or as an actual craftsman, cannot possibly be overestimated. In the
first respect he was, if not the absolute reformer,—these things, and
all things, reform themselves under the guidance of the Gods and the
Destinies, not of men,—the leader in reform, of the slovenly and
disorganised condition into which Romantic criticism had fallen. In the
second, the things which he had not, as well as those which he had,
combined to give him a place among the very first. He had not the
sublime and ever new-inspired inconsistency of Dryden. Dryden, in Mr
Arnold’s place, might have begun by cursing Shelley a little, but would
have ended by blessing him all but wholly. He had not the robustness of
Johnson; the supreme critical “reason” (as against understanding) of
Coleridge; scarcely the exquisite, if fitful, appreciation of Lamb, or
the full-blooded and passionate appreciation of Hazlitt. But he had an
exacter knowledge than Dryden’s; the fineness of his judgment shows
finer beside Johnson’s bluntness; he could not wool-gather like
Coleridge; his range was far wider than Lamb’s; his scholarship and his
delicacy alike give him an advantage over Hazlitt. Systematic without
being hidebound; well-read (if not exactly learned) without pedantry;
delicate and subtle, without weakness or dilettanteism; catholic without
eclecticism; enthusiastic without indiscriminateness,—Mr Arnold is one
of the best and most precious of teachers on his own side. And when, at
those moments which are, but should not be, rare, the Goddess of
Criticism descends, like Cambina and her lion-team, into the lists, and
with her Nepenthe makes men forget sides and sects in a common love of
literature, then he is one of the best and most precious of critics.
Mr Arnold’s criticism continued to be fresh and lively, without a touch
of senility, or of failure to adapt itself to new conditions, till the
day of his death: and when that evil day came, the nineteenth century
had little more than a decade to run. On the other hand, though almost
all his juniors were more or less affected by him, it cannot be exactly
said that he founded any definite school, or started any by reaction
from himself. The most remarkable approach to such a school that has
been made since was made by Mr Pater, quite fifteen years before Mr
Arnold died. No very special necessities of method, therefore, impose
themselves upon us in regard to the classification of our remaining
subjects in the English division: and we shall be safe in adopting a
rough chronological order, taking first three very remarkable persons
who—though contemporaries of Arnold—show in criticism as in other
literature the influence of Carlyle.
[Sidenote: _The Carlylians._]
The increasing disinclination to take the standpoint of pure literary
criticism which we noticed in the master, and which characterised the
second quarter of the century, naturally and inevitably reproduced
itself in the three most brilliant of his disciples—Ruskin, Froude, and
Kingsley—with interesting variants and developments according to the
idiosyncrasy of the individual. There was, indeed, in them something
which can hardly be said to have been in Carlyle at all—a weakness which
his internal fire burnt out of him. This weakness, formulated most
happily by an erratic person of genius whom I have alternately resolved
to admit and decided to exclude here—Thomas Love Peacock,—is the
principle that you “must take pleasure in the thing represented, before
you can derive any from the representation.”[970] Incidentally and
indirectly, no doubt, _omnes eodem cogimur_; or at least there are very
few who escape the suck of the whirlpool. But the declaration and formal
acceptance of the principle is comparatively modern: and it is one of
the worst inheritances of that Patristic attitude which we dwelt upon
long ago.[971] It is indeed closely connected with the doctrine that
“all depends upon the subject”: but the Greeks were too deeply
penetrated with æsthetic feeling to admit it openly, and, from the
earliest times, philosophised on the attraction of _repulsive_ subjects.
It is indirectly excluded, likewise, by the stricter kinds of
Neo-classic rule-criticism, which saw nothing to disapprove in such
poems as the _Syphilis_. But it has, like other dubious spirits, been
let loose by “the Anarchy.” That you may and should “like what you like”
is open to the twist of its correlative—that you may _dis_like what _you
choose to_ dislike.
