CHAPTER I.

Note: Images of the original pages are available through

Internet Archive. See

https://archive.org/details/englishlandslett01mitc

Project Gutenberg has the other three volumes of this work.

II: From Elizabeth to Anne

see https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54142

III: Queen Anne and the Georges

see https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/37226

IV: The Later Georges to Victoria

see https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54143

ENGLISH LANDS LETTERS AND KINGS

From Celt to Tudor

* * * * * *

ENGLISH LANDS LETTERS AND KINGS

_By Donald G. Mitchell_

I. From Celt to Tudor

II. From Elizabeth to Anne

III. Queen Anne and the Georges

IV. The Later Georges to Victoria

_Each 1 vol., 12mo, cloth, gilt top, $1.50_

AMERICAN LANDS AND LETTERS

From the Mayflower to Rip Van Winkle

_1 vol., square 12mo, Illustrated, $2.50_

* * * * * *

ENGLISH LANDS LETTERS AND KINGS

From Celt to Tudor

by

DONALD G. MITCHELL

[Illustration]

New York

Charles Scribner’s Sons

MDCCCXCVII

Copyright, 1889, by

Charles Scribner’S Sons

Trow’S

Printing and Bookbinding Company,

New York.

_PREFACE._

This little book is made up from the opening series of a considerable

range of “talks,” with which--during the past few years--I have

undertaken to entertain, and (if it might be) instruct a bevy of friends;

and the interest of a few outsiders who have come to the hearings has

induced me to put the matter in type. I feel somewhat awkwardly in

obtruding upon the public any such panoramic view of British writers, in

these days of specialists--when students devote half a lifetime to the

analysis of the works of a single author, and to the proper study of a

single period.

I have tried, however, to avoid bad mistakes and misleading ones, and

shall reckon my commentary only so far forth good--as it may familiarize

the average reader with the salient characteristics of the writers

brought under notice, and shall put these writers into such a swathing of

historic and geographic enwrapments as shall keep them better in mind.

When I consider the large number of books recently issued on similar

topics, and the scholarly acuteness, and the great range belonging to

so many of them, I am not a little discomforted at thought of my bold

scurry over so wide reach of ground. Indeed, I have the figure before me

now--as I hint an apology--of an old-time country doctor who has ventured

with his saddle-bags and spicy nostrums into competition with a half

score of special practitioners--with their microscopy and their _granules

dosimetriques_; but I think, consolingly, that possibly the old-time

mediciner--if not able to cure, can at the least induce a pleasurable

slumber.

EDGEWOOD, 1889.

_CONTENTS._

PAGE

CHAPTER I.

PRELIMINARY, 1

EARLY CENTURIES, 5

CELTIC LITERATURE, 7

BEGINNING OF ENGLISH LEARNING, 9

CÆDMON, 13

BEDA, 15

KING ALFRED, 17

CANUTE AND GODIVA, 22

WILLIAM THE NORMAN, 25

HAROLD THE SAXON, 29

CHAPTER II.

GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH, 37

KING ARTHUR LEGENDS, 39

EARLY NORMAN KINGS, 46

RICHARD CŒUR DE LION, 50

TIMES OF KING JOHN, 53

MIXED LANGUAGE, 56

SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE, 59

EARLY BOOK-MAKING, 62

RELIGIOUS HOUSES, 66

LIFE OF A DAMOISELLE, 72

CHAPTER III.

ROGER BACON, 77

WILLIAM LANGLANDE, 84

JOHN WYCLIF, 90

CHAUCER, 97

CHAPTER IV.

OF GOWER AND FROISSART, 127

TWO HENRYS AND TWO POETS, 132

HENRY V. AND WAR TIMES, 141

JOAN OF ARC AND RICHARD III., 146

CAXTON AND FIRST ENGLISH PRINTING, 149

OLD PRIVATE LETTERS, 154

A BURST OF BALLADRY, 158

CHAPTER V.

EARLY DAYS OF HENRY VIII., 167

CARDINAL WOLSEY, AND SIR THOMAS MORE, 173

CRANMER, LATIMER, KNOX, AND OTHERS, 182

VERSE-WRITING AND PSALMODIES, 189

WYATT AND SURREY, 193

A BOY-KING, A QUEEN, AND SCHOOLMASTER, 197

CHAPTER VI.

ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND, 204

PERSONALITY OF THE QUEEN, 207

BURLEIGH AND OTHERS, 210

A GROUP OF GREAT NAMES, 214

EDMUND SPENSER, 217

THE FAERY QUEEN, 221

PHILIP SIDNEY, 230

CHAPTER VII.

JOHN LYLY, 245

FRANCIS BACON, 250

THOMAS HOBBES, 261

GEORGE CHAPMAN, 266

MARLOWE, 269

A TAVERN COTERIE, 274

CHAPTER VIII.

GEORGE PEELE, 284

THOMAS DEKKER, 287

MICHAEL DRAYTON, 291

BEN JONSON, 295

SOME PROSE WRITERS, 303

THE QUEEN’S PROGRESSES, 312

_ENGLISH LANDS, LETTERS, & KINGS._

CHAPTER I.

I have undertaken in this book a series of very familiar and informal

talks with my readers about English literary people, and the ways in

which they worked; and also about the times in which they lived and

the places where they grew up. We shall have, therefore, a good deal

of concern with English history; and with English geography too--or

rather topography: and I think that I have given a very fair and honest

descriptive title to the material which I shall set before my readers, in

calling it a book about ENGLISH LANDS AND LETTERS AND KINGS.

It appears to me that American young people have an advantage over

British-born students of our History and Literature--in the fact that the

localities consecrated by great names or events have more illuminating

power to us, who encounter them rarely and after voyage over sea, than to

the Englishman who lives and grows up beside them. Londoners pass Bolt

Court, Fleet Street, and Dr. Johnson’s tavern a hundred times a year with

no thought but of the chops and the Barclay’s ale to be had there. But

to the cultivated American these localities start a charming procession,

in which the doughty old Dictionary-maker, with his staff and long brown

coat and three cornered hat, is easily the leader.

For my own part, when my foot first struck the hard-worked pavement of

London Bridge, even the old nursery sing-song came over me with the force

of a poem,--

As I was going over London Bridge

I found a penny and bought me a kid.

So, too--once upon a time--on a bright May-day along the Tweed, I was

attracted by an old square ruin of a tower--very homely--scarcely

picturesque: I had barely curiosity enough to ask its name. A

stone-breaker on the high-road told me it was Norham Castle; and

straightway all the dash and clash of the poem of “Marmion”[1] broke

around me.

Now I do not think our cousins the Britishers, to whom the loveliest

ruins become humdrum, can be half as much alive as we, to this sort of

enjoyment.

I shall have then--as I said--a great deal to say about the topography

of England as well as about its books and writers; and shall try to tie

together your knowledge of historic facts and literary ones, with the yet

more tangible and associated geographic facts--so that on some golden

day to come (as golden days do come) the sight of a mere thread of spire

over tree-tops, or of a cliff on Yorkshire shores, or of a quaint gable

that might have covered a “Tabard Tavern,” shall set all your historic

reading on the flow again--thus extending and brightening and giving

charm to a hundred wayside experiences of Travel.

One other preliminary word:--On that great reach of ground we are to

pass over--if we make reasonable time--there must be long strides, and

skippings: we can only seize upon illustrative types--little kindling

feeders of wide-reaching flame. It may well be that I shall ignore and

pass by lines of thought or progress very lively and present to you; may

be I shall dwell on things already familiar; nay, it may well happen that

many readers--young and old--fresh from their books--shall know more of

matters touched on in our rapid survey than I know myself: never mind

that; but remember,--and let me say it once for all--that my aim is not

so much to give definite instruction as to put the reader into such ways

and starts of thought as shall make him eager to instruct himself.

_Early Centuries._

In those dreary early centuries when England was in the throes of its

beginnings, and when the Roman eagle--which had always led a half-stifled

life amongst British fogs, had gone back to its own eyrie in the

South--the old stock historians could and did find little to fasten

our regard--save the eternal welter of little wars. Indeed, those who

studied fifty years ago will remember that all early British history was

excessively meagre and stiff; some of it, I daresay, left yet in the

accredited courses of school reading; dreadfully dull--with dates piled

on dates, and battles by the page; and other pages of battle peppered

with such names as Hengist, or Ethelred and Cerdic and Cuthwulf, or

whoever could strike hardest or cut deepest.

