So far we have been dealing only with the Saracenic share in the

European revival. Let us turn now to the influence of the Mongol

conquests. They stimulated the geographical imagination of Europe

enormously. For a time under the Great Khan, all Asia and Western

Europe enjoyed an open intercourse; all the roads were temporarily

open, and representatives of every nation appeared at the court of

Karakorum. The barriers between Europe and Asia set up by the

religious feud of Christianity and Islam were lowered. Great hopes were

entertained by the papacy for the conversion of the Mongols to

Christianity. Their only religion so far had been Shumanism, a

primitive paganism. Envoys of the Pope, Buddhist priests from India,

Parisian and Italian and Chinese artificers, Byzantine and Armenian

merchants, mingled with Arab officials and Persian and Indian

astronomers and mathematicians at the Mongol court. We hear too much

in history of the campaigns and massacres of the Mongols, and not

enough of their curiosity and desire for learning. Not perhaps as an

originative people, but as transmitters of knowledge and method their

influence upon the world’s history has been very great. And everything

one can learn of the vague and romantic personalities of Jengis or

Kublai tends to confirm the impression that these men were at least as

understanding and creative monarchs as either that flamboyant but

egotistical figure Alexander the Great or that raiser of political

ghosts, that energetic but illiterate theologian Charlemagne.

One of the most interesting of these visitors to the Mongol Court was a

certain Venetian, Marco Polo, who afterwards set down his story in a

book. He went to China about 1272 with his father and uncle, who had

already once made the journey. The Great Khan had been deeply impressed

by the elder Polos; they were the first men of the “Latin” peoples he

had seen; and he sent them back with enquiries for teachers and learned

men who could explain Christianity to him, and for various other

European things that had aroused his curiosity. Their visit with Marco

was their second visit.

ANCIENT BRONZE FIGURE FROM BENIN, W. AFRICA

ANCIENT BRONZE FIGURE FROM BENIN, W. AFRICA

Note evidence in attire of knowledge of early European explorers

_(In the British Museum) _

The three Polos started by way of Palestine and not by the Crimea, as

in their previous expedition. They had with them a gold tablet and

other indications from the Great Khan that must have greatly

facilitated their journey. The Great Khan had asked for some oil from

the lamp that burns in the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem; and so thither

they first went, and then by way of Cilicia into Armenia. They went

thus far north because the Sultan of Egypt was raiding the Mongol

domains at this time. Thence they came by way of Mesopotamia to Ormuz

on the Persian Gulf, as if they contemplated a sea voyage. At Ormuz

they met merchants from India. For some reason they did not take ship,

but instead turned northward through the Persian deserts, and so by way

of Balkh over the Pamir to Kashgar, and by way of Kotan and the Lob Nor

into the Hwang-ho valley and on to Pekin. At Pekin was the Great Khan,

and they were hospitably entertained.

ANOTHER ANCIENT NEGRO BRONZE OF A EUROPEAN

ANOTHER ANCIENT NEGRO BRONZE OF A EUROPEAN

_(In the British Museum) _

Marco particularly pleased Kublai; he was young and clever, and it is

clear he had mastered the Tartar language very thoroughly. He was

given an official position and sent on several missions, chiefly in

south-west China. The tale he had to tell of vast stretches of smiling

and prosperous country, “all the way excellent hostelries for

travellers,” and “fine vineyards, fields, and gardens,” of “many

abbeys” of Buddhist monks, of manufactures of “cloth of silk and gold

and many fine taffetas,” a “constant succession of cities and

boroughs,” and so on, first roused the incredulity and then fired the

imagination of all Europe. He told of Burmah, and of its great armies

with hundreds of elephants, and how these animals were defeated by the

Mongol bowmen, and also of the Mongol conquest of Pegu. He told of

Japan, and greatly exaggerated the amount of gold in that country. For

three years Marco ruled the city of Yang-chow as governor, and he

probably impressed the Chinese inhabitants as being little more of a

foreigner than any Tartar would have been. He may also have been sent

on a mission to India. Chinese records mention a certain Polo attached

to the imperial council in 1277, a very valuable confirmation of the

general truth of the Polo story.

