CHAPTER VII

PATNA, LUCKNOW

“_7th Jan._

“Arrived at Patna at half-past 9 o’clock, and found about eighty

of the leading Mohammedans at the City station awaiting us. Our

host, Seyd Rasa Huseyn, drove us in a handsome barouche to his

house, where we have been very comfortably lodged, and sumptuously

entertained, and have made the acquaintance of, I believe, every

Mohammedan of importance in Patna. Patna is one of the Mohammedan

strongholds, as they number 50,000 out of a total population of

150,000; and they still have many rich families and noble families

of the time of the Empire. The Province of Behar, they tell me,

contains also a certain Mohammedan population of ryots, 30,000

or 40,000, who are descended from the Pathan invaders, and are a

warlike race, retaining, however, nothing of their former rank but

their name Malik, the mass of the ryots being Hindus or converted

Hindus. The character of these is quite unwarlike. The Mohammedans,

therefore, hold their heads higher here than in most places.

“We received visits all the morning, meeting our old friend

Mohammed Ali Rogay from Bombay, Nur-el-Huda, Ferid-ed-Din, and

others, also Mohammed Abbas Ibn Huseyn Bafiti, Sheykh es Saadat of

Medina, a young Arab, who invited us cordially to come and stay

with him in Medina, whither he returns in a few months. He says

that if ever we write and tell him we are coming, he will prepare

to receive us, and gave us his address and took ours. He repeated

this invitation more than once, and I am sure it was sincerely

given. The other acquaintance was that of Sirhadé Huseyn, who

once wrote to me from Cirencester. After luncheon we were driven

out to see something of the town and country. The town is old and

picturesque, but we saw no specially fine buildings. We got out

and inspected a village by the river side, but it was too near the

river to be quite a fair specimen of Behar agriculture. One of the

inhabitants, whom we questioned, told us it belonged to a rent-free

Zemindar, and he was a tenant on a permanent rent, that is to say,

fifteen rupees an acre, for three acres. We calculated the gross

produce at thirty-six rupees, so he nets sixty-three rupees a year,

or over five rupees a month, a fortune, but it is land of the best

quality, and he grows maize and potatoes. It is not irrigated, so

does not grow sugar cane. We asked whether he felt the salt tax,

and he said ‘No.’ He was in debt twenty rupees this year, though he

had never been in debt before. He and his family had held the land

for generations.

“We sat down, sixteen or twenty, to dinner, and adjourned at 9

o’clock to the house of Nawab Villayet Ali Khan, the chief nobleman

of Patna, where, in a large hall, about one hundred and fifty

Mohammedans assembled to hear me give a lecture I had promised on

their prospects. I shall not give my speech here, which was almost

entirely extempore, because it is to be printed in one of the local

papers. Suffice it to say that it included, with other matter, most

of what I had said at the Anjuman i Islam, and was extremely well

received.

“_8th Jan._--We left Patna by the morning train, attended to the

station by our host and Nawab Villayet Ali, with some thirty

others, and a disagreeable incident occurred, as the train was

starting, owing to the violence of a Scotch doctor, who threatened

our friends, and especially the old Nawab, with his stick if they

remained near his carriage window. I jumped at him, of course,

and after calling him a blackguard for his conduct, gave him in

charge at the next station, Dinapore. The railway authorities tried

hard to screen him, and proposed to me to compromise the matter,

but I insisted on having his name, and after about ten minutes

he produced his card as Dr. K., Army and Navy Club (in pencil),

Sealkote. So I have written a strong letter to Lord Ripon, warning

him of the state of things, and of the bitterness of native feeling

in consequence of their habitual ill treatment by the English.”

This was a worse case than quite appears from this entry. The

Nawab, with his party of friends, were on the platform wishing me

good-bye, with all possible decorum, when the Scotchman, who turned

out to be Chief Medical Office of the Punjab, put his head and

shoulders out of the next compartment and struck with his stick at

the Nawab and his friends, bidding them, with an insolent air of

authority, to stand back from the neighbourhood of his carriage

window. This happened just as the train moved on, and I had to

wait till the train again stopped before I could take action.