But now, thanks to modern inquiry and to such men as Stubbs and Freeman

and Wright, and the more entertaining Green--we get new light on those

old times. We watch the ribs of that ancient land piling in distincter

shape out of the water: we see the downs and the bluffs, and the

fordable places in the rivers; we know now just where great wastes of

wood stood in the way of our piratical forefathers--the Saxons, the

Jutes, and the Angles; these latter either by greater moral weight in

them, or by the accident of numbers (which is the more probable), coming

to give a name to the new country and language which were a-making

together.

We find that those old Romans did leave, besides their long, straight,

high-roads, and Roman villas, and store of sepulchral vases, a germ

of Roman laws, and a little nucleus of Roman words, traceable in the

institutions and--to some slight degree--in the language of to-day.

We see in the later pages of Green through what forests the rivers

ran, and can go round about the great Roman-British towns (Roman first

and then adopted by Britons) of London[2] and of York; and that other

magnificent one of Cirencester (or Sisister as the English say, with a

stout defiance of their alphabet). We can understand how and why the fat

meadows of Somersetshire should be coveted by marauders and fought for

by Celts; and we behold more clearly and distinctly than ever, under the

precise topography of modern investigators, the walls of wood and hills

which stayed Saxon pursuit of those Britons who sought shelter in Wales,

Cumberland, or the Cornish peninsula.

_Celtic Literature._

Naturally, this flight of a nation to its fastnesses was not without

clamor and lament; some of which--if we may trust current Cymric

traditions--was put into such piercing sound as has come down to our own

day in the shape of Welsh war-songs. Dates are uncertain; but without

doubt somewhat of this Celtic shrill singing was of earlier utterance

than anything of equal literary quality that came from our wrangling

Saxon or West-Saxon forefathers in the fertile plains of England.

Some of these Celtic war strains have been turned into a music by

the poet Gray[3] which our English ears love; Emerson used to find

regalement in the strains of another Welsh bard; and the Mabinogion, a

pleasant budget of old Cymric fable,[4] has come to a sort of literary

resurrection in our day under the hands of the late Sidney Lanier. If

you would know more of things Celtic, I would commend to your attention

a few lectures read at Oxford in 1864-65 by Matthew Arnold in which he

has brought a curious zeal, and his wonted acumen to an investigation

of the influences upon English literature of that old Celtic current.

It was a wild, turbulent current; it had fret and roar in it; it had

passion and splendor in it; and there are those who think that whatever

ardor of imagination, or love for brilliant color or music may belong to

our English race is due to old interfusion of British blood. Certainly

the lively plaids of the Highlander and his bagpipes show love for much

color and exuberant gush of sound; and we all understand that the Celtic

Irishman has an appetite for a shindy which demonstrates a rather lively

emotional nature.

_Beginning of English Learning._

But over that ancient England covered with its alternating fens and

forests, and grimy Saxon hamlets, and Celtic companies of huts, there

streams presently a new civilizing influence. It is in the shape of

Christian monks[5] sent by Pope Gregory the Great, who land upon the

island of Thanet near the Thames mouth (whereabout are now the bustling

little watering places of Ramsgate and Margate), and march two by

two--St. Augustine among them and towering head and shoulders above

the rest--bearing silver crosses and singing litanies, up to the halls

of Ethelbert--near to the very site where now stands, in those rich

Kentish lands, the august and beautiful Cathedral of Canterbury. There,

too, sprung up in those earlier centuries that Canterbury School, where

letters were taught, and learned men congregated, and whence emerged

that famous scholar--Aldhelm,[6] of whom the great King Alfred speaks

admiringly; who not only knew his languages but could sing a song; a

sort of early Saxon Sankey who beguiled wanderers into better ways by

his homely rhythmic utterance. I think we may safely count this old

Aldhelm, who had a strain of royal blood in him, as the first of English

ballad-mongers.

From the north of England, too, there was at almost the same date,

another gleam of crosses, coming by way of Ireland and Iona, where St.

Columba,[7] commemorated in one of Wordsworth’s Sonnets, had established

a monastery. We have the good old Irish monk’s lament at leaving his home

in Ireland for the northern wilderness; there is true Irish fervor in

it:--“From the high prow I look over the sea, and great tears are in my

gray eyes when I turn to Erin--to Erin, where the songs of the birds are

so sweet, and where the clerks sing like the birds; where the young are

so gentle, and the old so wise; where the great men are so noble to look

at, and the women so fair to wed.”

