THE NIZAM’S INSTALLATION
“_3rd Feb._
“We are established in tents at a camp just outside the Residency,
where Kurshid Jah does the honours to all strangers in the Nizam’s
name. It consists of a large _shamiana_ and fifteen principal
tents arranged in a street, with flowers, in pots, down the whole
row--very pretty certainly, but it wants the natural attraction
of camp life, the individual choice of site one always finds in
Arabia, and there are no beasts of burden near it, so that it has
an unlocomotive look, ‘like a swan on a turnpike road.’ However,
here we are. The tents seem to be occupied principally by members
of the various suites, for the Commissioner-in-Chief is here, as
well as the Viceroy, and the only _bona fide_ traveller besides
ourselves is Gorst. He tells me Churchill has written to me urging
me to come home at once, as a great campaign is beginning in
Parliament. We talked over Churchill’s speeches. He said he would
have to modify the one on the franchise, but approved of the Irish
one, as I do, although I don’t agree with a word of it, wishing
to see Ireland independent. He asked me what I thought of the
Egyptian speech, and I said ‘_C’est magnifique; mais ce n’est pas
la guerre._’ It has probably had something to do with the upset of
Sherif’s ministry, but it has spoiled Arabi’s chance, at least for
the present.
“This has been a day of profit. We breakfasted at the Residency
with the Viceroy, who received us very cordially, and then drove
down to Hyderabad, where we called on the Clerks and Keays to get
news. Clerk is evidently very much down on his luck, as he tells
us Salar Jung is. They consider that Cordery and Kurshid Jah are
carrying all before them. The idea of cholera in Hyderabad is all a
‘plant’ to get the Viceroy away from sources of intelligence. There
has been no cholera, but Kurshid Jah cunningly chose, when his
choice was given, to superintend the arrangements outside the town,
leaving the internal arrangements to Salar Jung. His idea was that
the Viceroy would decide the dispute about the Diwanship, and that
the Viceroy would take Cordery’s advice or Durand’s; but I think
he has outwitted himself, for Lord Ripon will leave the choice to
the Nizam, and so in all probability it will fall to Salar Jung.
Bushir-ed-Dowlah is in a great rage because the question of his
precedence over Kurshid Jah has been decided against him. At first
he threatened to leave the country and never return, but when he
heard the news of the Nizam’s installation being fixed for this
year he was pacified, as he believes the Nizam can reverse the
decision. His secretary, Colonel C., told me this, and that when
the news arrived he laughed ‘from the top of his head to the soles
of his feet.’ And he, Bushir-ed-Dowlah, is also delighted at the
birth of the Nizam’s son and heir, because it cuts Kurshid Jah’s
son out of the succession. And so he has given up his idea of
exile. Keay is full of a new letter he has written to Lord Ripon
about the railway scheme, which certainly seems a famous swindle.
I sent a letter by him to Salar Jung, begging him to see me
to-morrow, and to send Seyd Huseyn and Rasul Yar Khan. The nuisance
of being out here at Bolarum is beyond conception; and Lord Ripon
has told Anne that he is much disgusted at it. Walter Pollen,
who has to do aide-de-camp’s duty to-morrow, will have to drive
seventy-two miles backwards and forwards in the day.
“We dined at the Residency, Anne sitting between Lord Ripon and Mr.
Grant Duff, I next to Primrose, an arrangement made on purpose;
and he and I talked the whole time. We began about Baring’s letter
and my relations with Downing Street and the Foreign Office,
about which I spoke with absolute frankness, as well as about my
relations with Churchill. He said the letter had surprised him;
and it is evident Eddy has written to him lately, for he said he
believed I was for Halim’s return to Egypt. He talked with the same
apparent frankness, and we discussed the advantage of telling the
truth in politics. He assured me neither Lord Ripon nor he ever
lied about public matters; the most he himself ever did was in the
case of impertinent questions being asked him, when he thought
a lie was sometimes necessary. I told him Lyall’s views on the
subject, and we discussed Lytton’s character, and Dufferin’s. He
asked me my opinion of Dufferin, and I told him I did not consider
him at all a serious man; but I thought he would make, in some
ways, a successful Viceroy, because he would take the Indians in
with his good manners and sympathy and pretty speeches, but he
would do nothing for them in the way of giving them liberty. He
told me he had been in correspondence with Malabari; and that it
had been touch and go work when the Ilbert Bill was compromised.
Malabari had written to him very frankly on the subject, and he had
shown the letter to one of the civilians, whose only remark had
been, ‘What cheek of a native to write like that.’ I warned him not
to try such tricks as the compromise twice; and he seemed quite
to admit that it was a shady business, and that nothing but Lord
Ripon’s immense popularity pulled him through. ‘Lord Ripon,’ he
said, ‘was very near going down to posterity in India as a traitor
instead of a benefactor.’
“We then talked about the Patna business, and he said inquiries
had been made; but I told him it was useless making them through
the civilians, and that Lord Ripon should send down one of his
own aides-de-camp--and I suggested Walter Pollen--to hear their
complaints. He promised as soon as they got back to Calcutta to
have the inquiry properly made. But I must insist further on this.
I got him also to take down Ragunath Rao’s name for Lord Ripon to
see him as he went back through Madras, and Mandlik’s at Bombay.
The latter, however, he already knew. I saw Trevor watching us.
He was sitting opposite, but could not hear what we were talking
about. Cordery, too, looks very uneasy. I don’t think Lord Ripon
has talked to him at all yet.
“After dinner Lord Ripon came to me and took me aside into an
inner room, and asked me my opinion as to whether the Nizam would
speak frankly to him about his wishes, as he considered that these
wishes ought to be the first consideration in appointing to the
Diwanship. I told him that it entirely depended on his own manner
towards the Nizam, and that if he took the Nizam by the arm,
and spoke kindly to him and reassured him, and told him that no
ill consequences would follow, and he would not be dethroned or
deported or otherwise punished, he no doubt would speak exactly
what he thought. I felt sure he had been intimidated by people
here (meaning Cordery), and would require encouragement. Here at
Hyderabad he was quite a different being from what Lord Ripon had
seen him at Calcutta. I had seen him looking frightened here, as
if afraid to speak. Lord Ripon then spoke about the difficulty
there was in finding any one to advise the new Diwan for his good.
