The second day we wished to start at dawn, but we met fifteen or

sixteen men of that village coming by the road we were to pursue, all

armed, and they told us that there were three elephants in the way, so

we waited until nine o’clock and in the meantime the elephants sought

their pasture. This second day we supped at the foot of a very high

mountain over which our road lay, and as there was no village and there

were elephants about, after supper we climbed part of the mountain and

slept there. After midnight we climbed nearly all the rest of the

mountain by moonlight, with great labour and fatigue. On reaching the

summit other great mountains appeared, and others beyond them, at which

we were all astounded, for some of them were so steep that we were

obliged to descend in a sitting posture. When the Errari found himself

on these mountains, he said that God was punishing him for his sins,

and that going up and down such mountains would shorten their lives by

ten years. The chatim, our guide, looking down from a mountain, said

that merely looking down dazzled his eyes, and so said the Naires on

other occasions in similar circumstances. But I could not restrain my

laughter, and began singing hymns in Malabar against pagodas, whereupon

the others laughed too, and joined in the hymns. It was now noon, and

we had still another mountain to climb before reaching the village of

the Badagas, neighbours of the Thodares, but we were so tired that we

could go no further. We wished to dine, and there was very good cold

water flowing from a mountain, but we had no fire. The Errari offered

to go up with the Brahmin and to send us down a light. I would not

suffer him to take so much trouble, nor was it necessary, for the

chatim, our guide, struck fire from two twigs, and thereupon everyone

sat down to rest, cooking his rice meanwhile. When we had rested we

climbed the mountain and reached the village of the Badegas. It is a

village of 150 to 200 souls, called Meleuntaõ. [311] The Cacenar is

reported to have visited it. Here we found the chief of the Todeos and

spoke with him. He promised to go and assemble the rest, that we might

speak to them. In this village they have fowls, cows, goats, rice,

lentils, mustard seed, garlick, and honey. They brought me some wheat

in the husk, which was very difficult to remove, and therefore it

seemed to me more like barley or some other grain than wheat. The

Badagos are like the Malabars, and they say there are two other

villages like this in these mountains, four, five, and six leagues

distant from each other. These trade with the Thodares and sell them

rice, buying buffalo butter from them, which they carry to Manaracathe

for sale. The next day I wished to discourse to these Badagas

concerning our law. I showed them the pictures of Our Lady of St. Luke,

telling them that the child was God, who became man to teach us his law

and save us. I showed them a gilt Bible and told them that it was the

book of our law, and as they all surrounded me, I went up into a high

place and the Errari with me. I spoke in Malabar and the Errari

interpreted in Canara, which is their language. A Badaga who understood

Malabar could not contain himself, but came up to where I was and spoke

to me in Topas. [312] Then I taught him that the law given to us by the

God made man was contained in ten commandments, &c., and they all

rejoiced at the ten commandments and their explanation. Only at the

sixth [313] commandment the Topas Badaga represented to me that the

Malabars also had many wives. I told him that this law was not the law

of the Malabars, but of God, and that they did wrong in having many

wives, whereupon he was satisfied. Finally I told him that I had not

come to teach the Thodares only, but them also if they would accept

this law. They replied that the law was very good, but they did not

dare adopt it, neither could I live in these barren mountains, &c. I

make no doubt that if a priest were there they would all be converted.

While I was in this village of Melentaõ the priest of the Thodares came

thither, but he remained outside the village, for he may not touch a

woman. I went to see him and found him seated on the ground with seven

or eight others seated near him. He was a huge man, well proportioned,

with a long beard and hair like a Nazarene falling on his shoulders,

the front hair drawn back over his head, leaving his forehead

uncovered. His dress was a shawl from the waist to the knees, and the

rest of his body was naked; he held a sickle in his hand. When I had

come up to him and sat down, he asked me how I was; I replied that I

was well and all the better for meeting him, for it proved to me that

God was my guide, since I had come from so far to see the Thodares and

immediately met with their chief. He asked the purpose of my coming. I

replied that I had come to see the Thodares, having heard that we were

of the same race and laws, and that last year one of our people visited

them and gave us a very good account of them. I asked him if they knew

from whom they were descended. He said no, and thereupon would have

taken leave of us. Then I said that it was not right to wish to leave

us so soon, since we had come so far solely to visit them, and upon

this he remained. Then I inquired of those around who he was, and what

was his office. They replied that he was called Pallem and was like the

Belicha Paro among the Malabars. Belichaparo is he who takes care of

the pagoda, and sometimes the devil enters into him, and he trembles

and rolls upon the ground, and answers questions put to him in the name

of the pagoda. I asked if the Thodares had pagodas; they replied that

they had a live buffalo cow for a pagoda, and they hung a bell round

its neck, and the Pallem offered it milk every day, and then let it

loose in the fields to graze with the rest. And every month or

thereabouts, the Pallem seizes the buffalo by the horns and trembles,

saying that the buffalo bids them change the pasture, and thereupon

they change their place and pasture. By the milk and butter of this

buffalo and that of its children and grandchildren, which already reach

120, this Pallem is maintained. On this mountain where I was there were

100 Thodares, [314] and they had three pallems between them, each

having his buffalo for a pagoda. When the buffalo dies the Thodares

assemble, choose one of these hundred, tie the bell round its neck, and

it becomes a pagoda. Besides the buffalo they have 300 pagodas to whom

they also make offerings of milk. I asked him why he carried the sickle

in his hand, and he replied that God commanded him to carry no other

arm or stick but only that sickle. He used it to scratch his head,

which was swarming with lice, and they could be seen crawling among his

hair. I asked if he was married; he answered that he and his younger

brother were married to the same woman, but as he might not touch a

woman in the house she always lived with his brother, but he sent for

her into the bush every week or so, when it was a fine day. And when he

liked he sent for any of the wives of the Thodares whom he chose, and

the husbands allowed it so long as he paid them. I asked if they had

books and he said no; none of them can read or write. He also told me

that they had a father whom God took up to heaven, body and soul, and

the buffaloes looked up to heaven after him, and that was why they made

offerings to the buffaloes. At last I gave him one of the

looking-glasses from Calicut, with which he was very pleased and said

he would give it to his wife. Then I took leave of him, after showing

him the pictures and Bible, at which he wondered. Besides this pallem

they have another whom they call Ferral, [315] who is present when they

give the buffaloes salt water, and he trembles, bidding them give them

drink, and they will give much milk, and grow fat, and give butter in

plenty, &c.

The next day we went to visit the villages of the Thodares. We climbed

quite half a league above this village, and on reaching the summit

nothing was visible on every side but mountains and valleys; all was

desert without a single fruit or forest tree, excepting in an

occasional damp place where there were a few forest trees. There are no

palm trees or jacks in all these mountains, nor any fruit trees, as I

have said. As we traversed these mountains and valleys, every now and

then we saw a herd of buffaloes in the distance with a Thodar or two

guarding them. In this way we met four or five Thodares and sent them

to fetch the rest. As no women were visible, I promised one a

looking-glass if he would go and fetch them. He hastened away up a

mountain and brought back four women, who remained at a distance

through timidity and would not join the rest. I sent them word that

they must approach if they wanted looking-glasses, and then they came

up. After this we went on for another half a league or more and came

upon two Thodar huts at the foot of a mountain. They were like a large

barrel half buried in the ground, or like a covered bier. They were

nine spans in length and the same in breadth; and six spans in the

highest part. The hoops of the barrel were of thick reeds like Indian

cane, bent into a hoop with both ends fixed in the ground. Pieces of

wood from the bush were laid across these reeds and covered with grass.

The front was made of stakes set on end, like organ pipes, with no

other filling whatever. The door was a span and four inches wide, and

two spans and an inch high, so that the Errari and myself could

scarcely enter, and inside we had to kneel. There were two beds with

grass mattresses on each side, and a small pit in the middle of the hut

which was the fireplace. There was a little window on one side, a

finger’s length high and a span wide. Beside these houses was a pen for

buffaloes, and close by another little house where they make the

butter. They said the other houses were half a league distant from each

other. Thirty or forty Thodares assembled; they are clothed in a large

sheet with no other covering but a small loincloth four or five fingers

wide. Their arms are long sticks smeared with butter; when new they

look like strips of white paper at a distance, but they cure them and

they turn black. They wear long beards, and rather long hair, but not

so long as the Pallem. It was two months since I had shaved or cut my

hair, so that I looked like one of them, and they did not wonder at me

as they did at the Cacenar, who went there with no hair or beard. They

never shave except when one of them dies. At a death they kill half of

the dead man’s buffaloes, and the other half goes to his heirs. If he

has no buffaloes each person gives one, and half of them are killed and

the rest are left. They burn the dead body, but it must be wrapped in a

veil of pure silk, which they call a toda-pata, worth five or six

fanams; and if this is lacking they must wait for it, though it be for

a year. In the meantime, in order to preserve the body they open it at

the loins, take out the entrails, and cut off the occiput; then they

place it in an arbour and dry it in the smoke. Two brothers marry the

same woman; she lives with the eldest at night, and with the youngest

by day. Others have two or three wives. They do not eat fowls, cow’s

flesh, nor goat, and so they breed none of these. They do not eat

buffalo’s flesh, but only wild boar and venison. They eat no salt. They

have no crops of any kind, and no occupation but the breeding of

buffaloes, on whose milk and butter they live. They have no vassals, as

was reported; on the contrary, they are subject and pay tribute to the

Badega chiefs. When they eat they hold the rice in their left hand,

take a lump of butter in the right, mix it with the rice, and so eat

it; when their meal is finished they rub their hands together and wipe

them on their hair, and so they all smell of butter. In colour they

resemble the Malabars, some whiter and some darker; they are generally

moderately tall. Their ears are pierced or bored, not long like those

of the Malabars, and some wear a silver circle in them like a ring.

They wear black threads round their necks, and some have a large silver

bead like a pater-noster in front. I had a skein of black thread in my

pocket and drew it out; a Thodar seeing it begged it of me earnestly

two or three times. I told him that I must give it to the women, and I

divided it in four and gave it to the four women above mentioned, and I

gave them a looking-glass each, with which they were very delighted.