Ruined remnants of the Iona monastery are still to be found on that

little Western island--within hearing almost of the waves that surge

into the caves of Staffa. And from this island stand-point, the monkish

missions were established athwart Scotland; finding foothold too all down

the coast of Northumberland. Early among these and very notable, was the

famous Abbey of Lindisfarne or the Holy Isle, not far southward from

the mouth of the Tweed. You will recall the name as bouncing musically,

up and down, through Scott’s poem of “Marmion.” A little farther to

the south, upon the Yorkshire coast, came to be established, shortly

afterward, the Whitby monastery; its ruins make now one of the shows of

Whitby town--one of the favorite watering places of the eastern coast

of England, and well known for giving its name to what is called Whitby

jet--which is only a finer sort of bituminous coal, of which there are

great beds in the neighborhood.[8] The Abbey ruin is upon heights, from

which are superb views out upon the German Sea that beats with grand

uproar upon the Whitby cliffs. To the westward is the charming country of

Eskdale, and by going a few miles southward one may come to Robinhood’s

bay; and in the intervening village of Hawsker may be seen the two stones

said to mark the flight of the arrows of Robinhood and Little John, when

they tried their skill for the amusement of the monks of Whitby.

_Cædmon._

Well, in the year of our Lord 637, this Whitby Abbey was founded by

the excellent St. Hilda, and it was under her auspices, and by virtue

of her saintly encouragements, that the first true English poet,

Cædmon, began to sing his Christian song of the creation. He was but

a cattle-tender--unkempt--untaught, full of savagery, but with a fine

phrenzy in him, which made his paraphrase of Scripture a spur, and

possibly--in a certain imperfect sense, a model for the muse of John

Milton.

Of the chaos before creation, he says:--

Earth’s surface was

With grass not yet be-greened; while far and wide

The dusky ways, with black unending night

Did ocean cover.

Of the great Over-Lord God-Almighty, he says--

In Him, beginning never,

Or origin hath been; but he is aye supreme

Over heaven’s thrones, with high majesty

Righteous and mighty.

And again,--that you may make for yourselves comparison with the

treatment and method of Milton,--I quote this picture of Satan in hell:--

Within him boiled his thoughts about his heart;

Without, the wrathful fire pressed hot upon him--

He said,--‘This narrow place is most unlike

That other we once knew in heaven high,

And which my Lord gave me; tho’ own it now

We must not, but to him must cede our realm.

Yet right he hath not done to strike us down

To hell’s abyss--of heaven’s realm bereft--

Which with mankind to people, he hath planned.

Pain sorest this, that Adam, wrought of Earth

On my strong throne shall sit, enjoying Bliss

While we endure these pangs--hell torments dire,

Woe! woe is me! Could I but use my hands

And might I be from here a little time--

One winter’s space--then, with this host would I--

But these iron bands press hard--this coil of chains--

…

There is but one known MS. copy of this poem. It is probably of the

tenth, certainly not later than the eleventh century, and is in

the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It is illuminated, and some scenes

represented seem to have been taken from the old miracle plays.[9] It was

printed in 1655: in this form a copy is said to have reached the hands

of Milton, through a friend of the printer: and it may well be that the

stern old Puritan poet was moved by a hearing of it,--for he was blind at

this date,--to the prosecution of that grand task which has made his name

immortal.

_Beda._

We might, however, never have known anything of Cædmon and of Saint

Hilda and all the monasteries north and south, except for another worthy

who grew up in the hearing of the waves which beat on the cliffs of

north-eastern England. This was Beda,--respected in his own day for his

industry, piety, straightforward honesty--and so followed by the respect

of succeeding generations as to get and carry the name of the _Venerable_

Beda. Though familiar with the people’s language,[10] and with Greek,

he wrote in monkish Latin--redeemed by classic touches--and passed his

life in the monastery at Jarrow, which is on the Tyne, near the coast

of Durham, a little to the westward of South Shields. An ancient church

is still standing amid the ruins of the monastic walls, and a heavy,

straight-backed chair of oak (which would satisfy the most zealous

antiquarian by its ugliness) is still guarded in the chancel, and is

called Beda’s Chair.

Six hundred pupils gathered about him there, in the old days, to be

taught in physics, grammar, rhetoric, music, and I know not what besides.