All the English about him wanted money and things for themselves.
I said that it required somebody who really wished well to the
Hyderabad state, that I felt sure there would be no difficulty in
making things go well if the will was there. I could do it myself,
I was confident, if I only had time to devote to it. But who in
the world was there? I then told Lord Ripon about the university
scheme, and seeing him interested, said that I had hopes the Nizam
would make himself its patron--indeed, I believed he had the
intention of speaking to Lord Ripon about it--and hoped he would
give it his approval. Lord Ripon said he quite approved of it, and
thought it would do great good, and agreed with me that a religious
basis was essential to all education, and he should certainly
encourage the Nizam to proceed with it. He answered me, laughing,
that he acquitted me of all idea of preaching sedition. This is
very satisfactory.
“_4th Feb._--It struck me, during the night, that Moore would be
the man to make things go here, and I shall certainly propose it
to Lord Ripon, that he should be appointed special adviser to the
Diwan. At breakfast sat next to Primrose and Father Kerr, and
afterwards talked to Primrose about Lord Ripon’s coming interview
with the Nizam, and impressed upon him strongly the necessity of
reassuring the Nizam, for I was certain intimidation was exercised
on him by Cordery. I also explained my view of the action of the
Foreign Office with regard to Hyderabad, how they had feared Lord
Ripon might give back the Berar province, and so had connived at
misgovernment in order to make this impossible. The retention of
Berar was a cardinal point of policy with the Foreign Office, and
they did not scruple about the means. We were then interrupted by
Primrose being sent for by Lord Ripon, and while I was waiting till
this was over, the guard of honour and band arrived for the Nizam’s
visit, and we went back to our tent to be out of the way.
“Primrose told me to-day that he was in correspondence with Godley,
but very little with Hamilton, that he had been quite as averse
to the Egyptian War as Godley was: and I warned him that they
must not think of sending Indian troops against the Mahdi, as the
Mohammedans would be very indignant. (He said there was no chance
of that, and that it had been a great question in 1882 how the
Mohammedans would take the sending of troops.) But they had a great
respect for the Sultan as long as he appeared as their champion;
they would not listen to him if he went against them; they did
not care much for his spiritual claims, witness that they were
publishing my book in Urdu at Calcutta.
“The Nizam’s visit was announced by a salute of twenty-one guns,
and I hear from Walter Pollen that after the ceremony His Highness
had a long talk of over half an hour with the Viceroy, and came out
looking much excited; so I fancy he has told all his thoughts. At
luncheon were Bushir-ed-Dowlah and Salar Jung, and I sat next the
latter, and improved the occasion, and had a talk with him also
afterwards on the verandah. I told him of my conversation last
night with Lord Ripon, and assured him that the choice of a Diwan
would be left to the Nizam. This, he said, he had been told by
Mr. Durand on his way back from Calcutta. But he asked me several
times, and earnestly, ‘Are you sure Lord Ripon means well to us, to
the Hyderabad State?’ I told him I was sure of it, but not of the
Foreign Office. The Foreign Office and the Viceroy were two very
different things. ‘Oh yes,’ he said, ‘we know that. But are you
sure of Lord Ripon?’ I said: ‘Very sure, and I intend to propose to
him to appoint some Englishman, whose duty it will be to counsel
the Diwan, not in English, but in Hyderabad interests.’
“I then talked to him about the university, and he said the Nizam
would certainly take it up, but not till after the ceremonies.
He would not have time to think of it. But I urged on him very
strongly not to let the Nizam miss the opportunity of announcing
at least his intention to the Viceroy. He seemed surprised to hear
that Lord Ripon should have approved the scheme, but said, if that
was the case, the Nizam should certainly speak to him. I then gave
him some good advice. I said: ‘You are likely now to be made Diwan,
and so you will have, after the Nizam, the highest position of any
Mohammedan in India. If you aspire to lead the Mohammedan world
you must be careful not to offend their prejudices. You should
hold a middle course. The general of an army does not go forward
reconnoitring. He stays with the main body. This you must do. Be
careful not to be too European in your dress or thoughts, or at
any rate language, for this will give offence.’ He said: ‘It is
hard for one brought up as I have been.’ ‘But,’ I said, ‘you must
sacrifice something if you are to play a great political part.
Don’t at any rate throw yourself too entirely into the Aligarh
set.’ He said: ‘Oh, I don’t care about Seyd Ahmed. My father always
used to say he was a humbug. He cared only for display.’ I said:
‘I don’t want you to go so far as that, but be moderate and be
careful.’
“I trust that Laik Ali may become Diwan, for, under good guidance
at starting, he may make a very good minister. I am sure he means
well, but he is a bit childish, and his manner is not quite so good
as one would wish. He has an abrupt way of talking, which strangers
might take for rudeness; some have, as I know. I noticed that
Cordery’s manner to him and Bushir-ed-Dowlah was not _empressé_.
Bushir-ed-Dowlah was in high spirits. Salar Jung has not told Rasul
Yar Khan of my arrival, giving as his reason that yesterday he,
Rasul Yar Khan, being Sadr es Sadur, was occupied all day with the
Nizam, praying with him on the occasion of his birthday. I feel
pretty sure, however, that there was some other reason, and hold
to my belief that he and the Nizam and Vikar-el-Omra were warned
against me in Calcutta, probably by Stewart Bailey. His manner
to-day was very cordial as in old times, but I noticed he seemed a
little uneasy, as if watching to see who might be watching us.
“Father Kerr sat at my other hand at lunch. He is sad, having just
received a telegram announcing his mother Lady Henry Kerr’s death,
whom I used to know so well years ago at Huntlyburn.
“We stayed quiet all the afternoon, and dined at the camp, as there
is a large official dinner at the Residency. I sat next to Mr.
Lambert, the head of the secret police, who said he had heard from
Primrose about the Patna affair, and was making investigations. I
gave him an exact narration of the thing, which he did not seem
to have had correctly; and he expressed unbounded astonishment
at it, as an incident the like of which had not occurred in his
twenty-one years’ experience. He would not hear of its being a
common thing for natives to be insulted on the railways, and seemed
even a little to doubt my accuracy. But I think I convinced him,
at any rate, about the particular incident. As an instance of
the contrary, he told me how Villayet Ali had written to him and
asked for a special compartment for himself and friends to go to
the Exhibition a little while before, and how he had willingly
written to the station master about it. But the tale seems to me to
prove, if anything, the danger natives run--or why should a special
compartment be needed?