Fortunately, however, Patna has two stations, and in five minutes

we came to the second. There I entered the Doctor’s compartment,

and insisted upon having his name, which he refused, and it was

only by threatening the station-master with reporting the case to

Lord Ripon that I got him to intervene. Several of my Patna friends

had come on by the train, and supported me, or I doubt if I could

have prevailed with him to do his duty. The matter being treated

in this way made a prodigious sensation, as it was the first time

an Englishman had openly taken part with the natives against his

fellow countrymen.

“We arrived at 4 o’clock at Benares, and are the Maharajah’s guests

in one of his empty houses, being attended to by one of his head

servants. The river at Benares is striking, but less beautiful than

I had expected.

“_9th Jan._--In the morning I wrote a letter to Lord Ripon about

the incident of yesterday, in a tone to compel his attention, and I

enclosed it to Primrose with a hint that I should publish it if the

matter was not promptly set right.

“We then went out to pay our respects to the Maharajah at

Ahmednagar, crossing the river in a boat. The Palace at Ahmednagar

is certainly one of the most striking buildings in the world.

The Maharajah received us most kindly. He is a really ‘grand old

man,’ blind with a cataract, but delighted to ‘see’ us. We had a

rather long conversation with him, touching on religion and the

disadvantage of a too-English education for men of the East. In

which opinion we cordially agreed. He had his little Court of old

servants round him, as he sat on the sofa, smoking his hookah, and

his son, an amiable youth, sat in front on a chair, translating

for him our conversation into Urdu. There was nothing of the new

world in all this. He also talked about various Englishmen he had

known, Sir John Strachey among others, whom he laughed at for his

airs of grandeur. On one occasion he had come to pay a visit and

had taken offence because the servants were not all at the door to

receive him, and so had gone home. I told him he would laugh more

if he could see Sir John Strachey in England, glad of anybody who

would take the trouble to say ‘how do you do’ to him. This caused

a chorus. Yet the officials fancy the ‘natives’ rate them at their

own pretensions.

“After seeing the temple and the tank and the various sights of the

Palace, we were rowed down the river in a barge, a really splendid

sight, stopping once or twice to be shown the insides of houses.

Bagdad must have been like this in its great days. But, what is

strange at Benares, there is not a single house south of the river.

Holkar’s house, which has slipped bodily into the Ganges, shows

how all that is solid on the river front will one day go, leaving,

as at Bagdad, only the mud huts they now screen. The temples here

are insignificant compared with those of the South. It has been

a pleasant day of comparative rest after all the talking we have

lately done.

“_10th Jan._--Calling accidentally at the Post Office, we found

important letters from England; and, amongst other good news, I

find my Colombo letter is published in the ‘Times’; also I am

informed that orders were sent to Lord Ripon not to receive me at

Government House.

“We were taken again on the river, which is a still more wonderful

sight in the morning than it was in the evening, and, through

the Maharajah, we had arranged to pay a visit, without which our

Mohammedan tour would have been incomplete, namely, to the last

representative of the Moguls, an elderly gentleman who lives in an

old palace on the river, on a pension, he told us, of 649 rupees, 6

annas, and 3 pice a month, paid him in lieu of his Indian Empire by

Her Majesty. He had had another 249 rupees with his wife, but she

died last year, and now he wanted his case laid before the public.

He was immensely pleased with our visit, for it seems no one ever

thinks of paying him any attention, because he is poor; but we

inundated him with compliments and courtesies, and he was moved

to telling us of his descent from Arungzeb through the Emperor

of Delhi, whose eldest son was his grandfather, and who, being

disinherited by his father, left Delhi and settled at Benares.

Sad old relic perched in a half ruinous house, like a sick eagle,

looking down on the river and the crescent-shaped city, with his

little group of tattered servants. We were pitying him from our

hearts, melted at his pedigree, when he suddenly changed his tragic

tone, and asked whether we would like to see a cock fight, and,

when we assented, jumped briskly on his legs and led the way to

the palace yard, where cocks had already been brought in crowing.