So learned and true was he, that the Pope would have called him to

Rome; but he loved better the wooded Tyne banks, and the gray moorlands,

and the labors of his own monastery. There he lived out an honest, a

plodding, an earnest, and a hopeful life. And as I read the sympathetic

story of its end, and of how the old man--his work all done--lifted up

a broken voice--on his last day--amidst his scholars, to the _Gloria

in Excelsis_--I bethink me of his last eulogist, the young historian,

who within a few months only after sketching that tender picture of his

great forerunner in the paths of British history, laid down his brilliant

pen--his work only half done, and died, away from his home, at Mentone,

on the shores of the Mediterranean.

_King Alfred._

A half century after the death of Beda began the Danish invasions,

under which, monasteries churches schools went down in a flood of blood

and fire. As we read of that devastation--the record covering only a

half-page of the old Saxon Chronicle (begun after Beda’s time)--it seems

an incident; yet the piratic storm, with intermittent fury, stretches

over a century and more of ruin. It was stayed effectively for a time

when the great Alfred came to full power.

I do not deal much in dates: but you should have a positive date for

this great English king: a thousand years ago (889) fairly marks the

period when he was in the prime of life--superintending, very likely,

the building of a British fleet upon the Pool, below London. He was born

at Wantage, in Berkshire, a little to the south of the Great Western

Railway; and in a glade near to the site of the old Saxon palace, is

still shown what is called Alfred’s Well. In the year 1849 his birthday

was celebrated, after the lapse of a thousand years--so keen are these

British cousins of ours to keep alive all their great memories. And

Alfred’s is a memory worth keeping. He had advantages--as we should

say--of foreign travel; as a boy he went to Rome, traversing Italy and

the Continent. If we could only get a good story of that cross-country

trip of his!

We know little more than that he came to high honor at Rome, was anointed

king there, before yet he had come to royalty at home. He makes also a

second visit in company with his father Ethelwolf: and on their return

Ethelwolf relieves the tedium of travel by marrying the twelve-year old

daughter of Charles the Bald of France. Those were times of extraordinary

daring.

The great king had throughout a most picturesque and adventurous life: he

is hard pushed by the Danes--by rivals--by his own family; one while a

wanderer on the moors--another time disguised as minstrel in the enemy’s

camp; but always high-hearted, always hopeful, always working. He is

oppressed by the pall of ignorance that overlays the lordly reach of his

kingdom: “Scarce a priest have I found,” says he, “south of the Thames

who can render Latin into English.” He is not an apt scholar himself, but

he toils at learning; his abbots help him; he revises old chronicles, and

makes people to know of Beda; he has boys taught to write in English;

gives himself with love to the rendering of Boëthius’ “Consolation of

Philosophy.” He adopts its reasoning, and plants his hope on the creed--

1st. That a wise God governs.

2d. That all suffering may be made helpful.

3d. That God is chiefest good.

4th. That only the good are happy.

5th. That the foreknowledge of God does not conflict with Free-will.

These would seem to carry even now the pith and germ of the broadest

theologic teachings.

It is a noble and a picturesque figure--that of King Alfred--which we

see, looking back over the vista of a thousand years; better it would

seem than that of King Arthur to weave tales around, and illumine with

the heat and the flame of poesy. Yet poets of those times and of all

succeeding times have strangely neglected this august and royal type of

manhood.

After him came again weary Danish wars and wild blood-letting and

ignorance surging over the land, save where a little light played

fitfully around such great religious houses as those of York and

Canterbury. It was the dreary Tenth Century, on the threshold of which

he had died--the very core and kernel of the Dark Ages, when the wisest

thought the end of things was drawing nigh, and strong men quaked with

dread at sight of an eclipse, or comet, or at sound of the rumble of an

earthquake. It was a time and a condition of gloom which made people

pardon, and even relish such a dismal poem as that of “The Grave,”

which--though bearing thirteenth century form--may well in its germ have

been a fungal outgrowth of the wide-spread hopelessness of this epoch:--

For thee was a house built

Ere thou wert born;

For thee was a mold meant

Ere thou of mother cam’st.

But it is not made ready

Nor its depth measured,

Nor is it seen

How long it shall be.

Now I bring thee

Where thou shalt be

And I shall measure thee

And the mold afterward.

Doorless is that house

And dark is it within;

There thou art fast detained

And death hath the key

Loathsome is that earth-house

And grim within to dwell,

And worms shall divide thee.

From the death of Alfred (901) to the Norman Conquest (1066) there was

monkish work done in shape of Homilies, Chronicles, grammars of Latin

and English--the language settling more and more into something like a

determined form of what is now called Anglo-Saxon. But in that lapse

of years I note only three historic incidents, which by reason of the

traditions thrown about them, carry a piquant literary flavor.