The publication of Marco Polo’s travels produced a profound effect upon

the European imagination. The European literature, and especially the

European romance of the fifteenth century, echoes with the names in

Marco Polo’s story, with Cathay (North China) and Cambulac (Pekin) and

the like.

EARLY ITALIAN ENGRAVING OF A SAILING SHIP

EARLY ITALIAN ENGRAVING OF A SAILING SHIP

_(In the British Museum) _

Two centuries later, among the readers of the Travels of Marco Polo was

a certain Genoese mariner, Christopher Columbus, who conceived the

brilliant idea of sailing westward round the world to China. In

Seville there is a copy of the Travels with marginal notes by Columbus.

There were many reasons why the thought of a Genoese should be turned

in this direction. Until its capture by the Turks in 1453

Constantinople had been an impartial trading mart between the Western

world and the East, and the Genoese had traded there freely. But the

“Latin” Venetians, the bitter rivals of the Genoese, had been the

allies and helpers of the Turks against the Greeks, and with the coming

of the Turks Constantinople turned an unfriendly face upon Genoese

trade. The long forgotten discovery that the world was round had

gradually resumed its sway over men’s minds. The idea of going

westward to China was therefore a fairly obvious one. It was

encouraged by two things. The mariner’s compass had now been invented

and men were no longer left to the mercy of a fine night and the stars

to determine the direction in which they were sailing, and the Normans,

Catalonians and Genoese and Portuguese had already pushed out into the

Atlantic as far as the Canary Isles, Madeira and the Azores.

Yet Columbus found many difficulties before he could get ships to put

his idea to the test. He went from one European Court to another.

Finally at Granada, just won from the Moors, he secured the patronage

of Ferdinand and Isabella, and was able to set out across the unknown

ocean in three small ships. After a voyage of two months and nine days

he came to a land which he believed to be India, but which was really a

new continent, whose distinct existence the old world had never

hitherto suspected. He returned to Spain with gold, cotton, strange

beasts and birds, and two wild- eyed painted Indians to be baptized.

They were called Indians because, to the end of his days, he believed

that this land he had found was India. Only in the course of several

years did men begin to realize that the whole new continent of America

was added to the world’s resources.

The success of Columbus stimulated overseas enterprise enormously. In

1497 the Portuguese sailed round Africa to India, and in 1515 there

were Portuguese ships in Java. In 1519 Magellan, a Portuguese sailor

in Spanish employment, sailed out of Seville westward with five ships,

of which one, the _Vittoria_, came back up the river to Seville in

1522, the first ship that had ever circumnavigated the world.

Thirty-one men were aboard her, survivors of two-hundred-and- eighty

who had started. Magellan himself had been killed in the Philippine

Isles.

Printed paper books, a new realization of the round world as a thing

altogether attainable, a new vision of strange lands, strange animals

and plants, strange manners and customs, discoveries overseas and in

the skies and in the ways and materials of life burst upon the European

mind. The Greek classics, buried and forgotten for so long, were

speedily being printed and studied, and were colouring men’s thoughts

with the dreams of Plato and the traditions of an age of republican

freedom and dignity. The Roman dominion had first brought law and

order to Western Europe, and the Latin Church had restored it; but

under both Pagan and Catholic Rome curiosity and innovation were

subordinate to and restrained by organization. The reign of the Latin

mind was now drawing to an end. Between the thirteenth and the

sixteenth century the European Aryans, thanks to the stimulating

influence of Semite and Mongol and the rediscovery of the Greek

classics, broke away from the Latin tradition and rose again to the

intellectual and material leadership of mankind.

L

THE REFORMATION OF THE LATIN CHURCH

The Latin Church itself was enormously affected by this mental rebirth.

It was dismembered; and even the portion that survived was extensively

renewed.