The cock fight, as a cock fight, was a delusion. The birds were

evidently too precious to be allowed to hurt each other, and their

spurs were carefully swathed in bandages, so that no harm was done.

This innocent amusement kindled him for a minute or two, and then

he relapsed into his old listlessness. Wreaths were brought for

us and perfumes, and we bade him farewell, and went on our way.

I would not have missed this visit to the last of the Moguls for

millions.

“We went on to Allahabad in the afternoon, and are staying with

Lyall[10] at Government House. There were a large number of

Mohammedans to meet us at the station; among them Ferid-ed-Din,

quite hilarious with the recollection of the row at the Patna

station. We were hurried off, however, to Government House, where

there was a large dinner of uninteresting officials. How dull

Anglo-Indian society is! But when everybody was gone, I unfolded to

Lyall my ideas of Mohammedan reform, and the university scheme,

which last, to my astonishment, he cordially approved, promising,

if it was started in his province, to aid it with a public grant.

He also suggested Jonpore or Rampore as suitable places.

“Ferid-ed-Din came to settle about the presentation of the address

and the lecture, but, after consultation with Lyall, it has been

agreed that the latter is to be abandoned. Ferid-ed-Din suggested

asking him to it, but this Lyall declined to do. I don’t quarrel

with him for this. But it is painful to see what terror he inspires

in the ‘natives.’ Ferid-ed-Din, in spite of his boldness, was

struck speechless in his presence, and stood before him barefooted.

I told Ferid-ed-Din to put his shoes on, but Lyall said he

had better stay as he was. Yet Lyall is very far from being a

narrow-minded man, and we have discussed the most burning questions

without reserve. Talking of the Ilbert Bill, he said it was, as far

as the Anglo-Indians were concerned, a local Bengal measure. It

was quite true the Assam planters regarded it as an attempt to do

away with their right of beating their own niggers. The jury system

could not work there, as it would leave them free to do exactly

what they chose. We discussed the chances of revolution. He would

not agree that it would come in five years, but perhaps in twenty.

But the people of India were a weak race, and would never be able

to stand alone. They would be a prey to seafaring nations on their

seaboard, and to the Russians and Chinese on their land frontier.

“We played lawn tennis, at which Lyall is good, in the afternoon;

and after dinner we went to the Mayo Hall, a public place where

about three hundred Mohammedans presented us with an address of an

effusively loyal nature, to which I replied in a carefully moderate

tone. Everything went off well, but the thing was tame compared

with the Patna meeting, for the fact of our being at Government

House has raised, in spite of us, a barrier between us and the

people. They dare not come to see us there, and dare not talk

openly anywhere. I feel suddenly shut out from all light, as when

one goes through a tunnel on a railway journey.

“In England all seems going well. Churchill has made a grand speech

at Edinburgh about Egypt, and I am glad to see advocates moral

principles of government according to the programme I sketched for

him. Gladstone’s mantle of righteousness, which has slipped off his

shoulders, may be picked up now by anybody. Also I have several

letters about my Colombo letter in the ‘Times.’ It was published on

the 13th, as Churchill’s speech was made on the 16th. From Egypt,

however, there comes news less good. Sherif has indeed resigned,

but Nubar is in his place, and there is talk of increasing the

staff of English employés, and prolonging the occupation for five

years.

“_12th Jan._--Akbar Huseyn and his brother came in the morning,

and we wrote out an account of the meeting last night, and sent it

to the ‘Pioneer.’ In the afternoon there was a garden party, and

I talked to Sir Donald Stewart, the High Court Judge, about the

Patna business. It surprised him, as it surprises every Englishman,

and fails to surprise every native. He said the only similar case

he had brought before him in his twelve years of judgeship, was

one in which certain native pleaders had been insulted in their

robing room in Court. This, however, does not affect the question

of such things happening, because it shows only that no native

ever dreams of complaining, or would have a chance of having his

complaint inquired into if he did. On the other hand they have

been settling a case this very day, in which a Hindu railway clerk

beat an Englishman, and have sentenced the clerk to ten months

imprisonment. Several of our Mohammedan friends were at the party,

among them Ferid-ed-Din, but I noticed that they mixed with none of

the English, talking only to each other or to certain Hindus.