[Sidenote: _Kingsley._]
At any rate, all these three distinguished persons showed the
Carlylian-Peacockian will-worship in their different ways, to an extent
which makes them, as critics, little more than extremely interesting
curiosities. Kingsley, the least strong, intellectually speaking, of the
three, shows it strongly enough. His saying (reported, I think, by the
late Mr Kegan Paul), when one of his children asked who and what was
Heine, “A bad man, my dear, a bad man,” is a specially interesting blend
of the doctrine formulated by Peacock with the old Platonic-Patristic
“the poet-is-a-_good man_” theory. Heine was not quite “a proper moral
man” in his early years, certainly: though one might have thought that
those later ones in the _Matraszen-Gruft_ would have atoned in the eyes
of the sternest inquisitor. But “bad” would have been a harsh term for
him at any time. Still, it emphasises the speaker’s inability to
distinguish between morality and genius, between the man and the work.
This inability was pretty universal with him, and it makes Kingsley’s
own work as criticism almost wholly untrustworthy, though often very
interesting and stimulating to readers who have the proper correctives
and antidotes ready: it even (which is not so very common a thing)
affects his praise nearly as much as his blame. You must be on your
guard against it, when he extols _Euphues_ and the _Fool of
Quality_[972] as much as when he depreciates Shelley.
[Sidenote: _Froude._]
There was less sentimental and ethical prejudice in Mr Froude than in
his brother-in-law, but his political and, in a wide, not to say loose,
sense philosophical, prejudices were even stronger, and he drew nearer
to Carlyle than did either Kingsley or Ruskin in a certain want of
_interest_ in literature as literature.[973]
[Sidenote: _Mr Ruskin._]
We reach, however, as every one will have anticipated, the furthest
point of our “eccentric” in Mr Ruskin. His waywardness is indeed a point
which needs no labouring, but it is never displayed more incalculably to
the unwary, more calculably to those who have the clue in their hands,
than in reference to his literary judgments. Injustice would be done to
Rapin and Rymer if we did not give some of the enormous paradoxes and
paralogisms to which he has committed himself in this way: but the very
abundance of them is daunting, and fortunately his work is not so far
from the hands of probable readers as the dustbin-catacombs where those
poor old dead lie. “Indignation is a poetical feeling if excited by
serious injury, but not if entertained on being cheated out of a small
sum of money.” You may admire the budding of a flower, but not a display
of fireworks. Contrast the famous exposure of the “pathetic fallacy”
with Scott’s supposed freedom from it, and you will find some of the
most exquisite _un_reasons in literature. The foam in Kingsley’s song
must not be “cruel,” but the Greta may be “happy,” simply because Ruskin
does not mind finding fault with Kingsley, but has sworn to find no
fault with Scott—perhaps also because he, very justly, likes sea-foam.
Squire Western is not “a character,” because Ruskin had determined that
only persons “without a _fimetic_ taint” can create character, and
Fielding had a fimetic taint. And dramatic poetry “despises external
circumstance” because Scott did _not_ despise external circumstance, and
explanation is wanted why he could not write a play. Whether, with the
most delicious absurdity, he works out a parallel between a “fictile”
Greek vase (which is also, one hears, “of the Madonna”) and “fiction,”
or is very nearly going to worship a locomotive when it makes a nasty
noise and convinces him of its diabolism, this same exquisite unreason
is always at the helm. It very often, generally indeed, is committed in
admiration of the right things; it is always delightful literature
itself. But it never has the judicial quality, and therefore it is never
Criticism.[974]
[Sidenote: _G. H. Lewes._]
That George Henry Lewes had many of the qualities of the critic it would
be mere foolish paradox to deny. His _Goethe_ and his _History_ (if not)
_of Philosophy_ yet “of Philosophers” are sufficient proofs for any one
to put in: and of his mastery of that element of criticism which goes to
the making of an _impresario_ the wonderful success with which he formed
and trained his companion, George Eliot, is a still more convincing
demonstration. [Sidenote: _His_ Principles of Success in Literature.] I
understand, also, that he had real merits as a dramatic critic. But his
chief critical work, _The Principles of Success in Literature_,[975]
betrays by its very title the presence of an element of _vulgarity_ in
him, which can indeed scarcely escape notice in other parts of his work,
and which is by no means removed or neutralised by the quasi-philosophic
tone of the work itself. Much may be forgiven to a man, born in the
first quarter of the nineteenth century, when he uses the words
“progress,” “success,” and the like: but not everything. Fame may be the
last infirmity of noble minds; Success is but the first and last morbid
appetite of the vulgar. And, as has been said, Lewes does not fully
redeem his title by his text. There is plenty of common-sense and
shrewdness. There is plenty of apparent and some real philosophy. Some,
no doubt, will delight to be told that there are three Laws of
Literature, that “the intellectual form is the Principle of Vision; the
moral form the Principle of Sincerity; and the æsthetic form the
Principle of Beauty,” and then to have these various eggs tossed and
caught, in deft arrangements, for some chapters.