We have told how nearly the church came to the autocratic leadership of

all Christendom in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and how in the

fourteenth and fifteenth its power over men’s minds and affairs

declined. We have described how popular religious enthusiasm which had

in earlier ages been its support and power was turned against it by its

pride, persecutions and centralization, and how the insidious

scepticism of Frederick II bore fruit in a growing insubordination of

the princes. The Great Schism had reduced its religious and political

prestige to negligible proportions. The forces of insurrection struck

it now from both sides.

The teachings of the Englishman Wycliffe spread widely throughout

Europe. In 1398 a learned Czech, John Huss, delivered a series of

lectures upon Wycliffe’s teachings in the university of Prague. This

teaching spread rapidly beyond the educated class and aroused great

popular enthusiasm. In 1414-18 a Council of the whole church was held

at Constance to settle the Great Schism. Huss was invited to this

Council under promise of a safe conduct from the emperor, seized, put

on trial for heresy and burnt alive (1415). So far from tranquillizing

the Bohemian people, this led to an insurrection of the Hussites in

that country, the first of a series of religious wars that inaugurated

the break-up of Latin Christendom. Against this insurrection Pope

Martin V, the Pope specially elected at Constance as the head of a

reunited Christendom, preached a Crusade.

Five Crusades in all were launched upon this sturdy little people and

all of them failed. All the unemployed ruffianism of Europe was turned

upon Bohemia in the fifteenth century, just as in the thirteenth it had

been turned upon the Waldenses. But the Bohemian Czechs, unlike the

Waldenses, believed in armed resistance. The Bohemian Crusade

dissolved and streamed away from the battlefield at the sound of the

Hussites’ waggons and the distant chanting of their troops; it did not

even wait to fight (battle of Domazlice, 1431). In 1436 an agreement

was patched up with the Hussites by a new Council of the church at

Basle in which many of the special objections to Latin practice were

conceded.

PORTRAIT OF LUTHER

PORTRAIT OF LUTHER

_(From an early German engraving in the British Museum) _

In the fifteenth century a great pestilence had produced much social

disorganization throughout Europe. There had been extreme misery and

discontent among the common people, and peasant risings against the

landlords and the wealthy in England and France. After the Hussite

Wars these peasant insurrections increased in gravity in Germany and

took on a religious character. Printing came in as an influence upon

this development. By the middle of the fifteenth century there were

printers at work with movable type in Holland and the Rhineland. The

art spread to Italy and England, where Caxton was printing in

Westminster in 1477. The immediate consequence was a great increase

and distribution of Bibles, and greatly increased facilities for

widespread popular controversies. The European world became a world of

readers, to an extent that had never happened to any community in the

past. And this sudden irrigation of the general mind with clearer

ideas and more accessible information occurred just at a time when the

church was confused and divided and not in a position to defend itself

effectively, and when many princes were looking for means to weaken its

hold upon the vast wealth it claimed in their dominions.

In Germany the attack upon the church gathered round the personality of

an ex-monk, Martin Luther (1483-1546), who appeared in Wittenberg in

1517 offering disputations against various orthodox doctrines and

practices. At first he disputed in Latin in the fashion of the

Schoolmen. Then he took up the new weapon of the printed word and

scattered his views far and wide in German addressed to the ordinary

people. An attempt was made to suppress him as Huss had been

suppressed, but the printing press had changed conditions and he had

too many open and secret friends among the German princes for this fate

to overtake him.

For now in this age of multiplying ideas and weakened faith there were

many rulers who saw their advantage in breaking the religious ties

between their people and Rome. They sought to make themselves in

person the heads of a more nationalized religion. England, Scotland,

Sweden, Norway, Denmark, North Germany and Bohemia, one after another,

separated themselves from the Roman Communion. They have remained

separated ever since.

A MAJOLICA DISH PAINTED IN COLOURS

A MAJOLICA DISH PAINED IN COLOURS

An allegory of the Church triumphant over heretics and infidels.

