CHAPTER XXIV.

News of the death of the Prince Consort--Mr. Sumner and

the Trent Affair--Dispatch to Lord Russell--The Southern

Commissioners given up--Effects on the friends of the South--My

own unpopularity at New York--Attack of fever--My tour in

Canada--My return to New York in February--Successes of the

Western States--Mr. Stanton succeeds Mr. Cameron as Secretary

of War--Reverse and retreat of M‘Clellan--My free pass--The

Merrimac and Monitor--My arrangement to accompany M‘Clellan’s

head-quarters--Mr. Stanton refuses his sanction--National vanity

wounded by my truthfulness--My retirement and return to Europe.

_December 24th._---This evening came in a telegram from Europe

with news which cast the deepest gloom over all our little English

circle. Prince Albert dead! At first no one believed it; then it

was remembered that private letters by the last mail had spoken

despondingly of his state of health, and that the “little cold” of

which we had heard was described in graver terms. Prince Albert dead!

“Oh, it may be Prince Alfred,” said some; and sad as it would be for

the Queen and the public to lose the Sailor Prince, the loss could

not be so great as that which we all felt to be next to the greatest.

The preparations which we had made for a little festivity to welcome

in Christmas morning were chilled by the news, and the eve was not

of the joyous character which Englishmen delight to give it, for the

sorrow which fell on all hearts in England had spanned the Atlantic,

and bade us mourn in common with the country at home.

_December 25th._--Lord Lyons, who had invited the English in

Washington to dinner, gave a small quiet entertainment, from which he

retired early.

_December 26th._--No answer yet. There can be but one. Press people,

soldiers, sailors, ministers, senators, Congress men, people in

the street, the voices of the bar-room--all are agreed. “Give them

up? Never! We’ll die first!” Senator Sumner, M. De Beaumont, M.

De Geoffroy, of the French Legation, dined with me, in company

with General Van Vliet, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Lamy, &c.; and in

the evening Major Anson, M.P., Mr. Johnson, Captain Irwin, U.S.A.,

Lt. Wise, U.S.N., joined our party, and after much evasion of the

subject, the English despatch and Mr. Seward’s decision turned up and

caused some discussion. Mr. Sumner, who is Chairman of the Committee

on Foreign Relations of the Senate, and in that capacity is in

intimate _rapport_ with the President, either is, or affects to be,

incredulous respecting the nature of Lord Russell’s despatch this

evening, and argues that, at the very utmost, the Trent affair can

only be a matter for mediation, and not for any peremptory demand,

as the law of nations has no exact precedent to bear upon the case,

and that there are so many instances in which Sir W. Scott’s (Lord

Stowell’s) decisions in principle appear to justify Captain Wilkes.

All along he has held this language, and has maintained that at the

very worst there is plenty of time for protocols, despatches, and

references, and more than once he has said to me, “I hope you will

keep the peace; help us to do so,”--the peace having been already

broken by Captain Wilkes and the Government.

_December 27th._--This morning Mr. Seward sent in his reply to

Lord Russell’s despatch--“grandis et verbosa epistola.” The result

destroys my prophecies, for, after all, the Southern Commissioners

or Ambassadors are to be given up. Yesterday, indeed, in an

under-current of whispers among the desponding friends of the South,

there went a rumour that the Government had resolved to yield. What

a collapse! What a bitter mortification! I had scarcely finished

the perusal of an article in a Washington paper,--which, let it be

understood, is an organ of Mr. Lincoln,--stating that “Mason and

Slidell would _not_ be surrendered, and assuring the people they

need entertain no apprehension of such a dishonourable concession,”

when I learned beyond all possibility of doubt, that Mr. Seward had

handed in his despatch, placing the Commissioners at the disposal of

the British Minister. A copy of the despatch will be published in the

_National Intelligencer_ to-morrow morning at an early hour, in time

to go to Europe by the steamer which leaves New York.

After dinner, those who were in the secret were amused by hearing the

arguments which were started between one or two Americans and some

English in the company, in consequence of a positive statement from a

gentleman who came in, that Mason and Slidell had been surrendered. I

have resolved to go to Boston, being satisfied that a great popular

excitement and uprising will, in all probability, take place on the

discharge of the Commissioners from Fort Warren. What will my friend,

the general, say, who told me yesterday “he would snap his sword, and

throw the pieces into the White House, if they were given up?”