“At half-past 9 o’clock we went to the Viceroy’s _levée_, and Lord
Ripon, as soon as he saw me, came to me rubbing his hands, and
said, ‘Well, I have had my talk with him [the Nizam], and I flatter
myself, at last, that he has told me everything.’ Lord Ripon did
not say precisely what this everything was, but I gathered from
him in our subsequent conversation, which lasted about a quarter
of an hour, that there had been some ‘eye-openers.’ ‘There is no
doubt either,’ he said, ‘about his wishes. He spoke them strongly
and decidedly; and my opinion clearly is that they ought to be
followed.’ I did not press to know whom it was the Nizam wished
for as Diwan, for I shall learn that later, but I feel no doubt
it is Salar Jung. I asked Lord Ripon, however, whether on the
whole he had been favourably impressed by the young Prince, and he
said: ‘Oh, very much so. He has ideas and opinions of his own. But
I told him things which I fancy he is not likely to hear again,
and which will be good for him.’ So I suppose he has given him a
thorough good talking to about his morals. Lord Ripon was anxious
to know, and asked me to find out if possible, what the Nizam’s own
impression of the interview had been, and I shall probably be able
to do so to-morrow.
“I then suggested to him my idea about an official adviser being
appointed to the Diwan, whoever he might be, with written
instructions to work in Hyderabad interests, not those merely of
the Indian Government; and I expressed my opinion strongly about
the Foreign Office policy in respect of the Berars. Lord Ripon
would not admit that I was correct in my view of the case, but
his protest was feebly made. The essential in any settlement of
the Hyderabad problem is to remember that the Resident cannot be
trusted to advise for good. What Lord Ripon said was: ‘Would not
this be introducing new Englishmen into Hyderabad? It seems to me
that there are too many already. I should like to make a clean
sweep of them all.’ I said: ‘By all means make a clean sweep.’ I
suggested, however, that Moore might be intrusted with the new
duty, as a man who really understood and sympathized with the
native races, and really wished them well.
“We were talking a quarter of an hour in this way, very much in
evidence, and I noticed poor Cordery watching, and Clerk once
even came up and interrupted our conversation. I don’t know what
they can all think of my position here as the Viceroy’s adviser,
in spite of the ‘Wind and the Whirlwind,’ and everything else.
Indeed, it is a singular one, and it shows how strangely politics
are managed here, and at home, too, for that matter, for I am going
about with a decree of exile from Egypt in my pocket, no more nor
less than if I was a proclaimed rebel.
“_5th Feb._--A day to be marked with white. We went quite early
into Hyderabad to the Clerks, where we had tea, and then went
on to the Chou Mahaila Palace, which is the old palace where
installations have always taken place, and where Mahbub Ali was
this morning installed. The city was a magnificent sight, crowded
with people and decked with flags, the people most of them sitting
on the ground, and even some of the soldiers on duty so seated,
as they used to be at Haïl. Everything was most orderly, with the
single exception of one man, probably an Arab, who seemed to have
been making a disturbance, for he had a sword drawn in his left
hand, and was being led away by four or five others. We arrived
at the same time as Cordery, and walked through the palace garden
to the open hall where the Durbars are held. Here the nobles were
assembling, and those officers of the English cantonments who had
received invitations, perhaps one hundred and fifty of each, the
natives occupying the right, the English the left of the thrones.
We had reserved seats, Anne’s close to the thrones, mine a little
way down, and I sat next to Lambert and close to Gorst. We had
an hour to wait, but we occupied it talking to Rasul Yar Khan,
Seyd Huseyn Bilgrami, and others of our friends, who were in fine
feather, for our balloon has gone up at last, and at 2 o’clock last
night Salar Jung was named Munir el Mulk and Diwan. The news began
to be whispered round, though it seemed too good to be true, for,
till the last moment, it had been believed that Cordery and the
Foreign Office would carry the day. But it was soon proved by the
arrival of the Peishkar, who came to take his seat next the thrones
but was bundled out of it, to his confusion, and made to take his
chair several places down. Poor old man, he seemed quite dazed, for
it was the first he had heard of his disgrace.
“There was a good deal of confusion, too, among the nobles, and C.
whispered to me that his Nawab, Bushir-ed-Dowlah, had fainted just
as he stepped into his carriage, the news being brought to him that
his chair had been put below Kurshid Jah’s, and so had gone home
to bed. But the triumph of the Salar Jung party was crowned when
he and Saadut Ali arrived with the Nizam, all three wearing yellow
turbans in sign of their alliance. Salar Jung, I must say, showed
considerable dignity and absence of visible elation; but the _coup
de théâtre_ to us who knew what lay behind the scenes was all the
more striking. The Nizam and Viceroy arrived together, and sat down
together on two chairs in front of the two equal thrones, and,
after some announcement made by Mr. Henderson, who did the duty of
herald, Lord Ripon made an excellent speech full of good advice and
piety, though I was a little disappointed that he did not allude
to the Nizam’s position as head of the Mohammedans of India, but
perhaps this was thought indiscreet. Lord Ripon alluded, however,
to old Salar Jung’s services to the State, and declared the policy
of the Indian Government to be that of peace and goodwill towards
the Nizam’s, and the encouragement of good government and progress.
“The speech affected me almost to tears, and it seemed to affect
the Nizam, whose answer, drawn up for him by Seyd Huseyn, was
almost inaudible. He behaved, however, with considerable dignity
during the rather trying quarter of an hour when, seated on his
throne by Lord Ripon’s side and girt by that nobleman with a new
diamond-hilted sword, put on on the wrong side, he waited to be
photographed, for such was the banal termination. Swords also were
given to Salar Jung, Peishkar, and Kurshid Jah, the latter’s with
an ivory hilt, reminding one of a large paper cutter, perhaps
lest he should go home and commit suicide with it, for he must
have been very angry. I hear the poor Peishkar was so utterly
confounded that he walked home immediately after the ceremony
without waiting for his carriage, and was picked up somewhere in
the street by his servants, having lost his way. But this may be
an exaggeration. Lord Ripon has a pleasant voice speaking, but his
style is that of a sermon, which, however, suited the occasion, and
all the Hyderabadis, except the disgraced nobles, seemed delighted
with him. I believe this appointment of Salar Jung to be generally
popular. But Rasul Yar Khan told me there were some who were not
best pleased.