“At dinner there were several intelligent people, especially a Mr.

Patterson, who is on good terms with the natives, and spoke of

them as I have not yet heard an Englishman speak. But he served

with Garibaldi in Italy, and so has ideas of liberty the rest have

not. The other was a young Strachey, son of Sir John, a true chip

of the old block, with his father’s way of sitting with his head

on one side like a sick raven, and the same spectacles and soft

voice, a clever youth. I had another long talk with Lyall about the

prospects of a Mohammedan reformation, and he reminded me of our

dinner at the Travellers in the summer of 1881, with Morley and

Zohrab, and of how I was then looking for a prophet in Arabia to

proclaim him Caliph. He thinks Egypt will certainly now be annexed.

“_13th Jan._--I was nervous all day yesterday at getting no answer

from Lord Ripon. But at dinner last night the post arrived, with a

most gracious letter, which makes me feel ashamed of my own violent

one. I shall now leave the matter entirely in his hands, and I am

glad of it, for it might interfere with my larger plans to have to

fight a newspaper battle on such a field.

“Since writing this, Lyall has spoken to me also about the Patna

business, and tells me Lord Ripon has sent him a copy of my letter,

and begged him to urge on me the excision of such portions of it

as treat the general question, because, Lyall says, if it were

brought forward in that form just now, there would be a terrible

row all over India, and it would upset Lord Ripon altogether. He

has had a terribly hard time lately, and another angry question

would be too much for him. He said he could promise me on Lord

Ripon’s part, that if I would rewrite the letter in this sense,

Lord Ripon would see justice done in the matter. He was not a man

to do less than justice, and he, Lyall, would advise that Dr. K.

be brought down to Patna to apologize to the Mohammedan gentleman,

and that an order should be issued to the Railway Company for the

better protection of natives. Of course I readily agreed to all

this, and have now rewritten the public letter, and posted it, with

a private one of thanks, to Lord Ripon. Nothing could have been

better. But Lyall charges me I should tell no man--no Englishman

that is--for I have already shown my first letter to several

Mohammedans, and sent a copy of it to Villayet Ali. Rajah Amir

Hassan called on his way to Lucknow, where we are to stay with him.

“In the afternoon we went with Mohammed Kazim, a friend of

Ferid-ed-Din, to see some villages across the river, and saw also

the Hindu pilgrims encamped in the river bed, at the junction of

the waters. I feel in high spirits to-day at things having gone

so exactly as I intended them to do in connection with the Patna

incident. I could not really have published the first letter at a

moment like this, and now Lord Ripon is under an obligation to me,

and I shall have a right to speak about the university.

“Another long talk with Lyall. He told me that the Ceylon

authorities had telegraphed about me to those of Bengal, and I

fancy, though he did not say so, that he has been instructed to

look pretty closely after me. It is also evident that Ferid-ed-Din

has been warned not to go too far; and Lyall advised me to allow

myself to be directed by Rajah Amir Hassan at Lucknow, as to whom

to see and not to see, which means that he, too, has been warned

to keep me out of dangerous company. I have been very frank with

Lyall about my plans and ideas. Government opposition now would

only strengthen me with the Mohammedans. They would do far better

to help than to hinder me, for my ideas do not really run counter

to any liberal interpretation of the continuance of British rule

in India. Lyall, as a man, is everything that is charming and

sympathetic; as an official he has graduated in a thoroughly bad

school. It was he who, more than any one else, ruined Salar Jung’s

administration in Hyderabad, and he admitted nearly as much to me.

Salar Jung, he said, presumed upon the fact of his good government

to claim what he could not get, that is, independence of the

Paramount Power. There were certain things which the Government

of India would always insist upon advising about, and having its

advice followed. But Salar Jung did not see this. He thought he

could rely on his own cleverness, and extra-official sympathy in

England. But this could not be allowed. On that point he agreed

with Lytton that Salar Jung was a dangerous man. It was not part

of the Imperial policy that the Berar provinces should ever be

restored.