_December 28th._--The _National Intelligencer_ of this morning

contains the despatches of Lord Russell, M. Thouvenel, and Mr.

Seward. The bubble has burst. The rage of the friends of compromise,

and of the South, who saw in a war with Great Britain the complete

success of the Confederacy, is deep and burning, if not loud; but

they all say they never expected anything better from the cowardly

and braggart statesmen who now rule in Washington.

Lord Lyons has evinced the most moderate and conciliatory spirit, and

has done everything in his power to break Mr. Seward’s fall on the

softest of eider down. Some time ago we were all prepared to hear

nothing less would be accepted than Captain Wilkes taking Messrs.

Mason and Slidell on board the San Jacinto, and transferring them to

the Trent, under a salute to the flag, near the scene of the outrage;

at all events, it was expected that a British man-of-war would have

steamed into Boston, and received the prisoners under a salute from

Fort Warren; but Mr. Seward, apprehensive that some outrage would be

offered by the populace to the prisoners and the British Flag, has

asked Lord Lyons that the Southern Commissioners may be placed, as

it were, surreptitiously, in a United States boat, and carried to

a small seaport in the State of Maine, where they are to be placed

on board a British vessel as quietly as possible; and this exigent,

imperious, tyrannical, insulting British Minister has cheerfully

acceded to the request. Mr. Conway Seymour, the Queen’s messenger,

who brought Lord Russell’s despatch, was sent back with instructions

for the British Admiral, to send a vessel to Providence town for

the purpose; and as Mr. Johnson, who is nearly connected with Mr.

Eustis, one of the prisoners, proposed going to Boston to see his

brother-in-law, if possible, ere he started, and as there was not the

smallest prospect of any military movement taking place, I resolved

to go northwards with him; and we left Washington accordingly on the

morning of the 31st of December, and arrived at the New York Hotel

the same night.

To my great regret and surprise, however, I learned it would be

impracticable to get to Fort Warren and see the prisoners before

their surrender. My unpopularity, which had lost somewhat of its

intensity, was revived by the exasperation against everything

English, occasioned by the firmness of Great Britain in demanding

the Commissioners; and on New Year’s Night, as I heard subsequently,

Mr. Grinell and other members of the New York Club were exposed

to annoyance and insult, by some of their brother members, in

consequence of inviting me to be their guest at the club.

The illness which had prostrated some of the strongest men in

Washington, including General M‘Clellan himself, developed itself as

soon as I ceased to be sustained by the excitement, such as it was,

of daily events at the capital, and by expectations of a move; and

for some time an attack of typhoid fever confined me to my room, and

left me so weak that I was advised not to return to Washington till

I had tried change of air. I remained in New York till the end of

January, when I proceeded to make a tour in Canada, as it was quite

impossible for any operation to take place on the Potomac, where deep

mud, alternating with snow and frost, bound the contending armies in

winter quarters.

On my return to New York, at the end of February, the North was

cheered by some signal successes achieved in the West principally by

gunboats, operating on the lines of the great rivers. The greatest

results have been obtained in the capture of Fort Donaldson and

Fort Henry, by Commodore Foote’s flotilla co-operating with the

land forces. The possession of an absolute naval supremacy, of

course, gives the North United States powerful means of annoyance

and inflicting injury and destruction on the enemy; it also secures

for them the means of seizing upon bases of operations wherever

they please, of breaking up the enemy’s lines, and maintaining

communications; but the example of Great Britain in the revolutionary

war should prove to the United States that such advantages do not,

by any means, enable a belligerent to subjugate a determined people

resolved on resistance to the last. The long-threatened encounter

between Bragg and Browne has taken place at Pensacola, without

effect, and the attempts of the Federals to advance from Port Royal

have been successfully resisted. Sporadic skirmishes have sprung up

over every border State; but, on the whole, success has inclined to

the Federals in Kentucky and Tennessee.

On the 1st March, I arrived in Washington once more, and found things

very much as I had left them: the army recovering the effect of the

winter’s sickness and losses, animated by the victories of their

comrades in Western fields, and by the hope that the ever-coming

to-morrow would see them in the field at last. In place of Mr.