Indeed, there be many truths in the book, and I would most carefully
guard against the idea that Lewes knowingly and deliberately recommends
a mere tradesman-like view of literature. On the contrary, he strongly
protests against it: and writes about Sincerity with every appearance of
being sincere.[976] But his view of Imagination is confessedly low, and
almost returns to the Addisonian standpoint of “ideas furnished by
sight.” And when, with a rather rash hiatus, he promises[977] “_for the
first time_ to expound scientifically the Laws that constitute the
Philosophy of Criticism,” we listen even less hopefully and even more
doubtfully than somebody did when he understood somebody else to say
that he had killed the Devil. Lewes is not unsound on the subject of
imitation of the classics. He has learnt from Coleridge, or from
Wordsworth, or from De Quincey, that style is the _body_ not the _dress_
of thought: and much that he says about it is extremely shrewd and true.
But when he comes to its actual Laws and gives them as Economy,
Simplicity, Sequence, Climax, and Variety, the old not at all divine
despair comes upon us. All these are well, but they are not Style’s
crown; they are only and hardly some of the balls and strawberry leaves
of that crown. A sentence, or a paragraph, or a page may be economic,
simple, sequacious, climacteric, and various, and not be good style. I
am not sure that a great piece of style might not be produced to which,
except by violence, no one of these epithets—I am sure that many such
pieces could be produced to which not all—will apply. Once more the
light and holy soul of literature has wings to fly at suspicion of these
bonds—and uses them.
[Sidenote: _His_ Inner Life of Art.]
Lewes’s best critical work by far[978] is to be found in the Essay on
_The Inner Life of Art_, where he handles, without ceremony and with
crushing force, the strange old and new prudery about the connection of
verse and poetry, declaring plumply that the one is the form of the
other. But it is noticeable that this Essay is in the main merely a
catena or chrestomathy of critical extracts, united by some useful
review-work. On the whole, even after dismissing or allowing for any
undue “nervous impression” created by the unlucky word “Success,” it is
not very possible to give him, as a critic, a position much higher than
one corresponding to the position of Helps. Lewes is a Helps much
unconventionalised and cosmopolitanised, not merely in externals. He is
not only much more skilled in philosophical terminology, but he really
knows more of what philosophy means. He has more, much more, care for
literature. But the stamp of the Exhibition of 1851 is upon him also:
and it is not for nothing that his favourite and most unreservedly
praised models of style are drawn from Macaulay. I have no contempt for
Macaulay’s style myself: I have ventured in more places than one or two
to stigmatise such contempt as entirely uncritical. But the _preference_
of this style tells us much in this context, as the _preference_ of
champagne in another.