The women wear nothing but a long sheet like the men; they wrap it

round them, throwing the right end over the left shoulder, and so cover

themselves. Their hair hangs loose, but their faces are uncovered. I

said that the women lower down wore bracelets, chains, and jewels on

their arms and necks, and in their ears, and thereupon one of them

uncovered her arm, on which she wore four large well-made copper

bracelets. The sheet worn by both men and women is so filthy that it

looks as if it would not burn if you put it on the fire, and if water

were thrown on it, it would not penetrate. The men look after the

house, cook the rice, do the milking, make the butter, and mind the

buffaloes. The women do nothing but pound the rice, and sometimes mind

the buffaloes in the absence of their husbands. In speaking with the

Pallem I asked him whether he or his wife cooked the rice; he replied

that it was a great disgrace among them to allow the wife to cook the

rice. The Thodares being thus assembled, I told them that, hearing that

we were of the same race and law, I had come to visit them, and as I

knew they had neither priest, book, nor law, I being a priest had come

to teach them. I asked if they were glad to have me with them, and they

replied that they rejoiced greatly at it. I asked if they would follow

all my instructions, and they said they would. Then I asked if they

would leave off adoring the buffalo and the 300 pagodas. They replied

that they feared the buffaloes and pagodas would do them some harm. I

said I would be answerable for it, and that I had more power than the

pagodas. Then they said that if I would defend them they would

willingly leave off adoring them. I asked if they would give up the

custom of two brothers marrying one woman, and they said they would. I

asked if they thought it right to give their wives to the Pallem; an

old man replied, “If it is the command of God, what can we do?” After

this they asked me of their own accord to show them the pictures and

the book; I did so, and they paid homage to them with great rejoicing.

I also gave them a looking-glass each, and after discoursing and

conversing with them for some time I asked them to give me two children

to take away with me; they excused themselves, saying that they could

not do so just then. I asked from whence they were descended, and one

replied that he had heard that they came from the East, and some

remained there while some settled lower down. They were amazed at

seeing white men, and asked me to uncover my arms for them to look at.

They were delighted with the Errari’s red tunic and gold buttons, and

velvet cap with the gold braid.

At last I took leave of them, promising to return at some time during

the year and remain with them longer. It did not seem to me necessary

to delay any longer, nor to lay any foundation of our faith, as I do

not think that the present is a suitable time for the Company to

undertake such out-of-the-way enterprises, since it cannot attend to

others of greater importance which are close at hand, for want of

workers. The Thodares only number a thousand, and these are scattered

about four mountains, two belonging to the Malabar, where there are

300. I went to one of these which belongs to the Samorim, another

belonging to the Naique, where there are another 300, or a little over;

and another belonging to another king, near Charti, where there are

another 300 or rather more; the whole distance being eight Canara

leagues, which are sixteen in Malabar. And they live scattered

about—every month or thereabouts they move their village. The whole

district is uninhabited desert. The winds and climate are very cold;

the water is excellent, but icy cold; it flows down from the mountains;

it cannot be drunk at a draught because of the cold. One is obliged to

pause, and after drinking one has to wait awhile for the gums and teeth

to get warm. The journey there and back is very laborious and can only

be undertaken in January and February. From Manarcate upwards it is

impossible to travel in a litter. On the return journey I was very

fatigued and asked if it were possible to find men to carry me. I was

told that there were plenty of men, but that it was impossible to be

carried over these mountains, where one person alone could only climb

up and down with great difficulty. Besides this, the Errari and all the

rest were very pressing that I should return before any of us fell ill;

the Errari said he was himself indisposed, as well as some of the

others. They could not tell me anything concerning the Blessed Trinity.

I asked them why they wore their hair loose, and a Badaga replied that

in the time of Charamparimatei they killed the father of the Thodares,

and they asked, “Who killed our father?” and they answered that God

killed him; whereupon they unbound their hair and said, “Never will we

bind up our hair again until we have killed God, in revenge for our

father [and] for the broken pots.” On the return journey the Badegas

showed us a shorter and less difficult road, which took us two days and

a half, but saved going up and down the last steep mountains. However,

there was no lack of mountains to climb, but they were not so

difficult, though the first day we climbed down one which was very high

and steep. We numbered fourteen with the guides. There was a Badega

village at the foot of the mountain, and seeing us they took us for a

hostile band and fled into the bush. Our guides called to them not to

fly, for we were men of peace who had been to visit the Thodares,

whereupon they returned, and coming down we found them armed with their

little lances, but we saw the women and children still hidden in the

bush. A little further on we came upon four or five more houses; these

people also fled into the bush, the women carrying the children on

their backs. The second day we slept in the bush two leagues from

Manarecate. There were tigers and elephants about, but God preserved us

and we all reached Calicut in safety, thanks be to Our Lord. Several

afterwards fell sick, however, among whom was the Variel, who is still

suffering. May God restore him, for he has promised me to become a

Christian, and has already broken his own law as regards food, &c.

APPENDIX II

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1812. Keys, William. A Topographical Description of the Neelaghery

Mountains (a letter printed in Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District,

Appendix, p. xlviii).

1819. “A Subscriber.” Letter to the Madras Courier, Feb. 23, 1819

(reprinted in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lii).

1820. Macpherson, Evans. A Letter reprinted in Grigg’s Manual,

Appendix, p. lv.

1821. Ward, B. S. Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of

the Neelgherry Mountains (printed in Grigg’s Manual, Appendix, p. lx).

1829. Hough, James. Letters on the Climate, Inhabitants, Productions,

etc., of the Neilgherries or Blue Mountains of Coimbatore, South India.

London. (Letters previously published in the Bengal Hurkaru, 1826.)

1829. Young, D. S. An Account of the General and Medical Topography of

the Neelgherries. Trans. Medical and Physical Soc. of Calcutta, vol.

iv, p. 36.

1832. Harkness, Henry. A Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race

inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills. London.

1834. Jervis, H. Narrative of a Journey to the Falls of the Cavery;

with an historical and descriptive Account of the Neilgherry Hills.

London.

1834. Mignon, Capt. Notes extracted from a Private Journal written

during a Tour through Malabar and among the Neilgherries. Bombay,

American Mission Press (I have not been able to see a copy of this

book).

1837. Schmid, Bernhard. An Essay on the Relationship of Language and

Nations. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. v, p. 133: on p. 155 is a

section “On the Dialect of the Todavers, the Aborigines of the

Neelgherries.”

1837. Barron, Richard. Views in India. London. (Coloured plates of Toda

man and woman, and of the village of Kars.)

1838. Birch, de Burgh. Topographical Report on the Neilgherries. Madras

Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. viii, p. 86.

1838. Schmid, Bernhard. Ueber Sprache- und Völkerverwandschaft, Halle.

On S. 27 is a section on the dialect of the Todas.

1842. Stevenson, Rev. Dr. A Collection of Words from the Language of

the Todas, the Chief Tribe of the Nilgiri Hills. Journ. Bombay Branch

of Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. i, p. 155.

1844. Muzzy, C. F. Account of the Neilgherry Hill Tribes. Madras

Christian Instructor and Missionary Record, Madras, vol. ii, p. 358.

1844. Anon. Madras Spectator, Aug. 31, 1844, p. 559 (an account of a

Toda funeral).

1844–5. Congreve, H. The Descent of the Thautawars. Madras Spectator,

1844, pp. 361, 655, 694, 768; 1845, pp. 29, 37, 63.

1847. Congreve, H. The Antiquities of the Neilgherry Hills, including

an Inquiry into the Descent of the Thautawars or Todas. Madras Journ.

Lit. and Sci., vol. xiv, p. 77.

1848. Ouchterlony. Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of

the Neilgherry Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1848, vol. xv,

p. 1.

1849. Schmid, B. Remarks on the Origin and Languages of the Aborigines

of the Nilgiris, suggested by the papers of Captain Congreve and the

Rev. W. Taylor on the supposed Celto-Scythic Antiquities in the South

of India. Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. iii, Part I, p.

50.

1851. Ford, Sir Francis. Neilgherry Letters. Bombay, 1851.

1851. Burton, R. F. Goa and the Blue Mountains. London, 1851 (pp.

316–344).

1856. Caldwell, R. A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages.

London; p. 503, “Are the Nilgherry Tudas Dravidians?” (2nd edition,

1875, p. 555).

1857. Metz, J. F. Die Volkstämme der Nilagiri’s. Basel.

1857–8. Metz, F. A Vocabulary of the Dialect spoken by the Todas of the

Nilagiri Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., N.S., vol. i, pp. 103,

131, and vol. ii, p. 1.

1864. Metz, F. The Tribe inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills: their Social

Customs and Religious Rites; from the rough notes of a German

Missionary. Second enlarged edition, Mangalore.

1868. Shortt, J. An Account of the Tribes on the Neilgherries. Madras

(republishes part of Ouchterlony’s Memoir).

1869. Shortt, J. An Account of the Hill Tribes of the Neilgherries.

Trans. Ethnol. Soc., N.S., vol. vii, p. 230.

1870. King, W. Ross. The Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. London

(republished from Journal of Anthropology).

1873. Marshall, William E. A Phrenologist among the Todas. London

(includes “a Brief Outline of the Grammar of the Tuda Language,” by the

Rev. G. U. Pope).

1873. Breeks, James Wilkinson. An Account of the Primitive Tribes and

Monuments of the Nilagiris. London.

1873. Burnell, A. C. Specimens of South Indian Dialects. Mangalore.

1873–5. de Quatrefages. Étude sur les Todas. Journal des Savants,

Paris, 1873, p. 729; 1874, pp. 5 and 96; 1875, p. 30.

1874. Walhouse, M. J. A Toda Dry Funeral. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii,

p. 93. A Toda “Green Funeral.” Ibid., p. 274.

1874. Kittel. On some Dravidian Words. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p.

205.

1877. Walhouse, M. J. Archæological Notes. Indian Antiquary, vol. vi,

p. 41.

1880. Grigg, H. B. A Manual of the Nilagiri District in the Madras

Presidency. Madras.

1894. Natesa Sastri, S. M. A New Study of the Todas. Madras Mail, Aug.

28th, 1894.

1895. Thurston, Edgar. The Todas of the Nilgiris. Bull. Madras

Government Museum, vol. i, p. 141.

1901. Thurston, Edgar. Todas of the Nilgiris. Ibid., vol. iv, p. 1.

? Ling, Catharine F. The Todas. Publication of the Church of England

Zenana Missionary Society: London.