“Then we drove back to Mrs. Clerk’s, where the
Commissioner-in-Chief and Sir Frederick Roberts were also invited
to luncheon. Sir Donald Stewart is a dear old fogey, but with wits
enough to appreciate Colonel Moore, and Sir Frederick is a gallant
officer of the unostentatious, strictly professional type. I like
them both. We stayed there the afternoon, and went in the evening
to a great banquet at the Palace, in the new part of it, which is
extremely handsome and built in excellent taste only about twenty
years ago by an Italian architect. The illuminations, both in the
Palace and in the city, and for miles round, surpass anything I
ever saw attempted in Europe, even at Paris in the palmy days of
the Empire. There were at least two hundred guests at this dinner,
which was held in a very long hall. Anne was taken in by the
Viceroy, but I had to shift for myself, and was fortunate enough
to get hold of Seyd Ahmed, the Persian attaché and translator of
the Foreign Office, an Afghan with whom I had a most instructive
conversation. He had been educated by some missionaries at
Peshawar, and is to a certain extent denationalized, but is a good
Sunni, and seems still fond of his own people. He was employed
in that mission to Shere Ali which was refused admittance to
Ali Musjid. I asked him his candid opinion about the Afghan War,
and he said he could not approve it either at the time or now,
though Shere Ali had brought it on himself by intriguing with
the Russians. He said, moreover, that any Mohammedans who might
have pretended to me that they approved the war were hypocrites,
for all were strongly against it. The Mohammedans of India were,
nevertheless, loyal as a body, though not all. They were so from
interest. He lamented the quarrels which divided them, and was
sure I was doing a good work in bringing them together. If they
only were united, and knew their strength, the Government would be
obliged to do something for them. But they were far from united.
He did not approve of Seyd Ahmed of Aligarh, though far from a
bigot. He had been brought up an utter bigot till he went to
school at Peshawar, but now his ideas were changed. He also told
me he had travelled with Major Napier in Persia, and corroborated
much of what Malkum Khan had told me of the Persians. He was of
opinion that they were doomed to fall to Russia, they were so much
diminished in numbers, only three to five millions in a territory
as large as India. Afghanistan was far more prosperous. He would
not hear of his countrymen being treacherous, except to Englishmen,
who they thought were spies, or in cases of blood feuds among
themselves. He thought I might travel safely among them, and the
best way to go would be through Persia. He had heard Malkum Khan’s
history, much as I had heard it from Malkum Khan himself. I met
Vikar-el-Omra after dinner, who seemed in his old friendly mood.
I asked him how he liked the new political arrangement, and he
said he thought he did, but Salar Jung was very young to be Diwan.
I believe his idea had been a council of seven, with himself as
one of them. So he is naturally a little disappointed. I told him
I thought the success or non-success of Salar Jung would depend
mainly on the kind of advice given him by the Resident. We slept at
Bolarum.
“_6th Feb._--A telegram from Ferid-ed-Din begging me to
congratulate the Nizam in the name of the Mohammedans of Allahabad
and the North-West Provinces, and also a letter signed by some
hundred of the chief Mohammedans of Patna expressing their
confidence in me. I have written to Salar Jung with the first
message to beg him to remind the Nizam of his promise to speak to
the Viceroy about the university, for it appears that Lord Ripon
told Anne he had expected the Nizam to broach the subject. But
they seem lukewarm about it, and, if they don’t take it up more
seriously than they seem now inclined to do, I shall wash my hands
of them, and look to Lucknow as a better place. It would ruin the
scheme to establish it here without thorough and determined support.
“We went to a review with Sir Frederick Roberts, and had a good
deal of talk about Egypt and the Mahdi. There is a telegram to-day
announcing a new victory and Baker’s flight from Tokat. It seems,
too, certain that some at least of the Khedive’s troops went over
to the Mahdi. This will seal the fate of Khartoum, I hope, before
Gordon arrives there. But the military here all count on a campaign
with Indian troops. I warned them, however, that such an adventure
would be most unpopular with the Mohammedans of India, and with all
classes of natives.
“We lunched with the Viceroy, but everybody was busy with the
mail which goes this evening, and my only conversation was with
Cordery about architecture. I feel that he is very angry with me,
and no wonder. I hope Lord Ripon won’t leave him here. It is not in
human nature that, having been foiled in his plans and forced to
recognize Salar Jung as Minister, he should cordially support him,
and less than cordial support will not do.
“There was another great banquet this evening, at the Bolarum mess
rooms, given by Cordery to the Viceroy and the Nizam, and before
it Lord Ripon again took me aside, and asked if I was satisfied
with the arrangements he had made, and if I had found out what the
Nizam really thought of the lecture he had given him. I said I was
sure it had had the best effect, and later I made certain of it
by asking the Nizam himself, whom I found exceedingly nice about
this, and about the university, which he seems really interested
in. He did not however, as I had expected him to do, speak to Lord
Ripon about it at the dinner; but he will to-morrow, at a Council
which they are to have at the Residency, and he has told Anne
that he wants to have the university here near the town, perhaps
at Serinagar. He seemed also immensely pleased at the interest
taken in him by the Mohammedans of India, and if he is encouraged
he is sure to go on well. I told Lord Ripon all this again after
dinner, and again proposed appointing an official adviser to the
Diwan, independent of the Resident, and Lord Ripon said there was
certainly something in the idea, and I am to have a private talk
with him to-morrow.
“Everything, therefore, is going on wheels. Seyd Huseyn Bilgrami,
however, with whom I had a long talk, says the Government of India
will never consent to such a plan, and asked me besides whom they
could possibly trust to advise them for their good. I mentioned
Moore, and he said he knew him and had a high opinion of him, but
the Government would never consent. I told him Lord Ripon was
capable of doing many things the Government of India did not like,
and I have some hope the idea may be taken up. Otherwise we must
get rid of Cordery. It seems Lord Ripon is likely now to stay out
his time in India, which is a good thing, as it will give things a
start. I told Seyd Huseyn I was sure, if they were going badly, the
Nizam might write to Lord Ripon, or perhaps it would be better, on
smaller matters, Seyd Huseyn should write to Primrose. I was glad
to see Seyd Huseyn at this banquet of Cordery’s, as it shows his
position is re-established. It is just two months since Cordery
announced his intention of exiling Seyd Huseyn, and, in fact, gave
him notice to quit. Of course Cordery is angry.