[Sidenote: _Bagehot._]
The evils of dissipation of energy have been lamented by the grave and
precise in all ages: and some have held that they are specially
discoverable in the most modern times. It is very probable that
Criticism may charge to this account the comparatively faint and scanty
service done her by one who displayed so much faculty for that service
as Walter Bagehot. A man whose vocations and avocations extend (as he
himself says in a letter quoted by Mr Hutton) from hunting to banking,
and from arranging Christmas festivities to editing the _Economist_, can
have but odd moments for literature. Yet this man’s odd moments were far
from unprofitable. His essay on _Pure, Ornate, and Grotesque Art in
Poetry_ would deserve a place even in a not voluminous collection of the
best and most notable of its kind. The title, of course, indicates
Wordsworth, Tennyson, and Browning: and the paper itself may be said to
have been one of the earliest frankly to estate and recognise Tennyson—
the earliest of importance perhaps to estate and recognise Browning—
among the leaders of mid-nineteenth century poetry. As such titles are
wont to do, it somewhat overreaches itself, and certainly implies or
suggests a confusion as to the meaning of “pure.” If pure is to mean
“unadorned,” Wordsworth is most certainly not at his poetical best when
he has most of the quality, but generally at his worst; if it means
“sheer,” “intense,” “quintessential,” his best of poetry has certainly
no more of it than the best of either of the other two. The
classification suggests, and the text confirms, a certain “popularity”
in Bagehot’s criticism. But it is popular criticism of the very best
kind, and certainly not to be despised because it has something of
mid-nineteenth century, and Macaulayan, materialism and lack of
subtlety. This _derbheit_ sometimes led him wrong, as in that very
estimate of Gibbon which the same Mr Hutton praises, but oftener it
contributed sense and sanity to his criticism. And there are not many
better things in criticism than sanity and sense, especially when, as in
Bagehot’s case, they are combined with humour and with good-humour.[979]
[Sidenote: _R. H. Hutton._]
The criticism of a critic just cited, the late Mr R. H. Hutton, affords
opportunity for at least a glance at one of the most important general
points connected with our subject—the general distaste for pure
criticism, and the sort of relief which _l’homme sensuel moyen_ seems to
feel when the bitter cup is allayed and sweetened by sentimental, or
political, or religious, or philosophical, or anthropological, or
pantopragmatic adulteration. Mr Hutton’s criticism was, it is believed,
by far the most popular of his day; the very respectable newspaper which
he directed was once eulogised as “telling you what you _ought to_ read,
you know ”—a phrase which might have awakened in a new Wordsworth
thoughts too deep for tears or even for laughter.
[Sidenote: _His evasions of literary criticism._]
The commentary on it is supplied by the two volumes of Mr Hutton’s
selected and collected _Essays_.[980] These constantly deal with things
and persons of the highest importance in literature; but they abstain
with a sort of Pythagorean asceticism from the literary side of them. In
his repeated dealings with Carlyle, it is always as a man, as a teacher,
as a philosopher, as a politician, as a moralist, that he handles that
sage—never directly, or at most rapidly and incidentally, as a writer.
On Emerson he is a little more literary, but not much: and on him also
he slips away as usual. Even with Poe, whom one might have thought
literary or nothing, he contrives to elude us, till his judgment on the
Poems suggests that _inability_ to judge literature caused his refusal.
Dickens, Amiel, Mr Arnold himself—the most widely differing persons and
subjects—fail to tempt him into the literary open; and it is a curious
text for the sermon for which we have here no room that he most nearly
approaches the actual literary criticism of verse, not on Tennyson, not
on “Poetry and Pessimism,” not on Mr Shairp’s _Aspects of Poetry_, but
on Lord Houghton. He goes to the ant and is happy: with deans, and
bishops, and archbishops, and cardinals he is ready to play their own
game. But if Literature, as literature, makes any advances to him, he
leaves his garment in her hands and flees for his life.