_Canute and Godiva._

The _first_ is when the famous Canute, king of both England and Denmark,

and having strong taste for song and music and letters, rows by the

towers of a great East-England religious house, and as he drifts with the

tide, composes (if we may trust tradition) a snatch of verse which has

come down to us in a thirteenth century form, about the pleasant singing

of the Monks of Ely. Wordsworth has embalmed the matter in one of his

Ecclesiastic Sonnets (xxx.):

A pleasant music floats along the mere,

From monks in Ely chanting service high,

While as Canute the king is rowing by;

My oarsman, quoth the mighty king, draw near

That we the sweet songs of the monks may hear.

He listens (all past conquests and all schemes

Of future vanishing like empty dreams)

Heart-touched, and haply not without a tear,

The royal minstrel, ere the Choir is still,

While his free barge skims the smooth flood along

Gives to the rapture an accordant Rhyme

O suffering Earth! be thankful; sternest Clime

And rudest Age are subject to the thrill

Of heaven-descended piety and song.

I think you will never go under the wondrous arches of Ely Cathedral--and

you should go there if you ever travel into the eastern counties of

England--without thinking of King Canute and of that wondrous singing of

the monks, eight hundred years ago.

The _second_ historic incident of which I spoke, is the murder of King

Duncan by Macbeth in the year 1039, some twenty-five years before the

Norman Conquest. I don’t think you want any refreshing about Macbeth.

The _third_ incident is of humbler tone, yet it went to show great

womanly devotion, and lifted a tax from the heads of a whole

towns-people. I refer to the tradition of Earl Leofric of Mercia and the

Lady Godiva of Coventry, based in the main, without doubt, upon actual

occurrence, and the subject for centuries of annual commemoration.[11]

Tennyson tells, in his always witching way, how

She rode forth clothéd on with chastity:

The deep air listened round her as she rode,

----the barking cur

Made her cheek flame; her palfry’s foot-fall shot

Light horror thro’ her pulses:

One low churl compact of thankless earth

Peep’d--but his eyes, before they had their will

Were shrivelled into darkness in his head,

And she, that knew not, pass’d; and all at once

With twelve great shocks of sound, the shameless noon

Was clash’d and hammered from a hundred towers,

One after one: But even then she gained

Her bower; whence re-issuing, robed and crowned,

To meet her lord, she took the tax away

And built herself an everlasting name.

Observe--that I call up these modern writers and their language, out of

their turn as may seem to you, only that I may plant more distinctly in

your thought the old incidents to which their words relate. It is as

if I were speaking to you of some long-gone line of ancestors, and on a

sudden should call up some delicate blond child and say--This one is in

the line of direct descent; she bears the same old name, she murmurs the

same old tunes; and this shimmer of gold in her hair is what shone on the

heads of the good Saxon foreparents.

_William the Norman._

We now come to a date to be remembered, and in the neighborhood of which

our first morning’s talk will come to an end. It is the date of the

Norman Conquest--1066--that being the year of the Battle of Hastings,

when the brave Harold, last of the Saxon kings went down, shot through

the eye; and the lithe, clean-faced, smirking William of Normandy “gat

him” the throne of England. These new-comers were not far-away cousins of

our Saxon and Danish forefathers; only so recently as the reign of Alfred

had they taken permanent foothold in that pleasant Norman country.

But they have not brought the Norse speech of the old home land with

them: they have taken to a Frankish language--we will call it Norman

French--which is thenceforth to blend with the Saxonism of Alfred,

until two centuries or more later, our own mother English--the English

of Chaucer and of Shakespeare--is evolved out of the union. Not only

a new tongue, do these conquerors bring with them, but madrigals and

ballads and rhyming histories; they have great contempt for the stolid,

lazy-going Latin records of the Saxon Chroniclers; they love a song

better. In the very face of the armies at Hastings, their great minstrel

_Taillefer_ had lifted up his voice to chant the glories of Roland, about

which all the histories of the time will tell you.

It was a new civilization (not altogether Christian) out-topping the

old. These Normans knew more of war--knew more of courts--knew more of

affairs. They loved money and they loved conquest. To love one in those

days, was to love the other. King William swept the monasteries clean of

those ignorant priests who had dozed there, from the time of Alfred, and

put in Norman Monks with nicely clipped hair, who could construe Latin

after latest Norman rules. He new parcelled the lands, and gave estates

to those who could hold and manage them. It was as if a new, sharp eager

man of business had on a sudden come to the handling of some old sleepily

conducted counting-room; he cuts off the useless heads; he squares the

books; he stops waste; pity or tenderness have no hearing in his shop.