“_14th Jan._--The ‘Pioneer,’ instead of publishing the account

of the meeting at the Mayo Hall, has printed a vicious little

paragraph, saying that the natives of Patna regard me as a paid spy

of the English Government. This is too much, and I expostulated

with Lyall about it on the ground that the ‘Pioneer’ is a

semi-official journal, a fact which, with certain qualifications,

he admitted, and sent at once for N., the sub-Editor--Allen, the

Editor, being away. After a sermon from Lyall, N. was shown in to

me, a lackadaisical youth in a check suit, apparently still in his

teens, and so frightened he could hardly speak or find his way

to a chair. I was sorry for the boy, and dealt with him mildly

when he stammered an excuse that the paragraph had been inserted

as a joke, and he promised repentance, and to print the address

verbatim as well as my speech, and also to print, when it should

arrive, any letter from the Patna Mohammedans. Lyall tells me he

is a youth who spends his time playing lawn tennis, and picks up

his information in such places. They make use of him, however, to

insert communiqués (one of them was Cordery’s explanation a few

days ago), and Colvin is thick with Allen, the Editor, lodging,

I understand, in the same house with him at Calcutta. Colvin, he

says, has always worked the press. He himself has made the rule

only to work anonymously to the extent of writing articles he was

prepared, if challenged, to avow. But he is of opinion it is best

to keep out of it altogether. It is Colvin, no doubt, who has

prompted the spiteful tone of the ‘Pioneer’ towards myself. But how

ridiculously these newspapers rule the world.

“_7th to 15th Jan._--We went to Lucknow, the party here breaking up

at the same time, Lyall going on a tour of the province, his wife

and daughter to a ball at Lucknow. Mulvi Wahaj-ed-din and about

twenty others came to see us off at the station, but we have seen

nothing of them, for they won’t come to Government House to be

treated like servants. Nothing happened on the journey except that

at Cawnpore about one hundred Mohammedans had assembled to see us

while the train stopped. One of them recited some verses in Arabic,

and an address was promised, but they had had no time, they said,

to write one. There are not many Mohammedans at Cawnpore, and only

one can speak a little English, so our interview was limited to

compliments, bowings, and hand shakings.

“At Lucknow we were received by all the great people, two of the

Oude princes, and our host, Rajah Amir Hassan, who drove us to his

house in a state carriage and four. He made many apologies to us

for the poorness of his abode, which was, in fact, a small palace,

and explained that his own palaces had been burned down at the time

of the Mutiny, and this house was given him in exchange by the

English Government. It was late, and we had no more time than to

dine and go to bed, the Rajah dining with us, the first time in his

life, he told us, he had ever dined with Europeans, nor had he ever

entertained an Englishman in his house.

“_16th Jan._--We have had a great deal of conversation with our

host, who is a man of much intelligence, though a rather bigoted

Shiah. He explained to me the dogmatic differences they had with

the Sunnis, the principal of which, he said, was that the Shiahs

asserted God’s justice, and that the prophets had been without

sin and infallible. He also went through the old discussion about

Ali’s succession to the Caliphate with warmth; and told me a number

of other curious things connected with his sect. Lucknow is its

stronghold in India, as the Court was Shiah during the last eighty

years of its existence. We then talked of Hyderabad. Sir Salar Jung

had been a great friend of his, and he had recommended Seyd Huseyn

to him.

“In the afternoon he drove us round the town and showed us the

Imambara, where he said a prayer on the tomb, touching it with

his right hand. Also to the Residency ruins, while he told us the

history of the Mutiny from his own point of view. His father had

sided with the mutineers and been the chief leader of the Shiah

faction among them, till the massacres occurred, when he left them

in disgust and went to his own fort, at Mahmudabad, where he took

ill and died. Twelve of Amir Hassan’s brothers and cousins were

shot, blown up, or hanged by the English, and he alone was left,

a boy of ten, to be educated by them. All the family property in

Lucknow was confiscated and destroyed, for the English destroyed

one third of the city, and so he comes in for an inheritance of

woe. Looking, however, at the ruins, which are very beautiful, he

said: ‘We have agreed to forget our history, and the days of our

glory. But the English refuse to forget it. They leave their ruins

standing to perpetuate the memory of bloodshed. If I could do it,

I would persuade the Lieutenant-Governor to have them razed or

rebuilt.’