Italian (Urbino), dated 1543

_(In the Victoria and Albert Museum)_

The various princes concerned cared very little for the moral and

intellectual freedom of their subjects. They used the religious doubts

and insurgence of their peoples to strengthen them against Rome, but

they tried to keep a grip upon the popular movement as soon as that

rupture was achieved and a national church set up under the control of

the crown. But there has always been a curious vitality in the

teaching of Jesus, a direct appeal to righteousness and a man’s

self-respect over every loyalty and every subordination, lay or

ecclesiastical. None of these princely churches broke off without also

breaking off a number of fragmentary sects that would admit the

intervention of neither prince nor Pope between a man and his God. In

England and Scotland, for example, there was a number of sects who now

held firmly to the Bible as their one guide in life and belief. They

refused the disciplines of a state church. In England these

dissentients were the Non- conformists, who played a very large part in

the polities of that country in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries. In England they carried their objection to a princely head

to the church so far as to decapitate King Charles I (1649), and for

eleven prosperous years England was a republic under Non- conformist

rule.

The breaking away of this large section of Northern Europe from Latin

Christendom is what is generally spoken of as the Reformation. But the

shock and stress of these losses produced changes perhaps as profound

in the Roman Church itself. The church was reorganized and a new

spirit came into its life. One of the dominant figures in this revival

was a young Spanish soldier, Inigo Lopez de Recalde, better known to

the world as St. Ignatius of Loyola. After some romantic beginnings he

became a priest (1538) and was permitted to found the Society of Jesus,

a direct attempt to bring the generous and chivalrous traditions of

military discipline into the service of religion. This Society of

Jesus, the Jesuits, became one of the greatest teaching and missionary

societies the world has ever seen. It carried Christianity to India,

China and America. It arrested the rapid disintegration of the Roman

Church. It raised the standard of education throughout the whole

Catholic world; it raised the level of Catholic intelligence and

quickened the Catholic conscience everywhere; it stimulated Protestant

Europe to competitive educational efforts. The vigorous and aggressive

Roman Catholic Church we know to-day is largely the product of this

Jesuit revival.

LI

THE EMPEROR CHARLES V

The Holy Roman Empire came to a sort of climax in the reign of the

Emperor Charles V. He was one of the most extraordinary monarchs that

Europe has ever seen. For a time he had the air of being the greatest

monarch since Charlemagne.

His greatness was not of his own making. It was largely the creation

of his grandfather, the Emperor Maximilian I (1459- 1519). Some

families have fought, others have intrigued their way to world power;

the Habsburgs married their way. Maximilian began his career with

Austria, Styria, part of Alsace and other districts, the original

Habsburg patrimony; he married—the lady’s name scarcely matters to

us—the Netherlands and Burgundy. Most of Burgundy slipped from him

after his first wife’s death, but the Netherlands he held. Then he

tried unsuccessfully to marry Brittany. He became Emperor in

succession to his father, Frederick III, in 1493, and married the duchy

of Milan. Finally he married his son to the weak-minded daughter of

Ferdinand and Isabella, the Ferdinand and Isabella of Columbus, who not

only reigned over a freshly united Spain and over Sardinia and the

kingdom of the two Sicilies, but over all America west of Brazil. So

it was that this Charles V, his grandson, inherited most of the

American continent and between a third and a half of what the Turks had

left of Europe. He succeeded to the Netherlands in 1506. When his

grandfather Ferdinand died in 1516, he became practically king of the

Spanish dominions, his mother being imbecile; and his grandfather

Maximilian dying in 1519, he was in 1520 elected Emperor at the still

comparatively tender age of twenty.

He was a fair young man with a not very intelligent face, a thick upper

lip and a long clumsy chin. He found himself in a world of young and

vigorous personalities. It was an age of brilliant young monarchs.

Francis I had succeeded to the French throne in 1515 at the age of

twenty-one, Henry VIII had become King of England in 1509 at eighteen.