1904. Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi. A few notes on the Todas.

Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, vol. vii, p. 68.

APPENDIX III

LIST OF TODA VILLAGES (NOT INCLUDING TI MAD)

Village. Clan. Badaga name. Remarks.

Akîrsikòdri Nidrsi Taranadmand male funeral place.

Ârpâr Päm

Ârs Kuudr Anekkalmand

Artol Taradr Aretalmand

Âtimad Taradr Karadikottumand

Eirgûdr Nòdrs Nerkodumand

Erparskòdr Piedr Yeppakodumand

Îdrtol Kuudr Edattalmand

Inikitj Päm Bettumand

Isharâdr Kars Kadimand

Iûdi Kwòdrdoni male funeral place.

Îvigar Kuudr Kekidamand in ruins.

Kabûdri Pan Tebbekudumand male funeral place.

Kâkhûdri Melgars Kaggodumand

Kalmathi Kars Kalmattimand in ruins ten years.

Kalmad Kars Kulamand in ruins.

Kanòdrs Kanòdrs Devarmand etudmad.

Kapthòri Keadr Kunnapemand in ruins.

Karars Keradr

Karia Kuudr Kariyamand

Kârs Kars Kandalmand etudmad.

Kârsh Karsh

Kashtkòdr Kuudr Kattikadumand unoccupied.

Katerk Nòdrs Kaitarkemand

Katikâr Kwòdrdoni Kodanadmand

Katol Melgars in ruins.

Kâvâther Nidrsi Kabaiteraimand

Kavîdi Piedr in the Wainad.

Keâdr Keadr Karrikadumand etudmad.

Kebâr Nidrsi female funeral place.

Kedâr Nòdrs Kangatarmand in ruins.

Keirod Kuudr Keradamand

Kerâdr Keradr Kannagimand etudmad, also male

funeral place.

Kerkârs Taradr Karrakalmand

Keshkar Kanòdrs

Keshker Kars Kakerimand also called Minikimand.

Kidmad Kidmad

Kîrsâs Melgars

Kiûdr Kuudr Kengodumand satimad.

Kiûsh Piedr Karimulimand

Kòdrers Piedr Hadamand

Koers Keradr Kokimalmand in ruins.

Kozhber Kuudr Kasubiramand disused.

Kozhtûdi Nòdrs

Kûtdimad Taradr Kulimand

Kudòdrs Nòdrs Kombutukkimand

Kûdrâdr Keadr Kudukkadumand

Kûdrmâs Taradr Kudimalmand kalolmad.

Kûdrnâkhum Nòdrs Kudinagamand

Kugwuln Kuudr disused.

Kûirsi Pan Kolimand

Kûlikâl Kwòdrdoni Kolikkalmand in ruins.

Kulkòdri Nòdrs Kolakkadumand in ruins.

Külmud Kars Malaividumand female funeral place.

Külthpuli Nòdrs female funeral place.

Kûrkalmut Kuudr female funeral place.

Kurvâs Nòdrs Kurudamand

Kushârf Kusharf etudmad.

Kûûdi Piedr Anaikundukulimand (? Köûdi).

Kûûdr Kuudr Kundakodumand etudmad.

Kuzhû Kars Kunditolmand

Kuzhû Kanòdrs near Kanòdrs: disused.

Kwarâdr Keadr Kugadodmand

Kwatkash Päm Marunallimand female funeral place.

Kwîrg Kuudr Korangumand

Kwòdrdôni Kwòdrdoni Kodudonnemand etudmad.

Madôni Pedrkars

Madsû Päm Manjathalmand

Madsû Kuudr disused.

Marsners Päm

Melgârs Melgars Manjakkalmand etudmad.

Melkòdr Kuudr Mekkodumand

Melûr Pedrkars Madaliyurmand

Merkwadrvalth Kanòdrs

Meroln Piedr male funeral place.

Mîrzôti Melgars male funeral place.

Miûni Kuudr Marlimand

Molkush Kuudr Malkodmand

Mòmanôthi Piedr female funeral place.

Mulòrs Nòdrs funeral place for boys.

Muthûkòr Kuudr disused.

Nasmiòdr Kars (Aganadmand)

Nâtêrs Pan Natanerimand

Nedrdol Taradr Kilmand in ruins.

Nelkush Nòdrs Neykadimand in ruins.

Nerigudi Nòdrs Nergulimand

Nerngòdr Kuudr disused.

Nersvem Kwòdrdoni Nervenumand in ruins.

Nersvem Nidrsi Nadumand in ruins.

Neshkwòdr Keadr Nedikodumand

Nidrsi Nidrsi Nidimand etudmad.

Nîrkâtji Kuudr Nirkachimand

Nîrsht Piedr

Nirsk Päm female funeral place.

Nòdrmad Taradr Nadumand

Nòdrs Nòdrs Muttanadmand etudmad.

Nongârsi Kars Kettarimand in ruins (? belonged to

Piedr).

Nüln Melgars Nerigulimand

Òdr Nòdrs Aganadmand

Òrs Taradr Alaikudalmand

Padegâr Melgars Kottapolmand also called Kotapol,

see p. 664.

Pâkhalkûdr Kars Bagalkodumand

Paliners Kuudr

Päm Päm in ruins.

Pamârkol Piedr female funeral place.

Pan Pan Onnamand etudmad: often called

“One mand.”

Panmuti Nidrsi Banatimand

Parzkadi Nidrsi in ruins.

Pathâdr Nòdrs Buddankodumand

Pathmârs Pan Bettumand

Pêdrkârs Pedrkars Bedakalmand etudmad.

Pegârsi Keradr Attumand in ruins.

Peivòrs Kuudr

Pekhòdr Keadr Osamand “new mand.”

Peletkwur Kars Attakoraimand

Pêrg Pan Yeragimand kalolmad.

Perththo Nòdrs Perittitalmand see p. 648.

Peshkimad Pedrkars female funeral place.

Pevar Taradr Pevarmand in ruins.

Pidati Nidrsi Bendutimand

Pîedr Pîedr Waragudumand etudmad.

Pîitth Kuudr male funeral place,

near Kuudr.

Pineiwars Nòdrs Pinnapolamand in ruins.

Pirshti Nòdrs Baggulamand

Pîrsûsh Kuudr Billanjikadumand

Pishkwosht Kanòdrs Bikkapatimand

Pòdzkwar Kars Narigulimand or Pûzhkwar.

Poln Kusharf Pagulimand

Pömad Pemand Kars in ruins twenty years:

near Peletkwur.

Pongûdr Pedrkars

Pòsh Melgars Onnekudimand

Pòti Piedr Pattimand

Potvaili Piedr disused.

Pülkwûdr Taradr Olakkodumand

Pulthkûln Keradr Bikkolmand

Punmud Kwòdrdoni Banukudumand female funeral place.

Punumikâtuni Kuudr female funeral place.

Purati Nòdrs Portimand

Puretimokh Melgars female funeral place.

Purskudiâr Pan Porikodiyoramand

Pushtar Taradr Pattaraimand

Putamad Kuudr disused.

Pûtol Nòdrs Puttalmand

Püvars Kars Ammakoraimand

Pûvi Päm Pudiyapalamand male funeral place

Sultar Pedrkars male funeral place.

Sudvaili Piedr male funeral place in

the Wainad.

Tâktut Päm place for small male

funerals.

Taknin Kanòdrs near Kanòdrs.

Tâmâkh Kuudr Tamogamand

Târâdr Taradr Tarnardmand etudmad, and male

funeral place.

Târâdrkîrsi Kars Kavaikkadumand male funeral place,

also kalolmad.

Tarkòdr Kuudr Terkodmand

Tavatkûdr Piedr Tavattakoraimand

Tebmârs Taradr Urutharaimand

Tedshteiri Nòdrs Talapatharaimand

Teidr Kusharf Denadmand

Telgûdr Taradr Telhodumand kalolmad.

Tigòir Piedr Tukkaramand

Tîm Pan male funeral place:

possibly another name

of Kabûdri.

Tòthikeir Nòdrs Jegadevarmand in ruins.

Tôvalkan Keradr Tuvalkandimand

Tûdrkwur Kusharf Todakaraimand

Tülchoven Päm male funeral place.

Umgâs Kusharf Yemmekalmand

Ushâdr Melgars Kavaimand male and female funeral

place.

Wengûdr Taradr Yenakodumand in ruins.

APPENDIX IV

In the following list I give the botanical names of the plants or kinds

of wood used by the Todas in their ordinary life or in their

ceremonial. I owe these names to the kindness of Mr. Thurston and Mr.

K. Rangachari.

Änmul Rubus moluccanus, L.

Âvelashki Hedyotis stylosa, Br.

Kabûdri Euphorbia Rothiana, Sprengl.

Kadak or kadakmul Rosa Leschenaultiana, W and A.

Kâkâr Eragrostica nigra, Nees.

Kâkhûdri Dregea volubilis, Benth.

Kâkkûdri Gardneria ovata, Wall.

Kâkûd Mappia foetida, Miers.

Kârkekoi Rhamnus Wightii, W and A.

Karneizi Acronychia laurifolia, Bl.

Kêrs Eugenia Arnottiana, Wight.

Kîâz Litsaea Wightiana, Benth. and Hk. f.

Kid Probably Olea robusta.

Kîri or Kîrsi Amaranthus (speciosus ?).

Kudi Hydrocotyle asiatica, L.

Kûrêrs Eugenia calophyllifolia, Wight.

Kurskat Strobilanthes, ? species.

Kwadiki or kwadriki Myrsine capitellata, Wall. var. lanceolata.

Kwagal Polygonum rude, Meissn. and P. chinense, L.

Kwatimali Coriandrum sativum, L.

Main Cinnamomum Wightii, Meissn.

Melkûdri Piper sp.

Mòrs Michelia nilagirica, Zenk.

Nârk Andropogon schoenanthus, L.

Pârs (wood) ? Sideroxylon.

Pârs (leaves) Pentapanax Leschenaultii, Seem.

Parskuti Eleagnus latifolia, L.

Pâsòr Dodonaea viscosa, L.

Pathanmul Solanum indicum, L.

Patm Panicum miliare, Lamk.

Pelkkodsthmul Rubus ellipticus, Sm.

Peshteinmul ? Phyllochlamys sp.