“The Rajah is only thirty-six years old, but his hair is very gray,

and he looks fifty. He complains of his liver, and I have strongly

advised him, for the good of his soul and body, to make the land

pilgrimage from Kerbela to Mecca, and he says he will certainly do

so. He does not go into English society, because he dislikes being

disrespectfully treated. The officials are very tyrannical. Of

General Barrow he spoke very highly, as of one who had saved them

from destruction after the Mutiny, and he showed us a statue of

him the Talukdars of Oude are going to set up. He is President of

the Talukdars’ Association, and takes considerable part in public

affairs, besides having started some indigo factories. Altogether

he is a superior man.

“_17th Jan._--We went to the 10th Hussar ball last night, in the

Chotar Menzil, a beautiful room robbed by the Government from the

princes of Oude. Wood, the Colonel, is an old friend of mine, and

we met Brabazon and Lady Lyall and the Franklins.

“There is a furious article against me in the ‘Pioneer,’ written

evidently by Colvin, or inspired by him, to the effect that I am

stirring up sedition in Patna and other Mohammedan centres. The

text, however, of it is the ‘Wind and the Whirlwind,’ and its tone

is exactly what I could most have wished. Good hearty abuse as a

revolutionist can do me nothing but good. In the same sheet they

publish the text of my Allahabad address.

“I am to give a lecture here and receive an address to-morrow, and

have been busy preparing. In the middle of the day we went to a

horse sale of the 10th Hussars, and had luncheon with them; and

then we drove through the city with the Rajah, he lamenting over

the ruins. A great road has been run through the city by pulling

down the houses of poor men. Hardly any got compensation, and the

ruins make a causeway raised about twenty feet above the general

level. This is called Victoria Street.

“We had several visits: First, Mohammed Ibrahim, chief Mujtahed

of the Shiahs, a dignified old man who talked good Arabic. He

did not fancy a university at Hyderabad, because the Government

was Sunni. He lamented the decay of religious institutions here

in Lucknow. Secondly, Prince Mirza Mohammed Madhi Ali Khan, a

polite and amiable personage who talked no English, but had sent

us last night an enormous tray of fruits and sweetmeats. Thirdly,

Ihtimam ed Dowlah Nawab Haidar Huseyn Khan, an elderly nobleman of

Lucknow. Fourthly, Rajah Tasadak Rasul Khan, a nobleman related to

the princes, in very fine clothes. I find, however, that no Sunni

has been to see us, nor any of the small people of the town, who

are the most interesting. Perhaps our host is carrying out Lyall’s

instructions; perhaps he discourages Sunnis. It is tiresome, but

cannot be helped.

“We were taken to-day to see the Shiah Madrasa, a poor little

place, where seventy pupils, men and boys, are taught religion,

logic, and arithmetic up to the rule of three. I was begged to

examine them, and asked who was the Mogul leader who had sacked

Bagdad, but was told that no one knew history. Then I put the

problem of the herring and a half costing three half-pence, and six

boys, on slates, worked out the problem, two correctly.

“_18th Jan._--We went out in the morning to see the Hoseynabad

Imambara, which is certainly the most beautiful thing in Lucknow,

though less imposing than the great Imambara. Here we took off our

shoes, which pleased the Rajah greatly, and at his suggestion we

refused the wreaths offered us by the guardian, this on the ground

that, it being a charitable endowment, the money spent on these

wreaths given to English visitors was misspent. The way in which

this endowment is misappropriated is astonishing. The guardian is

a Hindu, appointed by the English trustees with a salary of four

hundred rupees a month, and quite recently they have spent £10,000

on building a ridiculous clock tower as a memorial to Sir George

Couper, the man most hated by the Mohammedans of Lucknow. These are

the things that bring the English name into contempt.