I mentioned not far back an old Saxon Chronicle, which all down the

years, from shortly after Beda’s day, had been kept alive--sometimes

under the hands of one monastery, sometimes of another; here is what its

Saxon Scribe of the eleventh century says of this new-come and conquering

Norman King: It is good Saxon history, and in good Saxon style:--

“King William was a very wise man, and very rich, more

worshipful and strong than any of his foregangers. He was mild

to good men who loved God; and stark beyond all bounds to those

who withsaid his will. He had Earls in his bonds who had done

against his will; Bishops he set off their bishoprics; Abbots

off their abbotries, and thanes in prison. By his cunning he

was so thoroughly acquainted with England, that there is not

a hide of land of which he did not know, both who had it, and

what was its worth. He planted a great preserve for deer, and

he laid down laws therewith, that whoever should slay hart or

hind should be blinded. He forbade the harts and also the

boars to be killed. As greatly did he love the tall deer as if

he were their father.… He took from his subjects many marks

of gold, and many hundred pounds of silver; and _that_ he

took--some by right, and some by mickle might for very little

need. He had fallen into avarice; and greediness he loved

withal. Among other things is not to be forgotten the good

peace that he made in this land; so that a man who had any

confidence in himself might go over his realm, with his bosom

full of gold, unhurt. Nor durst any man slay another man had he

done ever so great evil to the other.… Brytland (Wales) was in

his power, and he therein wrought castles, and completely ruled

over that race of men.… Certainly in his time men had great

hardship, and very many injuries.… His rich men moaned, and

the poor men murmured; but he was so hard that he recked not

the hatred of them all. For it was need they should follow the

King’s will, if they wished to live, or to have lands or goods.

Alas, that any man should be so moody, and should so puff up

himself, and think himself above all other men! May Almighty

God show mercy to his soul, and grant him forgiveness of his

sins.”

There are other contemporary Anglo-Saxon annalists, and there are the

rhyming chroniclers of Norman blood, who put a better color upon the

qualities of King William; but I think there is no one of them, who even

in moments of rhetorical exaltation, thinks of putting William’s sense of

justice, or his kindness of heart, before his greed or his self-love.

_Harold the Saxon._

The late Lord Lytton (Bulwer) gave to this period and to the closing

years of Harold one of the most elaborate of his Historic Studies. He

availed himself shrewdly of all the most picturesque aspects (and they

were very many) in the career of Harold, and found startling historic

facts enough to supply to the full his passion for exaggerated melodrama.

There are brilliant passages in his book,[12] and a great wealth of

archæologic material; he shows us the remnants of old Roman villas--the

crude homeliness of Saxon house surroundings--the assemblage of old

Palace Councils. Danish battle-axes, and long-bearded Saxon thanes, and

fiery-headed Welshmen contrast with the polished and insidious Normans.

Nor is there lacking a heavy and much over-weighted quota of love-making

and misfortune, and joy and death. Tennyson has taken the same subject,

using the same skeleton of story for his play of Harold. It would seem

that he has depended on the romance of Bulwer for his archæology; and

indeed the book is dedicated to the younger Lord Lytton (better known in

the literary world as “Owen Meredith”). As a working play, it is counted,

like all of Tennyson’s--a failure; but there are passages of exceeding

beauty.

He pictures the King Harold--the hero that he is--but with a veil of

true Saxon gloom lowering over him: he tells the story of his brother

Tostig’s jealous wrath,--always in arms against Harold: he tells of

the hasty oath, which the king in young days had sworn to William in

Normandy, never to claim England’s throne: and this oath hangs like a

cloud over the current of Harold’s story. The grief, and noble devotion

of poor Edith, the betrothed bride of the king, whom he is compelled by

a devilish diplomacy to discard--is woven like a golden thread into the

woof of the tale: and Aldwyth, the queen, whom Harold did not and can

never love, is set off against Edith--in Tennyson’s own unmatchable way

in the last scenes of the tragedy.

We are in the camp at Hastings: the battle waits; a vision of Norman

saints, on whose bones Harold had sworn that dreadful oath, comes to him

in his trance:--They say--(these wraiths of saints)--

O hapless Harold! king but for an hour!