Pôhvet Pavetta creniflora, DC.

Pötûr Anaphalis oblonga, DC.

Pûl Ilex Wightiana, Wall.

Purs Rhododendron arboreum, Sm. and Elaeagnus

latifolia.

Pûtkimul Rubus lasiocarpus, Sm.

Pûv or pûf Sophora glauca, Lesch.

Püvkai Strobilanthes, ? species.

Takmul Berberis aristata, DC.

Tavat Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, Wight.

Teinkûdri Senecio corymbosus, Wall.

Tib Leucas zeylanica, Br., and L. aspera, Sprengl.

Tirparikat Strobilanthes, ? species.

Tiveri Atylosa candollei, W and A.

Tôârsmitch Diospyros sp.

Tòri or tòrimul Berberis nepalensis, Sprengl.

Tûdr Meliosma pungens, Wall. and M. Wightii, Planch.

Twadri Girardinia heterophylla DC.

Wâdr Ochlandra sp.

GLOSSARY

Only the more important Toda words used in this book are included in

the glossary. The words are arranged in alphabetical order, neglecting

the quantity or other value of the first vowel. The numbers refer to

the pages on which fuller descriptions of the terms are given.

Âḍrpârs, coagulated milk, curd, p. 64.

agâr, a stand in the dairy, p. 60.

al, the deposit after the clarification of butter used as food, pp. 50,

242.

alug, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.

Amnòḍr, the world of the dead, p. 397.

an (anna), elder brother, p. 486.

än, ancient clothing of the Todas, pp. 196, 342, 572.

Anto, a dairy, p. 112;

also a god, p. 188.

ârpatznol or ârpasnol, a sacred day, p. 407.

ârs, house, p. 583.

ârsaiîr, buffaloes of the Kwòḍrdôni tî, p. 121.

ârsûp, a salt-giving ceremony, p. 175.

ashkkârtpimi, a food used on ceremonial occasions, p. 580.

âtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.

âv (âvâ), mother, p. 485.

âzâram, the circle of stones in which the ashes are buried at a

funeral, pp. 337, 379.

âzâramkêḍr, the last part of the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 378.

Epotirikhtârs, a double hut, p. 29.

êr, a male buffalo, p. 47.

êrkumptthpimi or êrkumptthiti, the ceremony of sacrificing a calf, p.

274.

êrnkâr, sacrificial place at the êrkumptthpimi ceremony, p. 276.

êrs, leaf.

êrsteiti, the act of making a leaf-cup, pp. 75, 148.

ertatpun, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

ertatmâr, part of the dairy where the less sacred vessels stand, p. 58.

ertatpur, the less sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.

etûdpali, chief dairy, p. 40.

etûdmad, the chief village of a clan or other important village, pp.

24, 36, 419.

etvainolkêḍr, the first funeral ceremony, p. 337.

ichchil, a condition of impurity due to death or child-birth, pp. 102,

326, 368.

iḍith, “for the sake of,” p. 216.

îḍrkwoi, a vessel used at a tî dairy, p. 90.

îḍrtul, part of a hut containing the sleeping-places, p. 583.

îmûḍrikârs, stones at certain villages, p. 439.

in, father, p. 484.

îr, a female buffalo, p. 47.

îrkarmus or îrkarmüs, the milking-place, p. 53.

îrkârtpun (îrkârithtpun), milking-vessel, p. 58.

îrnörtiti, the offering of a buffalo calf to the tî, p. 293;

or to another division of the clan, p. 294.

îrnòḍrthnol, the day of migration, p. 124.

îrpâlvusthi, ceremony after the birth of a calf, p. 172.

îrsankâti, a funeral ceremony, p. 381.

îrskiḍithbûtnol, the day of migration, p. 124.

Kaban, iron.

kabkaḍiti, procedure in which the back is not turned to the contents of

the dairy, p. 73.

kachütthti, the cloth-giving ceremony at a funeral, p. 358.

kaḍr, the calf-pen, p. 26.

kâfkati, knife burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.

kagûrs, the tî name of the kûvn, p. 103.

kaimûkhti, a salutation, p. 31.

kaizhvatiti, the rite of pouring out buttermilk for the palol, p. 97.

kâkûdêrs, leaves of the kâkûd plant, p. 79.

kâkûl, stick used in the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.

kalkani, part of the dairy, p. 58.

kalmelpuḍithti, a salutation, pp. 34, 496.

kalolmad, villages where women may not live, p. 420.

kâltmokh, the attendant on a palol, pp. 42, 105.

kalvol, a path, p. 26.

Kamasòḍrolam, legendary Todas, p. 195.

kanârvaznûḍr, the evil eye, p. 263.

kar, a young calf, p. 47.

karenpôh, the calf-house of a tî, p. 85.

kârpun, a milking-vessel of the tî, p. 90.

kârs, stone.

karûd, younger, p. 485.

karûvnòḍr, the mother’s village, p. 547.

kârvnol or kârivnol, the day after a ceremony, pp. 105, 333.

kâtû, the wall surrounding a house or dairy, p. 24.

kavulpûv, a flower, p. 111.

kêḍr, funeral, relics, etc., p. 368.

keitankursîr, the wûrsulîr of Niḍrsi and Kwòḍrdôni, p. 71.

kepun (kaipun), vessel to hold water, p. 57.

kerk, the name of the waist-string during the ordination ceremony, pp.

148, 572.

kêrtnòḍr, a funeral place, p. 338.

kevenârût, mode of baring the right arm, pp. 31, 571.

kîp, the broom, p. 32.

kîtün, bed on left-hand side of dairy, p. 57.

kô, stake used at the êrkumptthpimi sacrifice, p. 276.

kòghlag, the name of the churning-stick at the tî, p. 89.

kòrûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

kubuntuni, the cloak of the palol, p. 103.

kudeipîr, the wûrsulîr of Pan, p. 71;

also the sacred buffaloes of Pieḍr, p. 81.

kudi, a measure used for liquids corresponding to about four pints, p.

588.

kûḍr, horn, a division of a clan, pp. 37, 295, 542.

kûḍrpali, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 66.

kûdrpalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kûḍrpali, p. 66.

kûḍrs mani, the bells of the punîr of the tî, p. 91.

kûḍrvars, fireplace made of four stones, pp. 57, 583.

kudupel or kudubel, family, p. 545.

kûgh, daughter, p. 485.

kûghîr, a buffalo whose horns bend downwards, p. 47.

kugvali, a sacred dairy of Târâḍr, pp. 41, 76.

kugvalîr, the buffaloes of the kugvali, pp. 41, 77.

kugvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the kugvali, pp. 41, 76.

kûlâtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.

Kûlinkârs, a god, p. 188.

kuneḍsti, funeral laments, etc., pp. 385, 600.

Kûrub, a Kurumba, p. 641.

kûrubûḍrchiti, Kurumba sorcery, p. 262.

kush (? kûḍsh), structure for young calves, p. 26.

kuter, floor, pp. 62, 583.

kûvn, the perineal band, p. 30.

kûvun or kûpun, a vessel used at the kugvali of Târâḍr, p. 79.

kwainûr (kwoinûr), the tî name of the pennâr, p. 103.

kwarkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.

kwarzam, name used in prayer, etc., pp. 216, 384, 614.

kwoi, the milking-vessel of the tî dairy, p. 89.

kwoinîr spring supplying water for a tî dairy, p. 85.

kwoinörtpet, a wand used by the palol when milking, p. 90.

kwotârs, the calf-house, p. 26.

Kwoten, a teu or god, p. 193.

Kwoto, a god, p. 203.

kwottün, seat, p. 29.

kwungg, the ordinary bell, p. 424.

Kwûrg, Coorg, p. 114.

Mad, village, pp. 24, 338;

head, p. 282.

madnol, sacred day of village, p. 405.

madol, village people or clan, p. 36.

madth, the churning-stick, p. 60.

maj, buttermilk.

majparîv, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

majvatitthkalvol, path reserved for women, p. 27.

majvatvaiîḍrn, spot on which women receive buttermilk, p. 28.

maiîr, a barren buffalo, p. 47.

mani, the sacred bell, pp. 40, 66, 424.

mankûgh, sister’s daughter, 488.

manmokh, sister’s son, pp. 484, 488.

martîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Kârs clan, p. 68.

mârûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

mârvainolkêḍr, the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 372.

masth, axe, pp. 57, 585.

matchuni, children of brother and sister, pp. 488, 512.

Mâv, a Badaga, p. 630;

also sambhar.

meilkûḍr, extra share, 560.

meitün, bed on right-hand side of dairy, p. 57.

merkalârs, double hut, pp. 29, 318.

mersgûrsîr, the wûrsulîr of Nòḍrs, p. 71.

methkûdi, place of cremation, p. 343.

miniapîr, the wûrsulîr of Kerâḍr, pp. 71, 192.

mogâl, forearm, also segment of forelimb of calf corresponding to

metacarpus, p. 281.

mogoi, a cubit, p. 588.

mokh, son, child, p. 485.

mokhthoditi (mokhthodvaiol), mode of union between the sexes, p. 526.

mokhûḍrtvaiol, man who gives away a wife, p. 494.

Mondârdsetipol, Toda name of a tribe living in the Wainad.

mòr, the name of buttermilk at the tî, p. 107.

mòrkuḍriki, a ladle of the tî dairy, p. 90.

mòrol, privileged visitors to a tî, p. 107.

mòrpun, a dairy vessel used to hold buttermilk at the tî, p. 90.

mòrûp, the ordinary salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 175.

mû, a name given to several kinds of dairy vessels, pp. 58, 422.

muli or mul, a name for various plants, p. 145;

also used for thorns, p. 194;

and for the quills of a porcupine, p. 267.

mulinîròditi, the ordination ceremony of the palikartmokh, p. 148.

mun, mother’s brother and wife’s father, pp. 487, 492.

mûrn, the sieve, p. 32.

mûrthvichi, anger, p. 260.

Naim or noim, the council, pp. 32, 550.

nâkh, a three-year-old calf, p. 47.

nan, a young shoot, p. 145.

nânmakud, a club, pp. 381, 586.

nârthpimi, a game, p. 596.

nâshperthîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Nòḍrs, p. 69.

nêḍrkursh, middle room of a three-roomed dairy, p. 57.

nêḍrvol, intermediary, pp. 258, 527.

nei, clarified butter or ghi, p. 50.

nersatiti, a salutation, p. 304.

neurzûtpol, name of the kâltmokh at the migration ceremony, p. 139.

neurzülnkârs, stones of ceremonial importance, pp. 129, 140, 438.

nîpâ, stream, p. 26.

nîr, water, spring.

nîròdibudnûḍr, the initial stages of the ordination of the kâltmokh, p.