It was the age of Baber in India (1526-1530) and Suleiman the

Magnificent in Turkey (1520), both exceptionally capable monarchs, and

the Pope Leo X (1513) was also a very distinguished Pope. The Pope and

Francis I attempted to prevent the election of Charles as Emperor

because they dreaded the concentration of so much power in the hands of

one man. Both Francis I and Henry VIII offered themselves to the

imperial electors. But there was now a long established tradition of

Habsburg Emperors (since 1273), and some energetic bribery secured the

election for Charles.

At first the young man was very much a magnificent puppet in the hands

of his ministers. Then slowly he began to assert himself and take

control. He began to realize something of the threatening complexities

of his exalted position. It was a position as unsound as it was

splendid.

From the very outset of his reign he was faced by the situation created

by Luther’s agitations in Germany. The Emperor had one reason for

siding with the reformers in the opposition of the Pope to his

election. But he had been brought up in Spain, that most Catholic of

countries, and he decided against Luther. So he came into conflict

with the Protestant princes and particularly the Elector of Saxony. He

found himself in the presence of an opening rift that was to split the

outworn fabric of Christendom into two contending camps. His attempts

to close that rift were strenuous and honest and ineffective. There

was an extensive peasant revolt in Germany which interwove with the

general political and religious disturbance. And these internal

troubles were complicated by attacks upon the Empire from east and west

alike. On the west of Charles was his spirited rival, Francis I; to

the east was the ever advancing Turk, who was now in Hungary, in

alliance with Francis and clamouring for certain arrears of tribute

from the Austrian dominions. Charles had the money and army of Spain

at his disposal, but it was extremely difficult to get any effective

support in money from Germany. His social and political troubles were

complicated by financial distresses. He was forced to ruinous

borrowing.

THE CHARLES V PORTRAIT BY TITIAN

THE CHARLES V PORTRAIT BY TITIAN

_(In the Gallery del Prado, Madrid)

Photo: Anderson_

On the whole, Charles, in alliance with Henry VIII, was successful

against Francis I and the Turk. Their chief battlefield was North

Italy; the generalship was dull on both sides; their advances and

retreats depended mainly on the arrival of reinforcements. The German

army invaded France, failed to take Marseilles, fell back into Italy,

lost Milan, and was besieged in Pavia. Francis I made a long and

unsuccessful siege of Pavia, was caught by fresh German forces,

defeated, wounded and taken prisoner. But thereupon the Pope and Henry

VIII, still haunted by the fear of his attaining excessive power,

turned against Charles. The German troops in Milan, under the

Constable of Bourbon, being unpaid, forced rather than followed their

commander into a raid upon Rome. They stormed the city and pillaged it

(1527). The Pope took refuge in the Castle of St. Angelo while the

looting and slaughter went on. He bought off the German troops at last

by the payment of four hundred thousand ducats. Ten years of such

confused fighting impoverished all Europe. At last the Emperor found

himself triumphant in Italy. In 1530, he was crowned by the Pope—he

was the last German Emperor to be so crowned—at Bologna.

Meanwhile the Turks were making great headway in Hungary. They had

defeated and killed the king of Hungary in 1526, they held Buda-Pesth,

and in 1529 Suleiman the Magnificent very nearly took Vienna. The

Emperor was greatly concerned by these advances, and did his utmost to

drive back the Turks, but he found the greatest difficulty in getting

the German princes to unite even with this formidable enemy upon their

very borders. Francis I remained implacable for a time, and there was

a new French war; but in 1538 Charles won his rival over to a more

friendly attitude after ravaging the south of France. Francis and

Charles then formed an alliance against the Turk. But the Protestant

princes, the German princes who were resolved to break away from Rome,

had formed a league, the Schmalkaldic League, against the Emperor, and

in the place of a great campaign to recover Hungary for Christendom

Charles had to turn his mind to the gathering internal struggle in

Germany. Of that struggle he saw only the opening war. It was a

struggle, a sanguinary irrational bickering of princes, for ascendancy,

now flaming into war and destruction, now sinking back to intrigues and

diplomacies; it was a snake’s sack of princely policies that was to go

on writhing incurably right into the nineteenth century and to waste

and desolate Central Europe again and again.

A Short History of the World · 第 18 / 29 段