Cameron, an Ohio lawyer named Stanton has been appointed Secretary of

War. He came to Washington, a few years ago, to conduct some legal

proceedings for Mr. Daniel Sickles, and by his energy, activity, and

a rapid conversion from democratic to republican principles, as well

as by his Union sentiments, recommended himself to the President and

his Cabinet.

The month of March passed over without any remarkable event in

the field. When the army started at last to attack the enemy--a

movement which was precipitated by hearing that they were moving

away--they went out only to find the Confederates had fallen back by

interior lines towards Richmond, and General M‘Clellan was obliged

to transport his army from Alexandria to the peninsula of York Town,

where his reverses, his sufferings, and his disastrous retreat, are

so well known and so recent, that I need only mention them as among

the most remarkable events which have yet occurred in this war.

I had looked forward for many weary months to participating in the

movement and describing its results. Immediately on my arrival

in Washington, I was introduced to Mr. Stanton by Mr. Ashman,

formerly member of Congress and Secretary to Mr. Daniel Webster,

and the Secretary, without making any positive pledge, used words,

in Mr. Ashman’s presence, which led me to believe he would give

me permission to draw rations, and undoubtedly promised to afford

me every facility in his power. Subsequently he sent me a private

pass to the War Department to enable me to get through the crowd of

contractors and jobbers; but on going there to keep my appointment,

the Assistant-Secretary of War told me Mr. Stanton had been summoned

to a Cabinet Council by the President.

We had some conversation respecting the subject matter of my

application, which the Assistant-Secretary seemed to think would

be attended with many difficulties, in consequence of the number

of correspondents to the American papers who might demand the

same privileges, and he intimated to me that Mr. Stanton was

little disposed to encourage them in any way whatever. Now this

is undoubtedly honest on Mr. Stanton’s part, for he knows he

might render himself popular by granting what they ask; but he

is excessively vain, and aspires to be considered a rude, rough,

vigorous Oliver Cromwell sort of man, mistaking some of the

disagreeable attributes and the accidents of the external husk of the

Great Protector for the brain and head of a statesman and a soldier.

The American officers with whom I was intimate gave me to understand

that I could accompany them, in case I received permission from

the Government; but they were obviously unwilling to encounter

the abuse and calumny which would be heaped upon their heads by

American papers, unless they could show the authorities did not

disapprove of my presence in their camp. Several invitations sent

to me were accompanied by the phrase, “You will of course get a

written permission from the War Department, and then there will be

no difficulty.” On the evening of the private theatricals by which

Lord Lyons enlivened the ineffable dullness of Washington, I saw Mr.

Stanton at the Legation, and he conversed with me for some time. I

mentioned the difficulty connected with passes. He asked me what I

wanted. I said, “An order to go with the army to Manassas.” At his

request I procured a sheet of paper, and he wrote me a pass, took a

copy of it, which he put in his pocket, and then handed the other to

me. On looking at it, I perceived that it was a permission for me to

go to Manassas and back, and that all officers, soldiers, and others,

in the United States service, were to give me every assistance

and show me every courtesy; but the hasty return of the army to

Alexandria rendered it useless.

The Merrimac and Monitor encounter produced the profoundest

impression in Washington, and unusual strictness was observed

respecting passes to Fortress Monroe.

_March 19th._--I applied at the Navy Department for a passage down

to Fortress Monroe, as it was expected the Merrimac was coming out

again, but I could not obtain leave to go in any of the vessels.

Captain Hardman showed me a curious sketch of what he called the

Turtle Thor, an iron-cased machine with a huge claw or grapnel, with

which to secure the enemy whilst a steam hammer or a high iron fist,

worked by the engine, cracks and smashes her iron armour. “For,” says

he, “the days of gunpowder are over.”

As soon as General M‘Clellan commenced his movement, he sent a

message to me by one of the French princes, that he would have great

pleasure in allowing me to accompany his head-quarters in the field.

I find the following, under the head of March 22nd:--

“Received a letter from General Marcy, chief of the staff, asking me

to call at his office. He told me General M‘Clellan directed him to

say he had no objection whatever to my accompanying the army, ‘but,’

continued General Marcy, ‘you know we are a sensitive people, and

that our press is exceedingly jealous. General M‘Clellan has many

enemies who seek to pull him down, and scruple at no means of doing

so. He and I would be glad to do anything in our power to help you,

if you come with us, but we must not expose ourselves needlessly to

attack. The army is to move to the York and James Rivers at once.’”