153.

nîròditi, the ordination ceremony, pp. 144, 157.

nîrsi, the fire-stick, p. 60.

nòḍr, country, place;

sometimes used for ‘ceremony.’

nòḍrkûtchi, ancestors of buffaloes, p. 112.

nòḍrodchi, a ruler, pp. 183, 186.

nòḍrved, younger brother, p. 486.

Nòtîrzi, a goddess, p. 189.

Ol or òl, man, husband, p. 489.

oñ, a sacred syllable uttered in the dairy ceremonial, p. 65.

Ön, a god, p. 184.

Paiol, male relations-in-law, pp. 489, 492.

Pâkhwâr, a river, 418;

also a god.

pali or paḷthli, the dairy, p. 26.

palikârtmokh (? paḷḷikârithtmokh), the dairyman, p. 39.

palinol, sacred day of dairy, p. 405.

pâlmän, staff used in churning, p. 52.

palol, the dairyman of a ti, pp. 42, 98.

paniûp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

pâpun, a water-vessel at the tî, p. 92.

pârkûl, stick used at the ponûp ceremony, p. 178.

pârsêrs, milk-leaves, p. 317.

parsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.

pârskaḍrvenmû, vessel to hold butter, p. 58.

pasthîr, the sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol, p. 39.

pâtat, vessel to hold milk, p. 58.

pâtatmâr, part of the dairy where the more sacred vessels stand, p. 58.

pâtatpur, the more sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.

patcherski, the husked grain patm (samai), p. 580.

pâtol, one who has held the office palol, p. 104.

pâtun, screen separating the two rooms of a tî dairy, p. 86.

pâv, threshold.

pâvnersatiti, saluting the threshold, p. 65.

Peḍr, a Tamil.

pelk, the lamp, p. 60.

pelkkoḍichiti, the ordination ceremony, p. 144.

pelkkatitthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used in lighting the lamp,

p. 92.

pem, a plateau or a gradual slope of a hill.

pen, butter, p. 58.

pennâr, the string supporting the kûvn, pp. 30, 572.

pep, buttermilk used ceremonially, pp. 64, 166.

pepeirthti, a rite at the kûḍrpali, p. 67.

pepkarichâ or pepkarichti, the ceremony of making new pep, p. 166.

pepkarmus, the milking-place of a tî, p. 85.

peptòrzum, a dairy vessel of the tî, p. 89.

pepûti, the rite of drinking buttermilk at the ordinary dairy, p. 78;

also the ceremonial drinking of buttermilk by buffaloes, p. 135.

perithîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 113.

perkûrsol, the lower stage in the office of kâltmokh, p. 105.

perol, an ordinary person, not ordained to any dairy office, p. 39.

persâsîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Melgârs, p. 69.

persin, the vessel in which milk is churned at the tî, p. 89.

persinîr, the sacred buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.

perûd, elder, p. 485.

petuni, a piece of tuni, p. 105.

pîan, grandfather, p. 485.

pîâv, grandmother, p. 486.

pîlikòren, sorcerers, p. 255.

pîlinörtiti, offering of a ring, pp. 294, 306.

pîliûtpol, a sorcerer, p. 255.

pîliûtvichi, sorcery, p. 255.

pineipîr, sacred buffaloes originally given to Pan, p. 69.

pöḍri, contributions from relatives by marriage, p. 396.

pòḍrshtuni, the loin-cloth of the palol, p. 103.

pôh, the conical and other sacred dairies, p. 45.

pôhkârtpol, the dairyman at Kanòḍrs, p. 79.

pôhvelkârs, seat on which the palol sits, pp. 87, 96.

pôhvet (pôhpet), a wand used by the palol when praying, pp. 89, 96.

pòl, a calf of one to two years, p. 47.

pòlm, a portion, a division of a clan pp. 37, 544.

pòlmachok, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

pon, festival, pp. 85, 161;

up, p. 383;

see also p. 496.

ponkârtvaimokh, boy who takes a leading part at the îrnörtiti ceremony,

p. 302.

ponnol, festival day.

ponûp, a salt-giving ceremony at the tî, p. 177.

pòrmunkursh, outer room of dairy, p. 56.

püḍrshtipîr, the wûrsulîr of Kârs and Târâḍr, p. 71.

pûkûrûputkûli, the ornamented cloak, p. 572.

pül, surroundings or outskirts, p. 85.

püliol, relatives with whom marriage is prohibited, p. 509.

punetkalvol, path reserved for the dairyman, p. 27.

punîr, the ordinary buffaloes of a tî, p. 84.

punrs, a name for two days, p. 142.

pürsîr, buffaloes of the Kârs tî, p. 117.

pursütpimi, the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow during pregnancy, p.

319.

pût, a stirring-stick, p. 60.

pûthpep, the buttermilk obtained in the pepkarichâ ceremony, p. 169.

putiîr, ordinary buffaloes, p. 39.

putkûli, the cloak, pp. 30, 571.

puzhârs, seclusion-hut, p. 313.

puzhûlpimi, the ceremony of throwing earth at a funeral, p. 344.

Satimad, a village of especial sanctity, p. 421.

sedvaitazmokh, name of the woman in the mokhthoditi union, p. 526.

Taḍri, pole used in funeral ceremonies, p. 376.

taḍrp, the loin-cloth, p. 30.

tâf, fern.

tagârs, a chain.

tarsîr, buffaloes of the Pan tî, p. 119.

Târthârol, one of the two divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.

târûpunkudi, hole used at the salt-giving ceremony at a Tarthar

village, p. 177.

târvali or târpali, the lowest grade of Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 61.

târvalikârtmokh, the dairyman of the târvali, p. 461.

tasth, the bars in the opening of a pen, p. 153.

tazmokh, woman, wife, p. 489.

teḍshk, a ring used in carrying dairy vessels, p. 60.

Teikîrzi, a goddess, p. 186.

teiks, stone or post at which a buffalo is killed at a funeral, p. 349.

Teipâkh, the Paikara river, p. 418;

also a god, p. 187.

teirtîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs ti, p. 112.

Teivaliol, one of the chief divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.

tek (tekh?), basket, p. 57.

têrersthi, custom of transferring wives, p. 523

tersamptpimi, a ceremony of childhood, p. 333.

terzantirikiti, the rite of putting curd or milk on the bell, p. 66.

tesherst, a qualifying ceremony for the office palol, p. 154.

teshnîr, the first stage of the ordination ceremony of the palol, p.

157.

teu, god, p. 182.

teukwoi, clay vessel made at the ponûp ceremony, p. 179.

teuol, diviner, p. 249.

teutütusthchi, ceremony of lighting a fire on a hill, p. 290.

tî, the most sacred dairy institution of the Todas, pp. 42, 83.

tîîr, the buffaloes of the tî, p. 42;

also used of a special group of these buffaloes at the Nòḍrs tî, p.

112.

tîkelfmâv, Badaga associated with a tî, p. 98.

tî mad, a village or place belonging to a tî, p. 83.

tòratthwaskal, fireplace at a tî dairy used to cook food, p. 91.

tòrsum, the tî name of the mû, p. 89.

tû, the buffalo-pen, p. 26.

tûḍr, a sacred tree, pp. 67, 433.

tûkitthkârs, stone lifted as a sport, p. 597.

tûkulîr mani, a bell used in the funeral ceremonies, pp. 376, 424.

tün, a seat or bed, p. 30.

tuni, the grey garment used by many dairymen, pp. 72, 572.

tuninörtiti, offering of a tuni, pp. 294, 305.

tunitusthkâltmokh, the full kâltmokh, pp. 105, 152.

tûrâvali, the cooking-pot of a tî dairy, p. 90.

tûri, knife.

twaḍrinâr, material made by the Todas, p. 574.

Ulârwûrthkûrs, a wand, p. 60.

ulkkursh, inner room of dairy, p. 56.

unîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112.

ûppun, a vessel of the tî dairy, p. 90.

ûpunkudi (? ûppunkudi), hole used at the salt-giving ceremonies, p.

176.

ûrvatpimi, ceremony during pregnancy, p. 313.

ûtkòren, people who apply certain magical or medical remedies, p. 263.

ûtpol, medicine man, p. 263.

Wâk, vessels burnt at the âzâramkêḍr, p. 381.

warsîr, buffaloes of the Nòḍrs tî, p. 112; and of the Pan tî, p. 119.

wask, grain-pounder, p. 32.

waskal, fireplace of three stones, pp. 57, 582.

wûrsol, the dairyman of the wûrsuli, pp. 40, 72, 74.

wûrsuli, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 71.

wûrsulîr, the buffaloes of a wûrsuli, p. 40.

NOTES

[1] One of the most frequent consonantal sounds in the Toda language is

dr which in the text always stands for ḍr; when d comes before sh, it

also represents the lingual sound. In both cases the ḍ was hardly

appreciated by my ear, and the European will perhaps most nearly

imitate the Toda sound if he pronounces dr and dsh as r and sh.

[2] The bibliography of this literature is given in Appendix II.

[3] See British Journal of Psychology, 1905, vol. i., p. 321.

[4] As we shall see later, this is only true of some parts of the hills

and some institutions.

[5] With more exact knowledge of Indian customs and ceremonies which

have lingered on side by side with, though often obscured by

Brahmanism, it is possible that these differences would be found to be

much slighter than the evidence at present available suggests.

[6] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, part ii., chap. v.

[7] See chapter XX and Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1900, vol. xxx., p. 74.

[8] Those who wish for information on this point should consult the

articles by Mr. Edgar Thurston in the Bulletins of the Madras Museum,

vol. i., pp. 148 and 207, and vol. iv., p. 2.

[9] The word marth is also occasionally used.

[10] Harkness and others have called this pen tuel, but repeated

inquiry on my part failed to elicit this form of the word. Tuelu would

mean “where is the tu?” and it is possible that Harkness heard the word

in this form.

