Section 3 makes it unlawful for anybody to induce or persuade workmen

to change from one place to another (except presumably the labor

unions themselves), or to bring workmen into the State by means of

any false or deceptive representations, false advertising or false

pretences, or by reason of the existence of a strike or other

"trouble." Failure to state in an advertisement, proposal or contracts

for the employment of workmen that there is a strike or other

"trouble" is made a criminal offence, punishable with a year's

imprisonment or two thousand dollars fine (this is the law which

failed of passage in the Massachusetts Legislature of 1910).

The hiring of armed guards, as is usual in the West, is made heavily

criminal. Finally, to workmen who have been influenced or persuaded

to do anything by anybody except another workman, is given a suit for

damages against the person so persuading them. The lot of the employer

in Oklahoma is indeed a parlous one!

By the law of April 24, whenever a workman is discharged, his employer

must give him a letter stating the reason truly, under penalty of five

hundred dollars fine and one year's imprisonment, and such letter must

be written, not printed, and the form and appearance of the stationery

is carefully provided for and all secret marks forbidden. Oklahoma is

one of the eight-hour States, with the minimum average wage in public

work, referred to above; and all contracts must be made on that basis.

Wages must be paid fortnightly in cash, by all persons or corporations

engaged in mining or manufacturing.

Oklahoma is the test-tube of American legislative reactions. We shall

await with interest the legislation of 1911, as well as the effect

of the laws we have summarized above. In the meantime Oklahoma has

presented to the constitutional lawyer the long-sought problem of

whether a sovereign State once admitted to the Union is bound by

the Act of Congress authorizing such admission. The enabling act of

Oklahoma required that its capital should be fixed at Guthrie and

not moved for a period of years. In May, 1910, within such period of

limitation, by act of legislature, supplemented by a plebiscitum of

the people and the executive action of Governor Haskell, the capital

was removed to Oklahoma City, and the State seal conveyed there

surreptitiously, in spite of the injunction of a Federal district

court. A more beautiful American constitutional question could hardly

be presented. It may not at first seem to the reader so important, but

when he considers that, for instance, Utah and other Western States

have abolished Mormonism in the same manner, or have agreed to give

equal treatment to the Japanese and Chinese in the same manner--by

an enabling act of Congress, ratified and perpetuated in the State

Constitution--he will see the importance of the question. It was

anticipated in the writer's work on constitutional law ("Federal and

State Constitutions," p. 186, note 8): "The enabling acts admitting

the eight new Western States usually provided against polygamy on

account of the Mormon influence, and this, with other provisions

concerning schools, etc., was made forever irrepealable without the

consent of the United States; see Utah 3, 1. This is probably only a

moral obligation; a State when once admitted comes in with all the

rights of the older States. So far as this section is concerned, Utah

could probably amend her Constitution and re-establish Mormonism

to-morrow."

European legislation is necessarily more elaborate because there is

usually no body of existing common law. Trades-unions are universally

made lawful, as they are with us. But in France in certain cases the

consent of the government to the formation of such organizations is

necessary; and the Code Napoleon made unlawful all combinations of

persons with an "evil end."[1] So, "full freedom of association" is

now guaranteed in Switzerland; and in Germany the trade guilds are

largely recognized, but membership must not be compulsory. In Austria

a strict governmental control is exercised, and the principle of

obligatory guilds is unreservedly accepted. There does not appear to

be any legislation upon strikes except in Great Britain, France, and

Italy, such matters being left largely to the political or police

authorities. Strikes were unlawful in England until comparatively

recent times, but were always lawful in this country, and are so by

the modern French law, which is much similar to ours, as is the case

in Italy; but in Russia the leaders of a strike may be imprisoned.

[1] Quoted in Dane's Abridgment, published in 1800.

In no country do I find any specific legislation as to boycotts,

except the English statute already referred to, repealing the common

law of conspiracy, both civil and criminal, in industrial disputes.

Germany and Austria have blacklisting laws. The matter of riots, etc.,

is generally left to the criminal law to control. In no country other

than the United States do I find any prohibition against a man's

protecting his own property with private guards, armed or otherwise.

Arbitration laws in the British colonies are very generally aimed

at the prevention of strikes. Otherwise there seems to be less

legislation on the subject during the last ten years than might have

been expected. The Orange River Colony has severe laws concerning the

labor of the blacks, of a nature resembling our peonage laws in

the Southern States. Similar conditions seem to lead to similar

legislation throughout the modern world.

Legislation is now much desired here also to obviate the effect of

the Taff Vale case and that of the Danbury hatters which applies its

principals to interstate commerce; that is to say, which shall secure

the funds of a trades-union to its benevolent purposes, or even to its

use in industrial disputes, strikes, boycotts, etc., without making it

liable for the results of litigation. In these cases the moneys in the

treasury of a trades-union, although unincorporated, have been held

responsible for damages awarded in a suit brought against the union or

its members for conspiracy under the Sherman Act, or otherwise. It

is, however, difficult to see how such legislation with us could be

devised so as to be constitutional, for it would necessarily extend

only to a certain class of persons, and be framed to exempt them

alone from a certain definite legal liability. Nevertheless it has in

England been enacted.[1]

[Footnote 1: See above, p. 268: The Trade Disputes Act, 1906, sec. 4.]

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