“Prince Mahdi Ali called again and one or two others, but there

seem to be few Mohammedans here who know English, except among the

younger men, and these did not come to the house. In the afternoon,

however, they came to the meeting. We talked with the Rajah about

the land assessment, and he gave us the following as the proportion

between the ryot, the Talukdar, and the Government. Of a field

producing one hundred maunds, the ryot would keep sixty (that is

three-fifths, of which fifteen or twenty would represent the seed

corn, and forty or forty-five for his profit and labour). Of the

remaining forty maunds the Government takes twenty or twenty-five,

leaving fifteen or twenty to the Talukdar. He said this would be an

average reckoning.

“The meeting in the Kaisar Bagh Hall was the most successful we

have yet had. All the religious chiefs, Sunnis and Shiahs, and

many of the noblemen of Lucknow, and altogether about one thousand

persons were present, as well as about a dozen Englishmen. Three

addresses were presented, and I made a long speech of an hour and a

half, which, as it is to be printed, I will not give here.

“Lyall has written to apologize for the article in the ‘Pioneer,’

which he says he knows comes from Calcutta, and he will give orders

that I am to be well received everywhere in his province. This is

good of him, though nobody can do me much good or harm now. My only

anxiety is Hyderabad, and I think I shall write to Lord Ripon and

ask him whether he wishes me to come or not. Unless he gives me his

countenance, my going back there will do more harm than good. We

came away by the night train to Aligarh.

“_19th Jan._--Mulvi Sami Ullah, Seyd Ahmed, and a number more of

the Aligarh Mohammedans, met us at the station, and we are staying

in Sami Ullah’s house, a bungalow furnished in extra English

taste, and having a certain chill simplicity which savours of the

convent. One expects a crucifix and a holy water stoup in every

room. The Mulvi’s dress is almost a cassock, and he has something

of the manner of a Don. I can understand why the Aligarh men are

not liked. I myself feel rather constrained with them, for one does

not know whether to treat them as pious Mohammedans, or latter-day

disciples of Jowett. Not that they are not extremely amiable, but

there is a tone of apology in their talk to me, as much as to say

‘we are not such infidels as you suppose.’

“I am rather disappointed in Seyd Ahmed. He is certainly a _beau

vieillard_, but does not inspire me with entire confidence.

His features are coarse, his hands coarse, and I should not be

surprised if he turned out to be a _faux bonhomme_. But this is a

first impression, and he speaks very little English. I have not

had a real opportunity of judging him even superficially. We went

over the College, which is certainly a wonderful work. It is on a

large scale, but without pretence, and no money has been wasted on

ornament. The boys were out playing cricket, which they did as well

as an average lot of English schoolboys, and seemed to take full

interest in the game. Among them was the new English Principal of

the College, Mr. Beck, a pretty little young man with pink cheeks

and blue eyes, certainly not an average Englishman; and an average

Englishman certainly could not succeed here. So Beck may succeed.

He is probably clever.[11]

“The Collector, Mr. Ward, and the Judge have called, by Lyall’s

orders, and I had some talk with the former about the ill feeling

between Englishmen and natives, which he seemed to think could not

be helped. I don’t suppose it can. The Judge seems a better sort,

but when we went to take tea with his wife, she at once asked Sami

Ullah to ‘take a peg,’ and then apologized for her thoughtlessness.

A good sort all the same.

“We sat down, a dozen, to dinner, but as no one could speak English

well, it was a dull party. There were two Rais in the company who

belong to the old-fashioned party, and with them I had a little

talk. On the whole Aligarh bores me.

“I forgot to say that Mr. Ward mentioned it, as an instance of

rough behaviour on the part of the natives, that a day or two

ago an Englishman having accidentally shot a Hindu boy, the

native police had arrested the man, made him walk some miles, and

detained him two days at the police station, and then brought a

charge against him. He said the wound was little more than a skin

wound, and that the bullet had glanced from the ground while the

Englishman was shooting blue deer.

“_20th Jan._--Letters have come from England, and a great number

from Patna, strengthening the general case of the insults offered

to natives. I shall now write to Lord Ripon again. We paid a visit

to the dispensary, where we happened to see the boy wounded in the

neck by the bullet, half an inch deep the English doctor said, and

within very little of the jugular artery. Also to the Mosque, where

we were received with great honour by the chief preacher here.