“Colonel Dobbs, whom I sat next to at the dinner table, declares
the Foreign Office will not allow any official proceedings to be
taken against the ‘Statesman’ for its libels, but that Abd-el-Hak
will probably bring a private action. He also talked about the
railway scheme, which he defended, but not, as I thought, very
successfully. He said he thought there would be no greater loss
than at present over the old railway, and it might be found to pay.
He is a director of the old line, and attributed its nonpayment to
the action of the Indian Government, which for political purposes
had insisted, in opposition to Sir Salar Jung, on having the line
run through an unremunerative country. All these admissions are of
value from a man avowedly hostile to Salar Jung. Geary, editor of
the ‘Bombay Gazette,’ sat at my other hand, and we had a deal of
conversation.
“In talking to Lord Ripon I mentioned my disappointment at his
having made no allusion to the fact of the Nizam’s being the head
of the Mohammedans in India, but he said ‘We didn’t dare do that.
We had to remember that though a Mohammedan prince, he has many
more Hindu than Mohammedan subjects.’ I did not press it further.
“_7th Feb._--We spent the morning at the Residency, looking over
some colts which Ali Abdallah had brought for Sir Frederick
Roberts’s inspection, and after luncheon I had a long talk with
the General about Egypt, especially as to our military position
there. I asked him whether it was not a mistake to occupy a country
against the will of its inhabitants, instead of seeking their
friendship. And he said certainly it was elementary in military
matters to hold as little disaffected territory as possible. This
was the mistake which had been made in Afghanistan. It had been his
idea there to leave the Afghans to choose their own ruler, which
would have been the best way of gaining their friendship. But the
authorities had decided on having a man of their own choosing, and
they had put up Abd-el-Rahman, and were now obliged to subsidize
him heavily to keep him on his throne. I told him no amount of
subsidies would keep Tewfik on his. He then asked me why Arabi had
not defended the Canal, and I told him that it was from the idea
he had that England would come to terms with him, and he did not
want to offend all Europe. He said they would have come to terms if
Arabi had won the battle of Kassassin instead of losing it. He then
observed that he considered Egypt a very difficult country for us
to hold, that it could be easily invaded from Syria. But to this
I would not altogether agree, as there was only one road by which
troops could possibly march, and that was not an easy one. I told
him, however, I considered that the Power which wished to hold the
Suez Canal should certainly look to its position in Syria, and we
then discussed the best line of defence against Russia. I told him
I thought the line from Scanderum to the Euphrates the shortest,
and therefore the best, and I drew him a sketch map of the hills
and rivers. He said he had been consulted about the possibility
of holding Diarbekr against the Russians, but had come to the
conclusion that it would be almost impossible now that Kars was
gone. To this I quite agreed. Another advantage, too, of the line
between Scanderum and Aleppo is that it fairly marks the division
of the Arabic and Turkish speaking populations. I fancy, however,
another line of defence could be found further south if this one
would not do. I like Sir Frederick. He is a man without pretence,
and I have no doubt a real good soldier.
“In the afternoon we drove to the Mir Alum Tank in procession
behind the Viceroy, much, as we believe, to Cordery’s disgust,
for he raised difficulties about the carriage, and certainly
discouraged our going. But Anne had been particularly invited by
the Nizam himself, and the Viceroy supports us openly. So we went.
The Nizam was very amiable to us, and Salar Jung asked me to stay
on a day or two and come to breakfast with him, and talk things
over. We steamed round and round the lake for an hour, and then had
our photographs taken in a group, where I figure between Salar Jung
and Cordery--I have no doubt to his still greater disgust--just
behind the Viceregal chair--Anne, and Mr. and Mrs. Grant Duff
seated with the Nizam and Lord Ripon;--Vikar-el-Omra, Saadut Ali,
Mohammed Ali Bey, and a certain grouping of aides-de-camp behind,
one of whom was Walter, make up the party. This will be historical.
“We dined at the Residency, but went to bed instead of to the ball
given at the Bolarum mess, for we are really at the end of our
tether.
“_8th Feb._--This morning, after breakfast, Lord Ripon sent for
me, and we talked over the Patna business. I read over to him the
strongest passages of the letters I had received about it, and
suggested that it would be far more soothing to their outraged
feelings if he sent one of his own aides-de-camp (_e.g._, Walter
Pollen), than if he had the enquiry conducted through the regular
channels. He promised to consider this, and, I think, will act in
accordance. Next, I asked him to see Ragunath Rao when at Madras,
and he promised to do so, and he took his address, and I warned
him he was not in favour with the officials. Then I spoke to him
about Gordon, who is reported in this morning’s telegram to have
been captured by the Mahdi’s people; and I told him if it should be
found necessary, I believed I could go to the Mahdi without much
danger, and I told him, under secrecy, of the Sheykh I had met who
was in communication with the Mahdi, and who, I believed, would go
with me. But he said he feared the Government at home looked upon
me with too much disfavour to think of making use of me, though for
his part he should not mind recommending it, if asked his opinion.