All my arrangements were made that day with General Van Vliet, the

quartermaster-general of head-quarters. I was quite satisfied, from

Mr. Stanton’s promise and General Marcy’s conversation, that I

should have no further difficulty. Our party was made up, consisting

of Colonel Neville; Lieutenant-Colonel Fletcher, Scotch Fusilier

Guards; Mr. Lamy, and myself; and our passage was to be provided in

the quartermaster-general’s boat. On the 26th of March, I went to

Baltimore in company with Colonel Rowan, of the Royal Artillery, who

had come down for a few days to visit Washington, intending to go

on by the steamer to Fortress Monroe, as he was desirous of seeing

his friends on board the Rinaldo, and I wished to describe the great

flotilla assembled there and to see Captain Hewett once more.

On arriving at Baltimore, we learned it would be necessary to get

a special pass from General Dix, and on going to the General’s

head-quarters his aide-de-camp informed us that he had received

special instructions recently from the War Department to grant no

passes to Fortress Monroe, unless to officers and soldiers going

on duty, or to persons in the service of the United States. The

aide-de-camp advised me to telegraph to Mr. Stanton for permission,

which I did, but no answer was received, and Colonel Rowan and I

returned to Washington, thinking there would be a better chance of

securing the necessary order there.

Next day we went to the Department of War, and were shown into Mr.

Stanton’s room--his secretary informing us that he was engaged in the

next room with the President and other Ministers in a council of war,

but that he would no doubt receive a letter from me and send me out

a reply. I accordingly addressed a note to Mr. Stanton, requesting

he would be good enough to give an order to Colonel Rowan, of the

British army, and myself, to go by the mail boat from Baltimore to

Monroe. In a short time Mr. Stanton sent out a note in the following

words:--“Mr. Stanton informs Mr. Russell no passes to Fortress Monroe

can be given at present, unless to officers in the United States

service.” We tried the Navy Department, but no vessels were going

down, they said; and one of the officers suggested that we should

ask for passes to go down and visit H.M.S. Rinaldo exclusively,

which could not well be refused, he thought, to British subjects,

and promised to take charge of the letter for Mr. Stanton and to

telegraph the permission down to Baltimore. There we returned by the

afternoon train and waited, but neither reply nor pass came for us.

Next day we were disappointed also, and an officer of the Rinaldo,

who had come up on duty from the ship, was refused permission to take

us down on his return. I regretted these obstructions principally

on Colonel Rowan’s account, because he would have no opportunity

of seeing the flotilla. He returned next day to New York, whilst

I completed my preparations for the expedition and went back to

Washington, where I received my pass, signed by General M‘Clellan’s

chief of the staff, authorising me to accompany the head-quarters

of the army under his command. So far as I know, Mr. Stanton sent

no reply to my last letter, and calling with General Van Vliet

at his house on his reception night, the door was opened by his

brother-in-law, who said, “The Secretary was attending a sick child

and could not see any person that evening,” so I never met Mr.

Stanton again.

Stories had long been current concerning his exceeding animosity

to General M‘Clellan, founded perhaps on his expressed want of

confidence in the General’s abilities, as much as on the dislike

he felt towards a man who persisted in disregarding his opinions

on matters connected with military operations. His infirmities of

health and tendency to cerebral excitement had been increased by

the pressure of business, by the novelty of power, and by the angry

passions to which individual antipathies and personal rancour give

rise. No one who ever saw Mr. Stanton would expect from him courtesy

of manner or delicacy of feeling; but his affectation of bluntness

and straightforwardness of purpose might have led one to suppose he

was honest and direct in purpose, as the qualities I have mentioned

are not always put forward by hypocrites to cloak finesse and

sinister action.

The rest of the story may be told in a few words. It was perfectly

well known in Washington that I was going with the army, and I

presume Mr. Stanton, if he had any curiosity about such a trifling

matter, must have heard it also. I am told he was informed of

it at the last moment, and then flew out into a coarse passion

against General M‘Clellan because he had dared to invite or to

take anyone without his permission. What did a Republican General

want with foreign princes on his staff, or with foreign newspaper

correspondents to puff him up abroad?