[Sidenote: _Pater._]
To assert too positively that Mr Walter Pater was the most important
English critic of the last generation of the nineteenth century—that he
stands to that generation in a relation resembling those of Coleridge to
the first, and Arnold to the latter part of the second—would no doubt
cause grumbles. The Kingdom of Criticism has been of old compared to
that of Poland, and perhaps there is no closer point of resemblance than
the way in which critics, like Polacks, cling to the _Nie pozwalam_, to
the _liberum veto_. So, respecting this _jus Poloniæ_ let us say that
those are fair reasons for advancing Mr Pater to such a position, while
admitting that he is somewhat less than either of his forerunners.
[Sidenote: _His frank Hedonism._]
His minority consists certainly not in faculty of expression, wherein he
is the superior of both, nor in fineness of appreciation, in which he is
at least the equal of either: but rather in a certain eclectic and
composite character, a want of definite four-square originality, which
has been remarkably and increasingly characteristic of the century
itself. In one point, indeed, he is almost entitled to the highest
place, but his claim here rests rather on a frank avowal and formulation
of what everybody had always more or less admitted, or by denying had
admitted the acceptance of it by mankind at large—to wit, the
_pleasure_-giving quality of literature. Even he, however, resolute
Hedonist as he was, falters sometimes in this respect—is afraid of the
plain doctrine that the test of goodness in literature is simply and
solely the spurt of the match when soul of writer touches reader’s soul,
the light and the warmth that follow.
[Sidenote: _His_ polytechny _and his style_.]
In two other main peculiarities or properties of his—the, we will not
say confusion but deliberate blending of different arts in method and
process, and the adoption (modifying it, of course, by his own genius)
of the doctrine of the “single word,”—he is again more of a transmitter
than of a kindler of the torch. The first proceeding had been set on
foot by Lessing in the very act of deprecating and exposing clumsy and
blind anticipations of it; the second was probably taken pretty straight
from Flaubert. But in the combination of all three, in the supplements
of mother-wit, and, above all, in the clothing of the whole with an
extraordinarily sympathetic and powerful atmosphere of thought and
style—in these things he stands quite alone, and nearly as much so in
his formulation of that new critical attitude which we have seen in
process of development throughout the present volume.
[Sidenote: _His formulation of the new critical attitude._]
The documents of his criticism are to be chiefly sought in the _Studies
in the History of the Renaissance_,[981] in parts of _Marius the
Epicurean_, and, of course, in the volume of _Appreciations_, and the
little collection of Essays reprinted from _The Guardian_.[982] The
posthumous books are less to he depended on, in consequence of Mr
Pater’s very strong tendency to _cuver son vin_—to alter and digest and
retouch. I do not know any place setting forth that view of criticism
which I have myself always held more clearly than the Preface of the
_Studies_. “To feel the virtue of the poet, or the painter, to disengage
it, to set it forth,—these are the three stages of the critic’s duty.”
The first (Mr Pater does not say this but we may) is a passion of
pleasure, passing into an action of inquiry; the second is that action
consummated; the third is the interpretation of the result to the world.
[Sidenote: The Renaissance.]
He never, I think, carried out his principles better than in his first
book, in regard to _Aucassin et Nicolette_, to Michelangelo, to Du
Bellay, as well as in parts of the “Pico” and “Winckelmann” papers. But
the method is almost equally apparent and equally helpful in the more
purely “fine art” pieces—the “Lionardo,” the “Botticelli,” the “Luca
della Robbia.” In that passage on the three Madonnas and the Saint Anne
of Da Vinci, which I have always regarded as the triumph both of his
style and of his method, the new doctrine (_not_ the old) of _ut pictura
poesis_ comes out ten thousand strong for all its voluptuous softness.
This is the way to judge Keats and Tennyson as well as Lionardo: nay, to
judge poets of almost entirely different kinds, from Æschylus through
Dante to Shakespeare. Expose mind and sense to them, like the plate of a
camera: assist the reception of the impression by cunning lenses of
comparison, and history, and hypothesis; shelter it with a cabinet of
remembered reading and corroborative imagination; develop it by
meditation, and print it off with the light of style:—there you have, in
but a coarse and half-mechanical analogy, the process itself.