“Lastly, Lord Ripon talked to me, though I did not begin it, about
the position here. He asked me to speak to Salar Jung, first, about
the finances of the country, and urge him to declare the whole
deficit, or floating debt, at once. He had reason to believe it was
a large one. Next, to recommend him not to quarrel with Abd-el-Hak,
who, he told me, was strongly supported by the India Office, and
was too clever a man not to be dangerous if neglected. It would be
better--though I was not to deliver this as a message--to provide
him with a place. It would be only prudent to shut Abd-el-Hak’s
mouth. The railway scheme was powerfully supported at home, and
he believed there was some exaggeration in the charge it would be
on the Nizam’s Government. He thought it might pay. At least it
was not certain to be a loss. I did not, however, understand from
Lord Ripon that the scheme was approved beyond the possibility of
disavowal, though Seyd Huseyn, whom I saw later in the afternoon,
seemed to think it was so. Lastly, I was to assure Salar Jung
that as long as he, Lord Ripon, remained in India, he would see
that he was properly supported. What might happen after his term
of office was over he could not say, but they would have a year,
or thereabouts, to establish things on a firm basis, and ought
then to be able to take care of themselves. I asked whether,
supposing things were again going badly between Salar Jung and
the Residency, he might write to Lord Ripon. But Lord Ripon said,
‘You had better not give them any such message. They are pretty
sure to write without your suggesting it, and I shall keep my eye
on the Hyderabad State, and shall be sure to hear if anything is
going on wrong. I am glad I have been here, because now I know
something of the people and the place, and I shall always take a
deep interest in its welfare.’ I asked him if the Nizam had spoken
about the university, and he said he had. He had expressed his
intention in general terms, and apparently without understanding it
much, of founding a university, and he, Lord Ripon, had approved,
remarking only that he must count the cost, and not embark in any
scheme which should burden the finances. I told him we wanted his
patronage more than his money, and I promised to see that he was
not unfairly pressed to contribute. Then I thanked Lord Ripon for
his kindness to me, and took my leave.
“The party at the Residency broke up to-day, the Viceroy and Grant
Duff going back to Madras, and we to the Clerks at Chanderghat.
The Commissioner-in-Chief went yesterday, and Sir F. Roberts goes
to Bombay. Cordery stays a day or two at Bolarum, and goes away,
he told us, in April or May, to England for three months leave.
This means that he will not return, and there is talk of Henderson
as his successor. I don’t fancy him. _C’est un grand sec_--the
ideal of the office man--not at all what is wanted. We lunched
with Seyd Huseyn Bilgrami, who is now practically Minister, and
had a long talk about the situation. He said he would certainly
draw up a financial statement showing all the deficit, and that he
intended to make it his rule to be quite straightforward in all his
dealings, on the principle that honesty was the best policy. I told
him, of course, that I approved, and that he must remember that the
Hyderabad State existed on sufferance, supported only by public
opinion at home. The policy of the Indian Foreign Office was one of
encroachment, and, but for English opinion, they would annex every
independent State; nor would public opinion protect them, except
they showed themselves worthy of protection, I said: ‘In all your
dealings show yourselves honester than the Indian Government. It
is not saying much or asking you to do much, but this will be your
best protection.’ About the railway he seemed to think there was
no help for it; but he did not fancy the idea of having dealings
with Abd-el-Hak. Abd-el-Hak was a desperate intriguer, and should
be suppressed; he was not so clever as people thought; the letters
he wrote were not his own; he was incapable of writing anything
worth reading. They must make the best they could of a bad job
with the railway; it had been imposed upon them with a view to
ruining the State; it could not possibly pay more than its working
expenses, and there would be a charge for twenty years on the State
of £200,000, a tenth of the revenue. It certainly is an outrageous
business. About the university he seemed to think there would be
much practical difficulty, though he decidedly wished to have it
here when I said that we did not absolutely depend upon the Nizam’s
help. He promised, however, to read over the draft, and talk about
it again on Sunday, when I am to have a conference with Salar Jung.
Unless they take the thing up more warmly than this, I am inclined
to think we had better look elsewhere.
“We had a discussion at luncheon with his brother and Cheragh Ali
about the Mahdi, one or two being opposed to him on the ground
that he was adverse to the Ottoman Empire, and on the more general
one that ‘If he is not the Mahdi, he is an impostor; if he is,
we ought all to join him’--a thing nobody seemed willing to do.
The majority, with Seyd Huseyn, however, agreed that he was a
Mohammedan representing Mohammedan interests, and so ought to be
supported, and this is very strongly my own view. Dined at the
Clerks’, and went to bed early.
“_9th Feb._--Rasul Yar Khan came and spent the morning with us,
talking over the university scheme, which he warmly approves, but
warns me that it runs great risk of failing in the working out,
and would have me keep the management in my own hands. But this I
cannot do. He says it must anyhow be independent of the Government
here. He will do all he can for it in any case. Also a poet, who
calls himself the Bulbul of the Deccan, called with a complimentary
ode in the Nizam’s honour in English and Persian. He says he can
write poetry in seven languages, but his English verse is funny. He
travelled, as a boy, with Sir something Binney in Persia, and is
now Court poet here.
“Later we went to the races, and I had a few words with Salar Jung
about the university. I told him, unless he was prepared to take
it up energetically we should look elsewhere than to Hyderabad.
The people of the north were determined to have a university, and
if not here, would have it at Lucknow or Delhi. He spoke, however,
strongly about it, promising to give it all his support, and quite
admitted that the advantage received by the Hyderabad State would
be as great as any it could give. I told him we did not need the
Nizam’s money, but his patronage, on account of his great name. He
talked of Kalbarga or Aurungabad as suitable places, but Rasul Yar
Khan is for Golconda, as being nearer to Hyderabad and containing
plenty of buildings. We are, however, to dine to-morrow with Salar
Jung, and discuss the whole matter, and the day after at a farewell
dinner with the Nizam. If I can bring this to a good end I shall
have done enough for one winter. I doubt if ever a university was
imagined, planned, preached, and accepted before in six weeks from
its first conception. This, however, is only gathering in a harvest
I have ploughed and sowed for, and watered with my tears, for
almost as many years.
“I have spoken to Clerk about it, and he is strongly in favour of
Aurungabad, where he says there are heaps of old buildings, and he
introduced me to Mir Abdu es Salaam (Ferdunji, the Parsi Talukdar
is the next most important man at Aurungabad), chief Subar there,
who happens to be at Hyderabad, and who invited us to stay with him
at Aurungabad. Dined with Seyd Huseyn. He showed me, before dinner,
a long telegram dictated by Cordery, which has been sent to the
‘Times of India,’ and of which Seyd Huseyn has obtained this secret
copy. It explains the nature of the new council here, which Cordery
seems to have invented as a fresh dodge for pulling the strings. It
also says the railway scheme is to be pushed on, and explains the
reasons which induce him and Trevor to take leave this summer.
“_10th Feb._--Another visit from the Bulbul, who has brought a copy
of Arabic verses composed in our honour, and requests that we will
forward to Lord Ripon a rhymed address in seven languages. I have
corrected his English version, purged it, that is, of its most
absurd blunders, but it still remains a highly amusing composition.