[11] For the purpose of photography, a hole was made outside the hut

exactly like that within the hut. The picture must not be taken to

indicate that pounding is ever normally performed out of doors.

[12] The old man on the right in this picture shows a very

characteristic Toda attitude, in which a person crouches down

completely enveloped in the cloak.

[13] This salutation has been previously known by its Badaga name,

adabuddiken.

[14] In these names and throughout the text the signs to indicate long

vowels are generally omitted. In order to ascertain the exact method of

pronunciation, the map or the list of villages in Appendix III. should

be consulted.

[15] This word should probably be paḷḷi and was usually pronounced

paḷthḷi, but I have adopted the spelling of the text for the sake of

simplicity.

[16] According to some Todas, kart was a shortened form of karitht,

milking or milked.

[17] In previous accounts of the Todas, the place where these sacred

herds are kept has always been called a tirieri. This is not properly a

Toda term, but is that used by the Badagas.

[18] An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris,

1873, p. 14.

[19] This word, in the forms boa, boath, &c., has by previous writers

been limited to dairies of the conical shape. There is no doubt that it

has at present a far wider application.

[20] A Phrenologist among the Todas, 1873, p. 132.

[21] This is literally ‘cooked milk.’ It probably receives this name

because the coagulation is often hastened by heating.

[22] About four pints.

[23] I am not sure whether this restriction does not also apply to the

tarvalikartmokh.

[24] See Chapter XXIII.

[25] Probably a corruption of kaipun, hand vessel.

[26] This is done by folding a leaf in such a way that it forms a cup.

[27] The method of wearing the cloak adopted by the wursol is not

unlike that shown in a picture at the Guimet Museum in Paris, which

represents a Brahman engaged in prayer.

[28] The world of the dead.

[29] The proper name for the pen at the ti was mukadr, and for the

calf-pen, tülkkadr, but my informants always used the ordinary words tu

and kadr.

[30] These are the kwarzam, or prayer names (see Chapter X) of Teikirzi

and Tirshti. They were used by Naburs (64) who had been palol at the

Pan ti, but it is doubtful whether their use or the use of any other

kwarzam on these occasions is an established custom.

[31] In the story of Kwoto and the Keradr ti (Chap. IX) the kaltmokh

has to pour away buttermilk at an appointed spot. It is probable that

this buttermilk is that unfinished by the palol, and possibly this

custom is still followed but was not mentioned by my informants.

[32] According to Breeks (p. 14) these garments are made by the Badagas

of Jakaneri. This may be correct, but it is much more probable that

they are procured through the Badagas living in this village.

[33] It is possible that Finicio was told of this custom, and that his

statement about the relations of the palol to women only refer to this

ceremony.

[34] This legendary account probably preserves a tradition of a real

invasion of the Nilgiri Hills by the people of Coorg. The Todas put the

date of the occurrence at about seven or eight generations ago. In 1774

Linga Raja, with 3,000 Coorgs, invaded the Wainad and remained there

for five years. During this time it is highly probable that the Coorgs

would have explored the Nilgiri Hills. (See Mysore and Coorg, by Lewis

Rice, Bangalore, 1878, vol. iii., p. 110.)

[35] In 1902.

[36] The buffaloes may also move from one village to another if

sickness should break out among them, but I do not know whether this

would become the same ceremonial occasion as in the other kinds of

migration.

[37] The vessels used for the purposes of these photographs were not

the real vessels of the dairy, but those of the house. The method of

fastening the earthenware vessels does not correspond to that described

for the ti dairy, and I am doubtful whether the method of fastening for

real dairy vessels would not have corresponded to the procedure of the

ti rather than to that shown in the figures.

[38] This is probably only true of Teivali dairies.

[39] This is a special food used on important ceremonial occasions, the

mode of preparation of which is given in Chapter XXIV.

[40] The vessel derives its name from this ceremony.

[41] Palm juice sugar.

[42] At Anto, and probably at some other dairies, there is a special tu

for use on this occasion.

[43] This word was translated “he prays for the calves.” One verb is

used in naming the ceremony of praying for the calves and another in

the case of praying for the adult buffaloes.

[44] Probably this should be translated “may the river (when in flood)

swallow him.”

[45] This is the ordinary muli used in the ordination of the

palikartmokh.

[46] This is inconsistent with the statement made on p. 73 that the

wursol never prepares food except at the irpalvusthi ceremony. It is

possible that the food is only given to the candidate by the wursol and

is not prepared by him.

[47] This has not the same form as the word uttered by the wursol and

kaltmokh in the corresponding ceremony. In some cases different verbal

forms are used at the ti, and this may be an instance.

[48] It has been stated by Harkness, Marshall and others that when the

palol is entering on his office he has to sleep in the wood completely

naked. This is not strictly correct, though the covering afforded by

the tuni is so meagre that the statement is almost justified.

[49] The ti name of the kuvn.

[50] This is the only occasion on which this cream is used by the

Todas. It is used because there are now neither butter nor ghi at the

dairy. Its use here is an indication that the process of coagulation is

less rapid than usual.

[51] See p. 222.

[52] I am doubtful whether a special wand is also used in other

dairies.

[53] Eleven ak = one kwa (see p. 588).

[54] When there is only one palol for both kinds of buffaloes, as at

the Pan ti, he only digs one hole.

[55] See Chapter XVII.

[56] This hole at an ordinary village is sometimes known as a

tarupunkudi.

[57] This account of the creation of men and buffaloes was obtained

from Arsolv (27) of Kanòdrs, one of the oldest living Todas. It agrees

very closely with the story as related to Mr. Breeks.

[58] According to another account, Püv died from trying to catch the

image of a white calf in the water. At that time, it was the custom to

kill and bury any calf of a white colour, and one had been buried close

to the spring.

[59] Usually called petkuter.

[60] These are quite unlike Toda names, nor is the name of the village,

Mîtâhârzti, like a Toda name.

[61] ? Pòdrâni or pudrâni.

[62] I do not know exactly to which ceremonies tatòtiti and muòtiti

refer. The words mean “he takes the tat” and “he takes the mu,” and

evidently refer to some dairy ceremonial. Ponkastiti probably means

that he kept pon throughout the year—i.e., gave or sold nothing from

his dairy during the year.

[63] A spirit which brings death (see p. 403).

[64] When Keikarskutan shot the bow and arrow he lay down. According to

my informants, Keikarskutan lay down to shoot the bow and arrow because

he was lame, but shot it in the ordinary way and did not use his legs

in doing so. Breeks, who gives a brief version of this legend, was told

that the arrow was shot by means of the legs and refers to this method

as the ancient Indian custom.

[65] I give this as it was told.

[66] To meet this bird going from right to left is a bad omen; if going

from left to right, it is a good omen.

[67] I could not find out the exact meaning of this word, but it

appeared to be a name for the blood-stained froth which may come from

the mouth of a dying man. In a sentence which occurs later the word

appears as pògh (blood), but my informants were certain that pug itself

is not blood.

[68] See p. 616.

[69] This is a creeper used in the funeral ceremonies.

[70] Probably the tree or bush from which the material called twadrinar

is manufactured by the Todas.

[71] My informants could not say whether the boy went away in the air

as a child or as a kite. The boy often assumed the form of a kite

later, and it is tempting to suppose that the assumption of this form

by the child was connected with the death of the kite, i.e., that it

was a case of transmigration. The fact that the child went away in the

air and was found sitting on a tree makes it highly probable that it

flew in the form of a kite, but my informants could not say that this

was definitely part of the legend.

[72] The kwarzam is the name used in prayer (see Chap. X).

[73] This place is close to the spot at which the path from Pishkwosht

(Bikkapatimand) to Kodanad crosses a stream soon after leaving the

former village.

[74] This pool has been converted into the Marlimand reservoir, the

source of the water-supply of Ootacamund.

[75] The Hindu god who sends smallpox is Mari or Mariaman. The Toda

name for buttermilk is mòr.

[76] P. 142.

[77] Erd means two, and this translation is a free rendering of the

Toda words, though it probably conveys the proper meaning.

[78] I am doubtful about this point at the poh of Kanòdrs.

[79] It is in favour of this supposition that in the legend Kwoten wore

the tuni when acting as palikartmokh although he was one of the

Tartharol.

[80] It is an Indian practice to add sour buttermilk to the milk to

promote coagulation, but this is usually done after heating the milk.

It is possible that in some parts of India it may be added to the milk

before or immediately after it is drawn.

[81] From the account of Finicio (Appendix I), it would seem that at

one time the palol and wursol possessed the power of divination.

[82] For an account of what Midjkudr seems to have said and the

consequent proceedings, see p. 392.

[83] I am very doubtful whether the meaning of this and the preceding

clause is correctly given in these words.

[84] The middle room of a three-roomed dairy is the nedrkursh.

[85] For the meaning of this see above.

[86] Bulletin, i. p. 182.

[87] The leaves of this plant, Solanum indicum, are used in the

ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.

[88] For the meaning of these kinship-terms, see Chap. XXI.

[89] It is noteworthy that the Kotas are not included.

[90] This is the plant, Euphorbia Rothiana, used at the purification of

the ti dairy (p. 136).

[91] I think it is probable that all the incantations are said in this

manner, but I only had it specifically mentioned in this case.

[92] This distinction was pointed out to me by my informant.

[93] I did not obtain this formula.

[94] Mul, which means bramble and thorn, is here used for the

porcupine’s quills.

[95] Pûdrt is probably the Toda form of the word bhût.

[96] Our final difficulty, the laughter over which seemed to overcome

Teitnir’s scruples, was in the identification of the spleen, which was

described as “a little tongue.”

[97] This and the succeeding photographs were taken in a badly lighted

wood, and represent the actual ceremony.

[98] The importance of the omentum in Indian animal sacrifices suggests

that the tütmîis might have been the omentum, or have included part of

the omentum. At this stage of the proceedings, so many operations were

going on simultaneously that exact observation became very difficult.

[99] Andropogon Schœnanthus, a strongly-scented grass.

[100] ? Kiaz.

[101] This estimate included the value of the calf four years hence!

[102] Haug’s Aitareya Brahmanam, Bombay, 1863, vol. ii., p. 85, note

II.

[103] I have some reason to think, however, that er may be used as a

term for ‘buffalo’ in general, whether male or female.