Judging from the stealthy, secret way in which Mr. Stanton struck

at General M‘Clellan the instant he had turned his back upon

Washington, and crippled him in the field by suddenly withdrawing

his best division without a word of notice, I am inclined to fear

he gratified whatever small passion dictated his course on this

occasion also, by waiting till he knew I was fairly on board the

steamer with my friends and baggage, just ready to move off, before

he sent down a despatch to Van Vliet and summoned him at once to

the War Office. When Van Vliet returned in a couple of hours, he

made the communication to me that Mr. Stanton had given him written

orders to prevent my passage, though even here he acted with all

the cunning and indirection of the village attorney, not with the

straightforwardness of Oliver Cromwell, whom it is laughable to name

in the same breath with his imitator. He did not write, “Mr. Russell

is not to go,” or “The _Times_ correspondent is forbidden a passage,”

but he composed two orders, with all the official formula of the War

Office, drawn up by the Quartermaster-General of the army, by the

direction and order of the Secretary of War. No. 1 ordered “that

no person should be permitted to embark on board any vessel in the

United States service without an order from the War Department.”

No. 2 ordered “that Colonel Neville, Colonel Fletcher, and Captain

Lamy, of the British army, having been invited by General M‘Clellan

to accompany the expedition, were authorized to embark on board the

vessel.”

General Van Vliet assured me that he and General M‘Dowell had urged

every argument they could think of in my favour, particularly the

fact that I was the specially invited guest of General M‘Clellan,

and that I was actually provided with a pass by his order from the

chief of his staff.

With these orders before me, I had no alternative.

General M‘Clellan was far away. Mr. Stanton had waited again until he

was gone. General Marcy was away. I laid the statement of what had

occurred before the President, who at first gave me hopes, from the

wording of his letter, that he would overrule Mr. Stanton’s order,

but who next day informed me he could not take it upon himself to do

so.

It was plain I had now but one course left. My mission in the United

States was to describe military events and operations, or, in

defect of them, to deal with such subjects as might be interesting

to people at home. In the discharge of my duty, I had visited the

South, remaining there until the approach of actual operations and

the establishment of the blockade, which cut off all communication

from the Southern States except by routes which would deprive my

correspondence of any value, compelled me to return to the North,

where I could keep up regular communication with Europe. Soon after

my return, as unfortunately for myself as the United States, the

Federal troops were repulsed in an attempt to march upon Richmond,

and terminated a disorderly retreat by a disgraceful panic. The whole

incidents of what I saw were fairly stated by an impartial witness,

who, if anything, was inclined to favour a nation endeavouring to

suppress a rebellion, and who was by no means impressed, as the

results of his recent tour, with the admiration and respect for the

people of the Confederate States which their enormous sacrifices,

extraordinary gallantry, and almost unparalleled devotion, have

long since extorted from him in common with all the world. The

letter in which that account was given came back to America after

the first bitterness and humiliation of defeat had passed away, and

disappointment and alarm had been succeeded by such a formidable

outburst of popular resolve, that the North forgot everything in the

instant anticipations of a glorious and triumphant revenge.

Every feeling of the American was hurt--above all, his vanity and

his pride, by the manner in which the account of the reverse had

been received in Europe; and men whom I scorned too deeply to reply

to, dexterously took occasion to direct on my head the full storm

of popular indignation. Not, indeed, that I had escaped before. Ere

a line from my pen reached America at all--ere my first letter had

crossed the Atlantic to England--the jealousy and hatred felt for

all things British--for press or principle, or representative of

either--had found expression in Northern journals; but that I was

prepared for. I knew well no foreigner had ever penned a line--least

of all, no Englishman--concerning the United States of North America,

their people, manners, and institutions, who had not been treated to

the abuse which is supposed by their journalists to mean criticism,

no matter what the justness or moderation of the views expressed,

the sincerity of purpose, and the truthfulness of the writer. In

the South, the press threatened me with tar and feathers, because I

did not see the beauties of their domestic institution, and wrote

of it in my letters to England exactly as I spoke of it to every

one who conversed with me on the subject when I was amongst them;

and now the Northern papers recommended expulsion, ducking, riding

rails, and other cognate modes of insuring a moral conviction of

error; endeavoured to intimidate me by threats of duels or personal

castigations; gratified their malignity by ludicrous stories of

imaginary affronts or annoyances to which I never was exposed; and

sought to prevent the authorities extending any protection towards

me, and to intimidate officers from showing me any civilities.

