
called saver.
[209] For an instance in the past see p. 538.
[210] For an instance see p. 535.
[211] Mokh here means ‘child’ in general, not son.
[212] For a full account see p. 366.
[213] Grigg’s Nilgiri Manual, Appendix, p. lxxiv.
[214] The definite appearance of jealousy in the history of Kwoten
must, however, be noted in this connexion.
[215] Loc. cit.
[216] This is evidently the same word as marth, which occurs in Chapter
XIV as a word for village.
[217] This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece
of dyed or printed cotton as at present.
[218] This is a custom of which I failed to obtain any account.
[219] This is evidently due to misunderstanding of the pursütpimi
ceremony. The Tamil word for ‘bow’ is vil.
[220] Probably Keradr.
[221] Badagas and Kotas.
[222] A full account of the two divisions and of their relation to one
another will be given in Chapter XXIX.
[223] Another name for a man of no clan is pazuli, but I do not know
whether this is merely a synonym of padmokh or whether a man can lose
the right of belonging to a clan for any other reason than that
described above.
[224] P. 132.
[225] A meeting of the council is often spoken of as kûtkûdriti, “the
assembly assembles,” or kûtpuniti, “the assembly makes.”
[226] It seemed clear that the term naim is also applied to these clan
councils.
[227] For a full account of this controversy see the Manual of the
Nilagiri District, by H. B. Grigg, Madras, 1880. See also Thurston,
Bull. i. 182.
[228] I am not clear on whom the expense of rebuilding and repairing a
dairy would fall when the dairy is situated at a village occupied by
one family only, and used exclusively for buffaloes which are the
private property of that family.
[229] On p. 70 I have given an example of the ownership of sacred
buffaloes in the Kars clan.
[230] Some patterns are given by Mr. Thurston, Bulletin, i. 1896, pl.
xii.
[231] This is the fruit of one of the plants (Rubus lasiocarpus) of
which the leaves are used in the ordination ceremonies of the dairymen
of Taradr and Kanòdrs.
[232] Bulletin, vol. iv., p. 16.
[233] Ashk is one of the Toda words for rice, and the name of the food
is therefore derived from this substance.
[234] It might have been expected that the part of the floor near the
door used for the dairy operations would be the meilkuter, but it is
not so. Meil also means ‘west’ and the explanation may be connected
with this.
[235] See Crooke’s Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India,
1896, vol. ii pp. 187–191.
[236] In India the marks on the moon are frequently supposed to
represent a hare.
[237] For another version of this story obtained by Mr. Thurston, see
Bulletin, iv. p. 1.
[238] The game is described by Breeks and Thurston under the name of
ilata, but this again is certainly not Toda.
[239] Bull. iv. p. 7.
[240] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1837, vol. v. p. 155.
[241] A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 2nd ed.,
London, 1875, p. 557.
[242] Outlines of the Tuḍa Grammar appended to Marshall’s Phrenologist
among the Todas.
[243] London, 1868.
[244] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1857, N.S., vol. i., p. 104.
[245] These sounds have usually been omitted in the Toda words as
written in this book.
[246] For equivalents of these signs in English words see the Phonetic
System at the beginning of the book.
[247] Mad, or more usually madth, is also the Toda word for churn, and
this word is probably derived indirectly from the Sanscrit mantha.
[248] See story of Kwoto.
[249] The last syllable of the name Meilitars given to Kwoto is
probably this word so that the name means ‘superior man.’
[250] This name also occurs in the story of Kwoten.
[251] Mopuvan is named after the hill Mopuvthut, which is mentioned in
the legend of Puzi (193).
[252] It will be noticed that, in these two cases, the old names are
those which occur in the genealogies. My informant probably remembered
these better than the new names, which had been assumed only late in
life.
[253] Mav is also the Toda word for sambhar.
[254] According to Harkness, “each burgher, hamlet, or village” gives
about two quarts (p. 108), or (p. 135) half a bushel to the ti and half
a bushel to the other Todas. According to Breeks (p. 9), the gudu is
about one-tenth, one-eighth, or one-fifth of the gross produce.
[255] It is possible that the elucidation of this point might also help
towards the explanation of the Badaga account of the Toda clans.
[256] P. 136.
[257] P. 4.
[258] According to Breeks, the Kotas who supply the Todas are known as
muḷḷu Kotas.
[259] The Kotas are agriculturists as well as mechanics, and, according
to Breeks, they are quite as efficient as the Badagas in this
occupation. They also keep buffaloes, though chiefly or entirely for
their own use.
[260] It is perhaps noteworthy that some of the Kurumbas of Malabar are
still noted for their cleverness in collecting honey, and are known as
Tên or honey Kurumbas (Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, iii, p. 9).