He brought his son with him, a bright boy of fourteen.
“Seyd Huseyn came next, and we talked the university scheme over
fully. He foresaw great difficulties of administration, which I
have no doubt he does not exaggerate. But I think his real doubt
was as to the reality of the support I am counting on in the
north. This I was able to remove by showing him the addresses I
had received, especially from his own town, Lucknow, which bear
the signatures of all the great Mulvis. I put it, however, plainly
to him whether he was prepared to support the scheme thoroughly,
as otherwise I should not risk establishing it at Hyderabad, and
he promised to do his very best, especially when I had explained
to him the political bearing it would have, and the influence
it would bring to the Hyderabad State. We agreed, therefore, to
act together in this matter, and it is only now a question of
details. He does not fancy Golconda, saying it is unhealthy, and
that the buildings there could not be given. He thinks Serinagar
far better, but all would have to be built there from the ground.
I fancy he would like to have the thing under his own eye and
management, as he was formerly professor at the Lucknow College.
I do not, however, want the university to be too entirely under
Government control here, as one never knows who may succeed to
power. A Mohammedan university, unless guaranteed by charter, would
run a poor chance in the Peishkar’s Hindu hands. Mohammed Kamil
then looked in and spoke of the enthusiasm there was among the
Mohammedans here for Lord Ripon, because he had saved the State
from destruction.
“Lastly came Mademoiselle Gaignaud, the Salar Jung’s French
governess, who told us a number of extraordinary things connected
with Hyderabad life and politics. The late Sir Salar was the best
and noblest of men, never said an unkind word or did a dishonest
action in his life. All, even his enemies, respected him; and the
old Emir el Kebir, the bitterest of them all, sent for him on
his death-bed, and recommended his sons to his care. I asked her
about Sir Salar’s own death, and she told me she had no doubt in
the world that he was poisoned. He had not complained of anything
till 9 o’clock on the Wednesday evening, the evening of the water
party at the Mir Alum tank, and he died at a quarter past seven on
the Thursday. On the Tuesday he had dined at the Residency. The
symptoms were not those of cholera. There was no vomiting, except
such as he himself caused by putting his fingers down his throat.
He complained only of a burning in his throat and chest, and great
thirst. After death his colour remained unchanged. Of the two
English doctors, one said it was not, the other, Beaumont, said it
was cholera, but no post mortem examination was made. She drew a
fearful scene of the confusion in the Zenana on the occasion, and
of the old minister being plied with potions mixed by two holy men,
who wrote words in Arabic and Persian and Sanskrit on leaves, and
made an infusion of them, the English doctors being only called in
after 3 o’clock in the afternoon, when there was no more hope, and
his pulse was gone. A crowd of women friends and relations, eight
hundred of them, had collected in the house, and when they heard of
the Minister’s death, for he died in the outer part of the house,
they shrieked, and cursed, and screamed, and rolled upon the floor,
tearing their clothes, breaking their bracelets, and behaving like
mad creatures, nobody fully recovering her senses for a week.
“We dined to-night with Salar Jung. It was a merry party, no
English but ourselves and young Hugh Gough who was brought up at
school with them. Rasul Yar Khan was there, and Seyd Ali Shustari
the poet, who made great fun of his rival, the Bulbul, and the son
of a late minister of Oude, and Mohammed Ali Bey, and half a dozen
intimates. At dinner there was a deal of fun made about the recent
political crisis, the poor old Peishkar’s trouble at finding his
chair changed, and his wandering in the streets afterwards, and
Kurshid Jah’s disappointment, and Trevor’s discomfiture. Trevor
knew nothing till the moment of the installation, nor was anything
absolutely settled till 7 o’clock that morning, when the chairs
were changed. Salar Jung told us he had had the management of
everything in the city himself, down to the _menu_ of the banquet,
and had planned all the illuminations with his own hand, and the
whole had cost no more than 22,000 rupees, while Kurshid Jah had
spent, I think he said, four lakhs on what was done outside the
city.
“After dinner I had a long private talk with Salar Jung, first of
all giving him Lord Ripon’s messages and recommendations about the
finances, about Abd-el-Hak, and about the promise he made him of
support. All these he promised to respond to, and the more readily
as Lord Ripon had already spoken to him about them, having taken
an opportunity in the train after I saw him. Salar Jung spoke in
the warmest terms of Lord Ripon, and I have explained to him the
situation as regards English politics thoroughly, and he promises
to let me know if new troubles arise, as also to give me copies
of certain documents which it may be advisable to make public. He
promised to follow the advice about Abd-el-Hak, and to place on
record a temperate protest against the railway scheme, leaving the
whole responsibility for the injury done to the Hyderabad State on
English Government shoulders. We then discussed the character of
the principal English statesmen; and he told me that Lytton had
been especially kind to him when in England, and he thought very
likely he might now regret the harm he had plotted to his father. I
told him, however, to trust none of them; and I don’t think he will
be easily taken in, either by Goschen or Dufferin, should either
come as Viceroy to India.
“About the university he is now, I can see, in earnest; he promised
to subscribe personally, and also on the part of the State. But I
cautioned him to be moderate about the latter. He also considers
Kalbarga as decidedly the best place, as there is a fine old
mosque there, recently restored by his father, and plenty of old
buildings which we can have. He promises that the Nizam shall write
me, without delay, such an answer to my letter to him as we can
publish, so as to start the thing; and to push it on with all his
might during the next year, while Lord Ripon is still in India. He
will write to Kalbarga announcing our arrival on Tuesday. This is
by far the most satisfactory talk I have had yet with Salar Jung.
“I see in the papers that it is a false report about Gordon, so I
hope he may yet get my letter in time, and take my advice. Things,
however, are looking very like a new war.
“_11th Feb._--We had several visitors to-day, the Bulbul and his
son, who brought a poem in our honour, and Seyd Ali Shustari, who
brought another poem, and laughed at the Bulbul’s. We had a long
discussion with him about the Mahdi, who, he said, could not be
the real Mahdi because there had not been seven years of famine
immediately before his appearance; besides, he was to come suddenly
out of the sand in Hejaz, and to be an Arab. This last, however,
I assured him he was, and he agreed that at least he was Hami el
Muslemin, if not Mahdi, and chuckled greatly over the successive
victories against Hicks, Moncrieff, and Baker.