In pursuance of my firm resolution I allowed the slanders and

misrepresentations which poured from their facile sources for months

to pass by unheeded, and trusted to the calmer sense of the people,

and to the discrimination of those who thought over the sentiments

expressed in my letters, to do me justice.

I need not enlarge on the dangers to which I was exposed. Those who

are acquainted with America, and know the life of the great cities,

will best appreciate the position of a man who went forth daily in

the camps and streets holding his life in his hand. This expression

of egotism is all I shall ask indulgence for. Nothing could have

induced me to abandon my post or to recoil before my assailants; but

at last a power I could not resist struck me down. When to the press

and populace of the United States, the President and the Government

of Washington added their power, resistance would be unwise and

impracticable. In no camp could I have been received--in no place

useful. I went to America to witness and describe the operations

of the great army before Washington in the field, and when I was

forbidden by the proper authorities to do so, my mission terminated

at once.

On the evening of April 4th, as soon as I was in receipt of the

President’s last communication, I telegraphed to New York to engage

a passage by the steamer which left on the following Wednesday.

Next day was devoted to packing up and to taking leave of my

friends--English and American--whose kindnesses I shall remember in

my heart of hearts, and the following Monday I left Washington, of

which, after all, I shall retain many pleasant memories and keep

souvenirs green for ever. I arrived in New York late on Tuesday

evening, and next day I saw the shores receding into a dim grey fog,

and ere the night fell was tossing about once more on the stormy

Atlantic, with the head of our good ship pointing, thank Heaven,

towards Europe.

THE END.

BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Since died of wounds received in action.

[2] It may be stated here, that this expedition met with a disastrous

result. If I mistake not, the officer, and with him the correspondent

of a paper who accompanied him, were killed by the cavalry whom he

meant to surprise, and several of the volunteers were also killed or

wounded.

[3] Since killed in action.

[4] I have since met the person referred to, an Englishman living in

Washington, and well known at the Legation and elsewhere. Mr. Dawson

came to tell me that he had seen a letter in an American journal,

which was copied extensively all over the Union, in which the writer

stated he accompanied me on my return to Fairfax Court-house, and

that the incident I related in my account of Bull Run did not occur,

but that he was the individual referred to, and could swear with his

assistant that every word I wrote was true. I did not need any such

corroboration for the satisfaction of any who know me; and I was

quite well aware that if one came from the dead to bear testimony

in my favour before the American journals and public, the evidence

would not countervail the slander of any characterless scribe who

sought to gain a moment’s notoriety by a flat contradiction of my

narrative. I may add, that Dawson begged of me not to bring him

before the public, “because I am now sutler to the ----th, over

in Virginia, and they would dismiss me.” “What! For certifying to

the truth?” “You know, sir, it might do me harm.” Whilst on this

subject, let me remark that some time afterwards I was in Mr. Brady’s

photographic studio in Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, when the very

intelligent and obliging manager introduced himself to me, and said

that he wished to have an opportunity of repeating to me personally

what he had frequently told persons in the place, that he could bear

the fullest testimony to the complete accuracy of my account of the

panic from Centreville down the road at the time I left, and that he

and his assistants, who were on the spot trying to get away their

photographic van and apparatus, could certify that my description

fell far short of the disgraceful spectacle and of the excesses of

the flight.

[5] P. 200, Spencer’s American edition, New York, 1858.

[6] Since killed in action.

[7] Since killed in action fighting for the South at Antietam.

[8] Since shot dead by the Federal General Jeff. C. Davis in a

quarrel at Nashville.

[9] Since killed in action in Pope’s retreat from the north of

Richmond.

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the text and consultation of external sources.

Many words with hyphens, or without them, have been silently

adjusted to be more consistent. For example, instances of

‘head quarters’ have been made ‘head-quarters’; ‘bedroom’ has been

changed to ‘bed-room’; ‘fire-arms’ has been changed to ‘firearms’.

For consistency, instances of A.M. or P.M. have been made lower

case a.m. or p.m.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,

and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Pg v: ‘“Tory”’ replaced by ‘“Troy”’.

Pg vi: ‘Battle seenes’ replaced by ‘Battle scenes’.

Pg vii: ‘camp--Generall’ replaced by ‘camp--General’.

Pg 18: ‘volunteeers. He served’ replaced by ‘volunteers. He served’.