[104] From the nature of this formula it might be expected that the

ceremony would only be performed if the man’s wishes are fulfilled,

but, in practice, I think it is clear that the performance is not

conditional on the recovery of himself or his buffaloes.

[105] The special mention of uncut ears and tail in this and the

erkumptthpimi ceremony suggests that the widely spread practice of

cutting the ears of animals may occur among the Todas, but I have no

other notes on the subject.

[106] Or irnörtpuspimi, “buffalo giving have we come.” The whole

formula runs, “Swami, Teikirzi, the kudrpali, the wursuli, the buffalo

pen, may it be well; may it be well with the buffaloes and calves;

buffalo giving have we come, may it be well.”

[107] This is mentioned in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see p. 220).

[108] According to a later finding of the teuol, the death of Tersveli

was due to sorcery (see p. 261).

[109] It will be noticed that the patatpun are placed in the inner room

and the ertatpun in the outer room. In the ordinary dairy both would be

placed in the inner room, though in different places. The procedure of

this ceremony seems, therefore, to resemble that of the ti rather than

of the ordinary dairy. It suggests that we have here a relic of a time

when every dairy had at least two rooms, one for the things of the

patatmar and another for the things of the ertatmar.

[110] I was told at first that it might be done by her husband, but

this appeared to be a mistake.

[111] The fact that the people of Melgars and Kwòdrdoni are not allowed

to intermarry suggests, however, that there is some relation between

these clans which is the cause of the exception.

[112] This may possibly be a corruption of perithtòr.

[113] Eugenia Arnottiana.

[114] Sophora glauca.

[115] Andropogon schœnanthus.

[116] See the bow in the hand of the boy in Fig. 57. This bow is the

same as that used in the pursütpimi ceremony.

[117] The buffalo given in this way is called pulkwadr, or bow and

arrow gift.

[118] My notes do not make it absolutely clear as to whether he may not

also salute the female relatives of his wife, but I do not think that

he does so.

[119] According to a recent account given to me by Mr. Thurston, the

people leave the spot about six o’clock in the evening. The time is

determined by the opening of the flowers of Ænothera tetraptera which

is called by the Todas âr mani pûv, or six o’clock flower. This flower

is a garden escape, so that this special practice must be recent, but

it suggests that the general practice of telling the time of day by

means of flowers may be an old Toda custom.

[120] Mr. Natesa Sastri (Madras Mail, August 28th, 1894) states that

the bow and arrow are tied round the neck of the woman, so that they

definitely take the place of the tali.

[121] This seems to have occurred in a similar ceremony practised by

the Badagas, among whom it is said that a woman is not fully considered

a wife till about the seventh month of the first pregnancy, when a cord

is put round her neck by the husband and the legal marriage becomes

complete. (See Thurston, Bull. IV., p. 167.)

[122] Called by the Todas tòri or tòrimul (Berberis nepalensis); its

leaves are used in the ordination of the kugvalikartmokh.

[123] Possibly this means “calf of tuni.”

[124] It will be noticed that the woman puts the fragments of tuni in

her waist-string on the right side, while the various dairymen who wear

petuni put it on the left side.

[125] I am doubtful whether this is essential.

[126] Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, vol. iii. p. 242.

[127] According to one account the ceremony takes place on the fortieth

day after birth.

[128] For the nature of the name see Chapter XXVI.

[129] Rosa Leschenaultiana.

[130] Lit. ‘eye arrow.’

[131] Probably here pei = demon (see p. 180).

[132] Loc. cit.

[133] The madnol and the palinol are sacred days on which certain

activities are prohibited (see Chap. XVII).

[134] Eugenia Arnottiana. This is the tree in which the hole is cut at

the pursütpimi ceremony.

[135] This was a marvainolkedr, but the rules for the earth-throwing

are the same at the first funeral.

[136] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii., p. 274.

[137] Bull., 1901, iv., p. 12.

[138] These photographs were obtained from Messrs. Wiele and Klein, and

I do not know the place or nature of the funeral which they illustrate,

but there is no indication of a pen in the picture; they probably

represent throwing earth at the entrance of a former pen. There is such

a place at Taradrkirsi, the male funeral place of the Kars clan. Here

earth is thrown by the side of a wood where the forest has grown over

the site of an old tu.

[139] Atylosia Candollei.

[140] If the word teiks is the same as that of teak wood it would make

it probable that the buffalo was formerly killed by the side of a

wooden post and that the use of a stone is secondary.

[141] Owing to the fact that the Nòdrs people do not kill both of these

kinds of buffalo at one funeral at the present time, they now only

bring one of the two bells from Òdr.

[142] Some observers have stated that the feet of the corpse are placed

within the mouth of the buffalo, but I could not confirm this.

[143] More elaborate laments are given on pp. 385–8.

[144] This ceremony is also called kachpùtchpimi.

[145] Natesa Sastri, Madras Mail, Aug. 28th, 1894.

[146] The matchuni of a person is the child of his mother’s brother, or

of his father’s sister (see Chapter XXI).

[147] At the azaramkedr (see p. 381) these boxes are only burnt at a

woman’s funeral, their place at a man’s funeral being taken by bamboo

vessels called wak. This is probably also true of the etvainolkedr.

[148] Loc. cit., p. 176.

[149] Ind. Antiq., 1874, iii. 274.

[150] P. 21.

[151] Letters on the Neilgherries, 1829, p. 81.

[152] This experience gave me a very striking object-lesson, showing

how easy it is to make mistakes in anthropological investigation. The

first account given to me seemed to make it absolutely clear that the

removal of the relics was made the occasion of a feast.

[153] Kûdri is the generic word for creeper.

[154] See Thurston, Bull., ii. p. 4.

[155] See Chap. XXV.

[156] Probably Olea robusta.

[157] Bull., i. 176.

[158] As I have already pointed out, this would only happen if the

people were of the same clan and sex.

[159] My notes do not make it absolutely clear who lights the fire at

the funeral of a male. The puntüt is lighted by a man of the same clan,

and this is probably also the case with the azaramtüt. Owing to the

fact that a woman becomes a member of her husband’s clan, the

daughter-in-law who lights the fire at a woman’s funeral will also be

of the same clan as the deceased.

[160] There was some question as to whether the ceremony did not begin

as soon as the fire was lighted.

[161] This would seem to indicate that when the fire is extinguished,

the objects burnt with the relics are far from being consumed by the

fire.

[162] See p. 365.

[163] Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii. p 35.

[164] This is also the usual vocative termination.

[165] Kakoji is the Kota name for a toe-ring worn on the second toe of

the right foot by Kota women (see Breeks, p. 123). A similar word is

used for bracelets of vine made by the Todas as a game.

[166] In some cases Samuel could not give the literal meanings, and has

only given the general sense of the kwarzam.

[167] A play on Pidrvan’s name.

[168] As both these funeral laments were obtained from Samuel, I cannot

guarantee that the method of spelling adopted is the same as that used

elsewhere in the book; this is especially the case with the sign ‘th,’

which, in agreement with the practice customary in South India, was

used by Samuel for the lingual ‘ṭ,’ and sometimes for a sound for which

I have used the letter d.

[169] For the story to which this refers, see Chapter XXVIII.

[170] This may possibly be the world of Yama, the Todas rarely, if

ever, using the letter y. The word was often pronounced Amanòdr.

[171] This is one of several instances in which the initial t of a word

is omitted in compound forms.

[172] Möditi is the name applied to all the women of other tribes. It

is perhaps suggestive that this name should be used for a stone

connected with the goddess Teikirzi.

[173] Several of those who have witnessed Toda funerals have noticed

that barren buffaloes are killed on these occasions, and I believe that

it is a recognised custom to use such animals. Pidrvan’s funeral lament

begins with a reference to barren buffaloes, and the clause, “in the

midst of barren buffaloes you went,” evidently refers to Pidrvan’s

skill in catching buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies.

[174] See Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 1890, vol. ii., p. 146.

[175] In Teitnir’s lament for Pidrvan (see p. 387) he speaks of a Kars

kazun, which suggests that each clan has its own kazun.

[176] At this place there is now only a dairy.

[177] Pp. 18 and 67.

[178] According to another account, these bells are kept at the wursuli

of Nasmiòdr, and the wursuli of Kars has three mani in addition to

these.

[179] As we have already seen (p. 243) there is some reason to think

that there has been example of such transference of sanctity to an

object in the case of the mu or buried dairy vessel.

[180] Falls of the Cavery, 1834, p. 49.

[181] For the special method employed see p. 581.

[182] Burton (Goa and the Blue Mountains, p. 316) brands the Todas as

inveterate liars, because, evidently owing to some misunderstanding, he

was told that a “putting stone” was the “grandfather of the gods.”

[183] It will be remembered that at the azaramkedr of a woman, two

women stand at the entrance of the azaram one of whom holds a pounder

in her hands.

[184] I do not intend by this to indicate my belief that these cairns

are ancient Toda monuments. I only wish to point out that one of the

arguments which has been directed against this view is probably not

valid. I shall return to this point in a future chapter.

[185] I had no Toda with me when I visited the place, so cannot speak

with absolute certainty on the point.

[186] I do not wish to lay any stress on this argument, for, as I have

already indicated, it is possible that the eating of sambhar is a

recent innovation, which has arisen since the advent of Europeans to

the Nilgiris. Also I do not wish to indicate by the above that I commit

myself to a belief in the universality of totemism as a stage in

religious development. I only wish to point out that if this has been

so, the Todas furnish a good case in which we might expect all traces

of this descent to have disappeared or to have become so blurred and

scanty as to be of little value.

[187] These were the names given to me by the Todas, and their spelling

may not correspond with that in ordinary use.

[188] See Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres

Straits, vol. v, p. 122.

[189] For a few cases in which an individual is entered as the child of

a man who is known not to be his real father, see p. 534. In such a

case I have assigned the child to the parent who is regarded as the

legal father by the Todas.

[190] Grigg’s Manual of the Nilagiri District, 1880, Appendix No. 17,

p. xlviii.

[191] Ibid. App. No. 20, p. lx.

[192] Letters on the Neilgherries, London, 1829, p. 75.

[193] Madras Journ. of Lit. and Science, 1836, vol. viii, p. 86.

[194] Ibid., 1848, vol. xv, p. 1.

[195] Manual, p. 27.

[196] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.

[197] Specimens of South Indian Dialects, Mangalore, 1873.