[Sidenote: _Objections to its process._]
I fancy that objections to this proceeding take something like the
following form: “In the first place, the thing is too effeminate, too
patient, too submissive,—it substitutes a mere voluptuous enjoyment, and
a dilettante examination into the causes thereof, for a virile summoning
of the artist-culprit before the bar of Reason to give account of his
deeds. In the second, it is too facile, too _fainéant_. In the third, it
does not give sufficient advantage to the things which we like to call
‘great.’ The moments of pleasure are too much _atomised_: and though it
may be admitted that some yield larger, intenser, more continuous
supplies of moment than others, yet this is not sufficient.” Lastly
[this is probably always _subaud._, but seldom uttered except by the
hotter gospellers], “_We_ don’t believe in these ecstatic moments,
analysed and interpreted in tranquillity; we don’t feel them, and we
don’t want to feel them; and you are a nasty hedonist if you do feel
them.”
Which protest could, no doubt, be amplified, could, with no doubt also,
be supported to a certain extent. Nor is it (though he should placard
frankly the fact that he agrees in the main with Mr Pater) exactly the
business of the present historian to defend it at any length here,
inasmuch as he is writing a history, not a “suasory.” Let it only be
hinted in passing that the exceptions just stated seem inconclusive—that
the wanters of a sense cannot plead their want as an argument that no
others have it; that the process has certainly given no despicable
results; that it has seldom demonstrably failed as disastrously as the
antecedent rule-system; and, most of all, that nothing can be falser
than the charge of _fainéantise_ and dilettanteism. Only as “the last
corollary of many of an effort” can this critical skill also be attained
and maintained.
[Sidenote: _Importance of_ Marius the Epicurean.]
At any rate, though, as often happens to a man, he became rather more of
a preceptist and less of an impressionist afterwards, Mr Pater certainly
exemplified this general theory and practice in a very notable manner.
_Marius_ is full of both: it is much more than the _Wilhelm Meister_ of
the New Criticism. It is this which gives the critical attitude of
Flavian, the hero’s friend and inspirer, the supposed author of the
_Pervigilium_; this, which is the literary function of “Neo-Cyrenaicism”
itself—the μονόχρονος ἡδονή, the integral atom, or moment of pleasure,
being taken as the unit and reference-integer of literary value; this,
which gives the adjustment _ad hoc_ of the _Hermotimus_. The theory and
the practice take their most solid, permanent, and important form in
this most remarkable book, of which I find it hard to believe that the
copy, “From the Author,” which lies before me, reached me nearly twenty
years ago. The _Renaissance_ holds the first blooms and promises of
them; _Appreciations_ and the _Guardian Essays_ the later applications
and developments; but the central gospel is here.
[Sidenote: Appreciations _and the_ “Guardian” _Essays_.]
That the opening essays of these two latter books happen to contain
references to myself is a fact. But I fancy that this will not be the
main interest of them to posterity, nor, strange as it may seem, is it
their main interest to me.[983] The Essay on _Style_ which opens the
larger and more important book, is, I think, on the whole, the most
valuable thing yet written on that much-written-about subject. It
presents, indeed, as I have hinted, a certain appearance of “hedging,”
especially in the return to matter as the distinction between “good art”
and “great art,” which return, as easily rememberable and with a
virtuous high sound in it, appears to have greatly comforted some good
if not great souls. Certainly a pitcher of gold is in some senses
greater than a pitcher of pewter of the same design, especially if you
wish to dispose of it to Mr Polonius. A pewter amphora is again in some
senses greater than a pewter cyathus. But it does not seem to me that
this helps us much. How good, on the other hand, and how complete, is
that improvement upon Coleridge’s dictum, which makes Style consist in
the adequate presentation of the writer’s “sense of fact,” and the
criticism of the documents adduced! How valuable the whole, though we
may notice as to the writer’s selection of _prose_ literature as the
representative art of the nineteenth century, that this was _his_ art,
his in consummate measure, and that verse was not. Altogether, in short,
a great paper,—a “furthest” in certain directions.