Thou swarest falsely by our blessed bones,

We give our voice against thee out of Heaven!

And warn him against the fatal _arrow_.

And Harold--waking--says--

Away!

My battle-axe against your voices!

And then--remembering that old Edward the Confessor had told him on his

deathbed that he should die by an arrow--his hope faints.

The king’s last word--“the arrow,” I shall die:

I die for England then, who lived for England.

What nobler? Man must die.

I cannot fall into a falser world--

I have done no man wrong.…

Edith (his betrothed) comes in--

Edith!--Edith!

Get thou into thy cloister, as the king

Will’d it: … There, the great God of Truth

Fill all thine hours with peace! A lying Devil

Hath haunted me--mine oath--my wife--I fain

Had made my marriage not a lie; I could not:

Thou art my bride! and thou, in after years,

Praying perchance for this poor soul of mine

In cold, white cells, beneath an icy moon.

This memory to thee!--and this to England,

My legacy of war against the Pope,

From child to child, from Pope to Pope, from Age to Age,

Till the sea wash her level with her shores,

Or till the Pope be Christ’s.

Aldwyth, the queen, glides in, and seeing Edith, says--

Away from him! Away!

Edith says (we can imagine her sweet plaintiveness)--

I will.… I have not spoken to the king

One word: and one I must. Farewell!

And she offers to go.

But Harold, beckoning with a grand gesture of authority--

Not yet!

Stay! The king commands thee, woman!

And he turns to Aldwyth, from whose kinsmen he had expected aid--

Have thy two brethren sent their forces in?

_Aldwyth_--Nay, I fear not.

And Harold blazes upon her--

Then there’s no force in thee!

Thou didst possess thyself of Edward’s ear

To part me from the woman that I loved.

…

Thou hast been false to England and to me!

As--in some sort--I have been false to thee.

Leave me. No more.--Pardon on both sides.--Go!

_Aldwyth_--Alas, my lord, I loved thee!

O Harold! husband! Shall we meet again?

_Harold_--After the battle--after the battle. Go.

_Aldwyth_--I go. (_Aside._) That I could stab her standing there!

(_Exit Aldwyth._)

_Edith_--Alas, my lord, she loved thee.

_Harold_-- Never! never!

_Edith_--I saw it in her eyes!

_Harold_-- I see it in thine!

And not on thee--nor England--fall God’s doom!

_Edith_--On _thee_? on me. And thou art England! Alfred

Was England. Ethelred was nothing. England

Is but her king, as thou art Harold!

_Harold_-- Edith,

The sign in Heaven--the sudden blast at sea--

My fatal oath--the dead saints--the dark dreams--

The Pope’s Anathema--the Holy Rood

That bow’d to me at Waltham--Edith, if

I, the last English King of England----

_Edith_-- No,

First of a line that coming from the people,

And chosen by the people----

_Harold_-- And fighting for

And dying for the people----

Look, I will bear thy blessing into the battle

And front the doom of God.

And he did affront it bravely; and the arrow did slay him, near to the

spot where the Saxon standard flew to the breeze on that fateful day.

The play from which I have quoted may have excess of elaboration and an

over-finesse in respect of details: but there are great bold reaches of

descriptive power, a nobility of sentiment, and everywhere tender and

winning touches, which will be very sure to give to the drama of Tennyson

permanence and historic dignity, and keep it always a literary way-mark

in the fields we have gone over. The scene of that decisive contest

is less than a two hours’ ride away from London (by the Southeastern

Railway) at a village called Battle--seven miles from the coast line at

Hastings--in the midst of a beautiful rolling country, with scattered

copses of ancient wood and a great wealth of wild flowers--(for which the

district is remarkable) sparkling over the fields.

The Conqueror built a great abbey there--Battle Abbey--whose ruins are

visited by hundreds every year. A large portion of the old religious

house, kept in excellent repair, and very charming with its growth of ivy

and its embowering shade, is held in private hands--being the occasional

residence of the Duke of Cleveland. Amid the ruins the usher will guide

one to a crypt of the ancient chapel--whose solid Norman arches date back

to the time of the Conqueror, and which is said to mark the very spot

on which Harold fell, wounded to the death, on that memorable day of

Hastings.

English Lands, Letters and Kings, vol. 1: From Celt to Tudor · 第 1 / 8 章