[198] Pp. 194–5.

[199] See Marshall, p. 213.

[200] Properly the river should not be crossed at all on these days

(see p. 418).

[201] The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol or

palinol.

[202] In cases of polyandry the names of the husbands are enclosed in

square brackets.

[203] See his account at the end of this chapter.

[204] I use the term ‘fatherhood’ instead of ‘paternity’ because the

latter term seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda

notion of ‘father.’

[205] For an instance, see p. 535.

[206] It will be noticed that I am using the term ‘Levirate’ in a wider

sense than that in which it is sometimes employed, for Sargveli was not

a childless widow.

[207] In 1902.

[208] Ter is also used in the sense of ‘fine,’ but is only used when

the fine takes the form of a buffalo or buffaloes. A money fine is

called saver.

[209] For an instance in the past see p. 538.

[210] For an instance see p. 535.

[211] Mokh here means ‘child’ in general, not son.

[212] For a full account see p. 366.

[213] Grigg’s Nilgiri Manual, Appendix, p. lxxiv.

[214] The definite appearance of jealousy in the history of Kwoten

must, however, be noted in this connexion.

[215] Loc. cit.

[216] This is evidently the same word as marth, which occurs in Chapter

XIV as a word for village.

[217] This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece

of dyed or printed cotton as at present.

[218] This is a custom of which I failed to obtain any account.

[219] This is evidently due to misunderstanding of the pursütpimi

ceremony. The Tamil word for ‘bow’ is vil.

[220] Probably Keradr.

[221] Badagas and Kotas.

[222] A full account of the two divisions and of their relation to one

another will be given in Chapter XXIX.

[223] Another name for a man of no clan is pazuli, but I do not know

whether this is merely a synonym of padmokh or whether a man can lose

the right of belonging to a clan for any other reason than that

described above.

[224] P. 132.

[225] A meeting of the council is often spoken of as kûtkûdriti, “the

assembly assembles,” or kûtpuniti, “the assembly makes.”

[226] It seemed clear that the term naim is also applied to these clan

councils.

[227] For a full account of this controversy see the Manual of the

Nilagiri District, by H. B. Grigg, Madras, 1880. See also Thurston,

Bull. i. 182.

[228] I am not clear on whom the expense of rebuilding and repairing a

dairy would fall when the dairy is situated at a village occupied by

one family only, and used exclusively for buffaloes which are the

private property of that family.

[229] On p. 70 I have given an example of the ownership of sacred

buffaloes in the Kars clan.

[230] Some patterns are given by Mr. Thurston, Bulletin, i. 1896, pl.

xii.

[231] This is the fruit of one of the plants (Rubus lasiocarpus) of

which the leaves are used in the ordination ceremonies of the dairymen

of Taradr and Kanòdrs.

[232] Bulletin, vol. iv., p. 16.

[233] Ashk is one of the Toda words for rice, and the name of the food

is therefore derived from this substance.

[234] It might have been expected that the part of the floor near the

door used for the dairy operations would be the meilkuter, but it is

not so. Meil also means ‘west’ and the explanation may be connected

with this.

[235] See Crooke’s Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India,

1896, vol. ii pp. 187–191.

[236] In India the marks on the moon are frequently supposed to

represent a hare.

[237] For another version of this story obtained by Mr. Thurston, see

Bulletin, iv. p. 1.

[238] The game is described by Breeks and Thurston under the name of

ilata, but this again is certainly not Toda.

[239] Bull. iv. p. 7.

[240] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1837, vol. v. p. 155.

[241] A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 2nd ed.,

London, 1875, p. 557.

[242] Outlines of the Tuḍa Grammar appended to Marshall’s Phrenologist

among the Todas.

[243] London, 1868.

[244] Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1857, N.S., vol. i., p. 104.

[245] These sounds have usually been omitted in the Toda words as

written in this book.

[246] For equivalents of these signs in English words see the Phonetic

System at the beginning of the book.

[247] Mad, or more usually madth, is also the Toda word for churn, and

this word is probably derived indirectly from the Sanscrit mantha.

[248] See story of Kwoto.

[249] The last syllable of the name Meilitars given to Kwoto is

probably this word so that the name means ‘superior man.’

[250] This name also occurs in the story of Kwoten.

[251] Mopuvan is named after the hill Mopuvthut, which is mentioned in

the legend of Puzi (193).

[252] It will be noticed that, in these two cases, the old names are

those which occur in the genealogies. My informant probably remembered

these better than the new names, which had been assumed only late in

life.

[253] Mav is also the Toda word for sambhar.

[254] According to Harkness, “each burgher, hamlet, or village” gives

about two quarts (p. 108), or (p. 135) half a bushel to the ti and half

a bushel to the other Todas. According to Breeks (p. 9), the gudu is

about one-tenth, one-eighth, or one-fifth of the gross produce.

[255] It is possible that the elucidation of this point might also help

towards the explanation of the Badaga account of the Toda clans.

[256] P. 136.

[257] P. 4.

[258] According to Breeks, the Kotas who supply the Todas are known as

muḷḷu Kotas.

[259] The Kotas are agriculturists as well as mechanics, and, according

to Breeks, they are quite as efficient as the Badagas in this

occupation. They also keep buffaloes, though chiefly or entirely for

their own use.

[260] It is perhaps noteworthy that some of the Kurumbas of Malabar are

still noted for their cleverness in collecting honey, and are known as

Tên or honey Kurumbas (Fawcett, Bull. Madras Museum, iii, p. 9).

[261] By this I mean that there are now living thirty females who were

born members of the Nòdrsol, but since a woman becomes a member of her

husband’s clan, most of these are now members of other clans. I give

the numbers of each clan in this form because it brings out several

features of interest in relation to the relative fertility of different

clans, the proportions of the sexes, &c.

[262] Pidrvan died soon after my visit.

[263] For the story how the Kuudr people came to lose the right of

providing the palol for the Nòdrs ti, see p. 114.

[264] This was evidently a council consisting of the members of the

clan only.

[265] There is also a place called Devali in the Wainad which may

possibly be connected in some way with the Teivaliol.

[266] Grigg (Manual, p. 187) derives the word from tasan, a servant. S

or sh is sometimes inserted into the word Tartharol, but it is purely

euphonic, and I do not think that this derivation is at all probable.

[267] Proc. Camb. Philos. Soc., 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.

[268] I neglect the first generation on account of the small number of

families for which there are data.

[269] Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, London, 1896.

[270] Cf. Crooke, loc. cit., vol. ii. pp. 187–191.

[271] Dalton, Trans. Ethnol. Soc., London, N.S., 1868, vol. vi, p. 37.

[272] Fawcett, Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1888, vol. i. p. 249.

[273] Loc. cit.

[274] Cain, Ind. Antiq., 1876, vol. v, p. 357.

[275] Kearns, Tribes of South India, p. 51.

[276] The Hindu at Home, Madras, p. 234.

[277] IV. 240.

[278] Crooke, loc. cit., vol. i. p. 269.

[279] Logan’s Malabar Manual, vol. i. p. 141.

[280] See Malabar Marriage Commission and Wigram’s Malabar Law and

Custom, 2nd ed., Madras, 1900.

[281] Census of India, 1901, vol. i., Eth. App., p. 136.

[282] Ibid., p. 142.

[283] Madras Gov. Museum Bull., iii. p. 247.

[284] Ibid., p. 70.

[285] Ibid., p. 61. See also Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs, and

Ceremonies, Oxford, 1899, p. 17.

[286] Madras Museum Bull., iii. p. 242.

[287] Cf. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or

South-Indian Family of Languages, 2nd ed., London, 1875, p. 23.

[288] It is perhaps worth noting that at present only Teivali diviners

are reputed to speak Malayalam.

[289] Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay, 1889, vol. i. p. 535.

[290] Mysore Census Report, 1901, Pt. i. p. 521.

[291] Histoire générale des Races Humaines, Paris, 1889, Introduction,

p. 469.

[292] Ethnology, Cambridge, 1896, p. 418.

[293] The Races of Man, London, 1900, p. 412.

[294] In a paper which I have only seen since the above was written (C.

R. de la Soc. de Biol., 1905, t. lix, p. 123) M. Louis Lapicque has

called attention to the resemblance between Todas and Nairs. He regards

the Todas as pure or almost pure examples of one of the two races of

which he believes the Dravidian population of India to be composed, the

Nairs being more mixed with the negroid element, which forms the other

component of the population according to M. Lapicque.

[295] It must also be borne in mind that the figures of the Nambutiris

and those of some of the Todas are based on the measurement of

twenty-five individuals only in each case.

[296] Some of these measurements are based on the examination of

eighty-two men, others are derived from twenty-five men only.

[297] The relations existing between Nair women and Nambutiri men must

have brought about an approximation of the two Malabar castes in

physical characters, even if they were originally of different ethnical

origin.

[298] It is worth noting that they practise male descent, while the

Nairs follow the Marumakkattayam system of inheritance.

[299] I should much like to know the ratios between the lengths of

different limb bones, such as those shown by the radio-humeral or

tibio-femoral indices. The observations on the cubit and the distance

from the middle finger to the patella suggest that considerable

differences might be found between the Todas and the Malabar castes in

these ratios, which do not seem to me to have yet received from the

physical anthropologist the attention they deserve.

[300] It will be remembered that the Todas claim to have once possessed

a spear which had belonged to their god, Kwoten.

[301] See p. 445.

[302] The argument will hold equally well if the Todas in their

previous home had been accustomed to procure their pottery from others,

but had when they reached the Nilgiris to rely solely on the Kotas for

help in this direction.

[303] See p. 402.

[304] Loc. cit.

[305] Add. MS. 9853, pp. 464–5, MS. 25–26 vol. [Translation].

[306] Or Cattanar, a native priest of the Syrian Church.

[307] Add. MS. 9853, p. 479, MS. 40 vol. [Translation].

[308] In the translation given by Whitehouse the name of this priest is

given as Ferreira.

[309] A member of the Errari or cowherd caste.

[310] ? Vaishya.

[311] Whitehouse suggests that this is Melur.

[312] I do not know the meaning of this. One caste of the Badagas is

called Torya.

[313] Seventh?

[314] By the context this should be 100 buffalo cows.

[315] Evidently the wursol.

The Todas · 第 41 / 41 章