“Mohammed Kamil came to make arrangements for me to make a speech
to the Mohammedans, but there is not time to do the thing properly,
and besides Cordery might interfere, so we did not agree to it. But
they are all to write me a letter which I will answer. Then Rasul
Yar Khan, whom I urged to get up an address of thanks to Lord Ripon
for having saved the State of Hyderabad from ruin, and several
English people.
“I had a long talk with Clerk about the university, and he promised
to do all he can to help it on. He thinks Kalbarga will do very
well as its site, though he likes Aurungabad better. Salar Jung has
written a note promising the Nizam’s answer for to-morrow, and he
has telegraphed to the officials at Kalbarga to order all attention
to be paid us to-morrow when we stop. Sabapathy, from Bellari,
came, too, with Seyd Ali Bilgrami and others, and Mirza Agha Khan,
the Nizam’s Persian tutor, whose employment seems over, as he talks
of going to England for three years. He certainly belonged to the
Kurshid Jah faction.
“We dined at the Palace, the Purani, where the Nizam has now
installed himself with his mother and grandmother and one wife, the
mother of his son and two daughters. There were several Englishmen
and women of his suite at table, and for the first time in history,
wine was served. Of course the Nizam drank none, but it was an
innovation of his own devising, and not, as I think, a happy one.
The presence of the English prevented any lively conversation, and
I think the Nizam was rather sleepy, as he had been up and at work
since sunrise. Salar Jung seems to have put his shoulder to the
wheel in earnest, and if they only go on as they have begun, all
will go well. We bade good-bye to them all, and the Nizam promised
to send us his photographs, and Salar Jung, what is more important,
the letter, and then we went home.
“_12th Feb._--It is five months to-day since we left Crabbet,
and now we have our faces turned homewards. We went by train to
Kalbarga, Rasul Yar Khan accompanying us as before as far as the
second station. Henderson, the secret policeman, was in the train,
and we had some conversation with him about Hyderabad affairs, and
especially about the railway scheme, which he thinks will pay, at
least in a few years time. I asked him what it was that had made
our Government at home press on the scheme as it had done, and he
said he ‘supposed it was the Baring interest.’ This reminds me that
in recording my conversation with Salar Jung on Sunday, I have not
given the whole of his views about this railway scheme, and his
father’s connection with it. It would seem that when Lord Ripon
restored amicable relations with the minister at Simla, he gave
him a definite promise that, if all went well, he would restore
the Berar provinces to the Nizam as soon as the Prince should come
of age. This became known to the Foreign Office, and it is without
doubt the cause of all the trouble that has since happened.
“Young Salar Jung is strongly of opinion that the railway scheme
was pushed on with the distinct object of disordering the Hyderabad
finances, and his father seems to have been well aware of its
dangerous nature, though he played with it probably in order to
propitiate the Indian Foreign Office, for he said to Clerk the
day after agreeing to the first negotiations, ‘I have put my foot
I know into the serpent’s mouth; but I shall always be able to
withdraw it.’ It is, however, distinctly denied by all who knew him
that he ever really approved the scheme, or intended to carry it
through. The history of how it has been pushed forward by Cordery
since his death is so scandalous that it is impossible to believe
he should have been acting without orders. He has told me enough
himself to prove that this was the case, and, although the Foreign
Office missed their object of fully ruining the Hyderabad State,
they have succeeded partially. It is beyond a question that had
Cordery been able to persuade Lord Ripon to put off the Nizam’s
coming of age for two years, and so prolonged the Regency, the
finances would have been ruined past redemption. As it is, they
have succeeded in this, that Lord Ripon with all his goodwill has
not been able to keep his promise about the Berars, which will
still remain as the perquisite of the Indian Civil Service. Cordery
will leave Hyderabad, but his zeal will be rewarded elsewhere, and
Lord Ripon dares not disgrace him. I could not have believed these
things if they had not happened under my own eyes, and if Cordery
had not himself shown me so much of his hand.
“At Kalbarga we were met by Kader Bey, the chief Talukdar, and
Rustemji and Enait Ali, his subordinates, anglicized Indians all,
and well informed, though uninteresting. With them we visited,
in the dusk of the evening, the fort and mosque of Kalbarga, a
splendid place which we at once decided would do in every respect
for the university.
“_13th Feb._--Went out at sunrise to visit villages, and put our
usual questions. They are distinctly more flourishing than nearly
any we have visited, and Rustemji, who is by no means a small
believer in English systems, declares they are not exceptionally
so. In one village we, for the first time, received the answer that
‘Nobody was in debt for they had enough to live upon.’ Neither do
they complain much of the salt tax, though salt is dearer here
than in Bellari, only saying that it used to be cheaper, that
is, twelve seers instead of nine to the Halli Sicca rupee. The
Hyderabad Government charged five per cent. over and above the
English Government price. The assessment is about thirty per cent.
on the gross produce, at which figure, too, Rustemji puts the
Bombay assessment. The seed corn he calculates at from fifteen to
twenty per cent., but a villager we asked put it at one in twelve.
I strongly advised these revenue men to advocate a reduction of the
assessment, which they agreed would bring ryots in from British
territory, and pay in the end. They thought fifty years assessments
would pay, too, on these lines.
“Spent the day in the bungalow as it was very hot, and at half past
4 o’clock went on to Bombay, after having instructed two of the
Mulvis of Kalbarga in my ideas, and gained their support for the
university.”
_N.B._--The following is the account given me by an Indian
gentleman in whom I have confidence, of the final act of the
long official intrigue here described at Hyderabad, which had
for its object the permanent retention of the Berar provinces by
the Government of India: Twenty years after Lord Ripon’s visit,
another viceregal visit was paid to Hyderabad, and the Nizam
was pressed by Lord Curzon at the close of an entertainment at
the palace to accord him a perpetual lease of the Provinces
for the Indian Government, and the Nizam, in deference to his
guest, verbally consented. In the morning, however, he would
have recalled his promise, and it was only on compulsion, and on
threat of deposition, that he signed the treaty laid before him
as a binding document by the Resident. The form of a lease was
chosen to evade Lord Ripon’s honest assurances at the time of the
installation, and there are many precedents for the subterfuge.
The Nizam, my informant added, refused for four days to take food
after this occurrence.