The Mosque has just been restored with excellent taste. I noticed

that Sami Ullah did not take off his shoes to go inside. The

repairs have cost £10,000, partly paid out of a _wakf_, partly by

subscription. They have made me promise to make a speech to-morrow,

but it will be difficult not to give offence, for party feeling

runs high.

“We drove to a village and ascertained a few useful facts. The

proportion of seed corn to harvest is one to six, and they give

their cattle salt twice a week. We dined at Seyd Ahmed’s, a mixed

party of Mohammedans and Englishmen. Seyd Ahmed told me he quite

agreed with my fifth chapter of the ‘Future of Islam.’

“_21st Jan._--The meeting was a failure compared with the others.

Most of the old Mulvis would not come, I suppose because it was

convened by Seyd Ahmed. But they sent me a very nice address in

Arabic, and some of them were there, including one who is a dwarf.

I did not know quite what to say between the two parties, and I

doubt whether Seyd Ahmed altogether liked my discourse. It was

certainly not a success. Still I think it may do good. It will put

them on their religious mettle.

“Since writing this, I hear that my speech was immensely

appreciated by the greater number of those present, only they

did not like to express their feelings strongly in Seyd Ahmed’s

presence. I have talked, too, with Seyd Ahmed, and hope no offence

has been taken by him. I fancy he has considerable experience of

people differing from him, and he tells me he shall lay to heart

the suggestions I made. I like him better than I did at first, and

have no doubt he is a good and sincere man. But my taking part,

in a way, with his enemies cannot of course be agreeable to him,

especially as he is just starting on a trip to the Punjaub to

collect funds for his college. Ikhram Ullah of Delhi is here, and

goes with him, being Seyd Ahmed’s nephew and disciple. It was on

him we counted for introductions at Delhi; but he has promised to

go back and start us there. I feel a little doubt as to how we

shall get on. The ‘Pioneer,’ I hear, has rather frightened people,

and Ikhram Ullah tells me we are watched by spies. However, the

thing is almost done now, and our reception at Delhi is not of

vital importance. I have written to Lord Ripon to ask his leave to

be at Hyderabad for the installation. It is evident to me now that

the Calcutta Foreign Office has warned Salar Jung and Vikar-el-Omra

against intimacy with us, perhaps also the Nizam. With Lord Ripon’s

countenance, however, we need not mind that.

“At night there was a dinner at the Aligarh Institute in my honour,

at which Seyd Ahmed presided, and the Collector and other English

officials were present. I sat between Seyd Ahmed and Mr. Ward.

The latter talked about the future of India, and said he wished

to see a parliament in India. Anything was better than being

governed by the English Parliament. He complained that the English

in India were disfranchised. They had no vote in England, and no

representation here. Seyd Ahmed read a speech in which he proposed

Her Majesty’s health, which was drunk in tea, and then my health

and a great many expressions of loyalty, and Sami Ullah also spoke,

and then Seyd Ahmed sang, with much spirit, a few Arabic verses in

my honour. After which I replied briefly, explaining that I was not

come to India to stir up strife, but to help the cause of peace and

goodwill. That I should like to see the Indians and English living

in harmony together, but the condition of social intercourse was

social equality. There were none at this dinner but men of Seyd

Ahmed’s school, but about fifty others came in in the evening.

Anne came also, but did not dine.

“_22nd Jan._--We left for Delhi by the morning train, Mulvi

Mohammed Abbas Huseyn, the chief of the Shiahs, presenting me with

a separate address before starting. He is one of the old-fashioned

ones, and I like him especially. He wears the white turban, and

dresses like an Egyptian Alem. At the station everybody was

present, Seyd Ikbal Ali had come all the way from Faizabad to see

us, Seyd Ahmed and all of them, who started a ‘hip hurray’ as

the train moved off, but Mohammedans are not good at cheering. I

promised Seyd Ahmed to send him a subscription, and wished him,

very heartily, success.”

India under Ripon: A Private Diary · 第 7 / 15 章