[261] By this I mean that there are now living thirty females who were
born members of the Nòdrsol, but since a woman becomes a member of her
husband’s clan, most of these are now members of other clans. I give
the numbers of each clan in this form because it brings out several
features of interest in relation to the relative fertility of different
clans, the proportions of the sexes, &c.
[262] Pidrvan died soon after my visit.
[263] For the story how the Kuudr people came to lose the right of
providing the palol for the Nòdrs ti, see p. 114.
[264] This was evidently a council consisting of the members of the
clan only.
[265] There is also a place called Devali in the Wainad which may
possibly be connected in some way with the Teivaliol.
[266] Grigg (Manual, p. 187) derives the word from tasan, a servant. S
or sh is sometimes inserted into the word Tartharol, but it is purely
euphonic, and I do not think that this derivation is at all probable.
[267] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.
[268] I neglect the first generation on account of the small number of
families for which there are data.
[269] Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, London, 1896.
[270] Cf. Crooke, loc. cit., vol. ii. pp. 187–191.
[271] Dalton, Trans. Ethnol. Soc., London, N.S., 1868, vol. vi, p. 37.
[272] Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1888, vol. i. p. 249.
[273] Loc. cit.
[274] Cain, Ind. Antiq., 1876, vol. v, p. 357.
[275] Kearns, Tribes of South India, p. 51.
[276] The Hindu at Home, Madras, p. 234.
[277] IV. 240.
[278] Crooke, loc. cit., vol. i. p. 269.
[279] Logan’s Malabar Manual, vol. i. p. 141.
[280] See Malabar Marriage Commission and Wigram’s Malabar Law and
Custom, 2nd ed., Madras, 1900.
[281] Census of India, 1901, vol. i., Eth. App., p. 136.
[282] Ibid., p. 142.
[283] Madras Gov. Museum Bull., iii. p. 247.
[284] Ibid., p. 70.
[285] Ibid., p. 61. See also Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs, and
Ceremonies, Oxford, 1899, p. 17.
[286] Madras Museum Bull., iii. p. 242.
[287] Cf. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or
South-Indian Family of Languages, 2nd ed., London, 1875, p. 23.
[288] It is perhaps worth noting that at present only Teivali diviners
are reputed to speak Malayalam.
[289] Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1889, vol. i. p. 535.
[290] Mysore Census Report, 1901, Pt. i. p. 521.
[291] Histoire générale des Races Humaines, Paris, 1889, Introduction,
p. 469.
[292] Ethnology, Cambridge, 1896, p. 418.
[293] The Races of Man, London, 1900, p. 412.
[294] In a paper which I have only seen since the above was written (C.
R. de la Soc. de Biol., 1905, t. lix, p. 123) M. Louis Lapicque has
called attention to the resemblance between Todas and Nairs. He regards
the Todas as pure or almost pure examples of one of the two races of
which he believes the Dravidian population of India to be composed, the
Nairs being more mixed with the negroid element, which forms the other
component of the population according to M. Lapicque.
[295] It must also be borne in mind that the figures of the Nambutiris
and those of some of the Todas are based on the measurement of
twenty-five individuals only in each case.
[296] Some of these measurements are based on the examination of
eighty-two men, others are derived from twenty-five men only.
[297] The relations existing between Nair women and Nambutiri men must
have brought about an approximation of the two Malabar castes in
physical characters, even if they were originally of different ethnical
origin.
[298] It is worth noting that they practise male descent, while the
Nairs follow the Marumakkattayam system of inheritance.
[299] I should much like to know the ratios between the lengths of
different limb bones, such as those shown by the radio-humeral or
tibio-femoral indices. The observations on the cubit and the distance
from the middle finger to the patella suggest that considerable
differences might be found between the Todas and the Malabar castes in
these ratios, which do not seem to me to have yet received from the
physical anthropologist the attention they deserve.
[300] It will be remembered that the Todas claim to have once possessed
a spear which had belonged to their god, Kwoten.
[301] See p. 445.
[302] The argument will hold equally well if the Todas in their
previous home had been accustomed to procure their pottery from others,
but had when they reached the Nilgiris to rely solely on the Kotas for
help in this direction.
[303] See p. 402.
[304] Loc. cit.
[305] Add. MS. 9853, pp. 464–5, MS. 25–26 vol. [Translation].
[306] Or Cattanar, a native priest of the Syrian Church.
[307] Add. MS. 9853, p. 479, MS. 40 vol. [Translation].
[308] In the translation given by Whitehouse the name of this priest is
given as Ferreira.
[309] A member of the Errari or cowherd caste.
[310] ? Vaishya.
[311] Whitehouse suggests that this is Melur.
[312] I do not know the meaning of this. One caste of the Badagas is
called Torya.
[313] Seventh?
[314] By the context this should be 100 buffalo cows.
[315] Evidently the wursol.