Pg 39: ‘or be garotted’ replaced by ‘or be garroted’.

Pg 40: ‘developes itself’ replaced by ‘develops itself’.

Pg 47: ‘the but over’ replaced by ‘the butt over’.

Pg 48: ‘grimace, he exclamed’ replaced by ‘grimace, he exclaimed’.

Pg 53: ‘on a drisly day’ replaced by ‘on a drizzly day’.

Pg 65: ‘defective educacation’ replaced by ‘defective education’.

Pg 70: ‘West-point men’ replaced by ‘West Point men’.

Pg 71: ‘to the field picee’ replaced by ‘to the field piece’.

Pg 79: ‘Illonois railroad’ replaced by ‘Illinois railroad’.

Pg 85: ‘apropos’ replaced by ‘à propos’.

Pg 89: ‘the crusiers of either’ replaced by ‘the cruisers of either’.

Pg 104: ‘ornamental mocassins’ replaced by ‘ornamental moccasins’.

Pg 104: ‘command of McDowell’ replaced by ‘command of M‘Dowell’.

Pg 105: ‘indefinite strengh’ replaced by ‘indefinite strength’.

Pg 119: ‘drove up Pennyslvania’ replaced by ‘drove up Pennsylvania’.

Pg 120: ‘developes its power’ replaced by ‘develops its power’.

Pg 129: ‘the whileom editor’ replaced by ‘the whilom editor’.

Pg 141: ‘that n the South’ replaced by ‘that in the South’.

Pg 169: ‘vivacions prying’ replaced by ‘vivacious prying’.

Pg 177: ‘white gaiter--mdae’ replaced by ‘white gaiter--made’.

Pg 186: ‘started at 4·15’ replaced by ‘started at 4.15’.

Pg 190: ‘with turburlent and’ replaced by ‘with turbulent and’.

Pg 199: ‘stray aide-de-camps’ replaced by ‘stray aides-de-camp’.

Pg 200: ‘spiled with blood’ replaced by ‘spoiled with blood’.

Pg 210: ‘in eference to’ replaced by ‘in reference to’.

Pg 220: ‘to develope loyal’ replaced by ‘to develop loyal’.

Pg 222: ‘commssiariat carts’ replaced by ‘commissariat carts’.

Pg 225: ‘Notwitstanding all’ replaced by ‘Notwithstanding all’.

Pg 228: ‘from he men and’ replaced by ‘from the men and’.

Pg 231: ‘the throng inrceased’ replaced by ‘the throng increased’.

Pg 235: ‘down theere with’ replaced by ‘down there with’.

Pg 241: ‘whiskey and and tallow’ replaced by ‘whiskey and tallow’.

Pg 250: ‘General Patteson’ replaced by ‘General Patterson’.

Pg 253: ‘andot hers who’ replaced by ‘and others who’.

Pg 258: ‘hanging a Secesssionist’ replaced by ‘hanging a Secessionist’.

Pg 267: ‘House--Drunkeness’ replaced by ‘House--Drunkenness’.

Pg 277: ‘developes itself in’ replaced by ‘develops itself in’.

Pg 283: ‘be seat off’ replaced by ‘be sent off’.

Pg 283: ‘time to develope’ replaced by ‘time to develop’.

Pg 294: ‘This day month’ replaced by ‘This day a month ago’.

Pg 306: ‘has been meeted to’ replaced by ‘has been meted to’.

Pg 321: ‘Captain Foote, U.N.S.’ replaced by ‘Captain Foote, U.S.N.’.

Pg 377: ‘and resmbles its’ replaced by ‘and resembles its’.

Pg 382: ‘utterly villanous’ replaced by ‘utterly villainous’.

Pg 391: ‘egregrious share’ replaced by ‘egregious share’.

Pg 401: ‘with grizly bears’ replaced by ‘with grizzly bears’.

Pg 404: ‘his own responsibilty’ replaced by ‘his own responsibility’.

Pg 415: ‘plaee in honour’ replaced by ‘place in honour’.

Pg 421: ‘villanous deserter’ replaced by ‘villainous deserter’.

Pg 421: ‘cotillon party’ replaced by ‘cotillion party’.

Pg 440: ‘almost unparelleled’ replaced by ‘almost unparalleled’.

My Diary: North and South (vol. 2 of 2) · 第 24 / 24 章