There is an interesting tender, or rather pilot-boat, to this Essay in
the first of the _Guardian_ Reviews on “English Literature,” where the
texts are the present writer’s _Specimens_, Professor’s Minto’s _English
Poets_, Mr Dobson’s _Selections from Steele_, and one of Canon Ainger’s
many bits of yeoman’s service to Lamb. The relation is repeated between
the Wordsworth Essay in _Appreciations_ and a Wordsworth review among
the _Guardian_ sheaf: while something not dissimilar, but even more
intimate, exists between the “Coleridge” Essay and the introduction to
that poet in Mr Ward’s well-known book, which Introduction actually
forms part of the Essay itself. In the two former cases, actual passages
and phrases from the smaller, earlier, and less important work also
appear in the larger and later. For Mr Pater—as was very well known,
when more than thirty years ago it was debated in Oxford whether he
would ever publish anything at all, and as indeed might have been seen
from his very first work, by any one with an eye, but with no personal
knowledge—was in no sense a ready writer, and, least of all, anxious to
write as he ran, that those who run might read. There have been critics
who, without repeating themselves, and even, perhaps, with some useful
additions and variations, could write half a dozen times on the same
subject; and indeed most literary subjects admit of such writing. But
such (we need not say frivolity but) flexibility was not in accordance
with Mr Pater’s temperament.
There is hardly one of the papers in either book (though some of the
_Guardian_ pieces are simple, yet quite honest and adequate reviews)
that does not display that critical attitude which we have defined
above, both directly and in relation to the subjects. The most
interesting and important passages are those which reveal in the critic,
or recognise in his authors, this attitude itself—as when we read of
Amiel: “In Switzerland it is easy to be pleased with scenery. But the
record of such pleasure becomes really worth while when, as happens with
A., we feel that there has been and, with success, an intellectual
effort to get at the secret, the precise motive, of this pleasure—to
define feeling.” Indeed, I really do not know that “to define feeling”
is not as good—it is certainly as short—a definition of at least a great
part of the business of the critic as you can get. And so again of Lamb:
“To feel strongly the charm of an old poet or moralist,... and then to
interpret that charm, to convey it to others,... this is the way of his
criticism.”
It is certainly the way of Mr Pater’s, and it is always good to walk
with him in it—better, I venture to think, than to endeavour to follow
him in his rarer and never quite successful attempts to lift himself off
it, and flutter in the vague. Good, for instance, as is the Essay on
“Æsthetic Poetry,” it would have been far better if it had contented
itself with being, in fact and in name, what it is in its best parts—a
review of Mr William Morris.[984] This, however, was written very early,
and before he had sent out his spies to the Promised Land in _The
Renaissance_ (and they had brought back mighty bunches of grapes!),
still more before he had reached the Pisgah of _Marius_. Even here
though, and naturally still more in the much later paper on Rossetti, he
presents us, as he does almost everywhere, with admirable, sometimes
with consummate, examples of “defined feeling” about Wordsworth and
Coleridge, about Browning and Lamb, about Sir Thomas Browne (one of his
most memorable things), about more modern persons—Mr Gosse, M. Fabre, M.
Filon. Particularly precious are the three papers on Shakespeare. I have
always wished that Mr Pater had given us more of them, as well as others
on authors possessing more of what we may call the _positive_ quality,
than those whom he actually selected. It would, I think, speaking
without impertinence, have done him some good: and it would, speaking
with certainty, have done us a great deal. One may sometimes think that
it was in his case (as in some others, though so few!) almost a pity
that he was in a position to write mainly for amusement. But it is not
likely that his sequestered and sensitive genius could ever have done
its best—if it could have done anything at all—at forced draught. So, as
usual, things are probably better as they are.
[Sidenote: _Universality of his method._]
What, however, is not probable but certain, and what is here of most
importance, is that the Paterian method is co-extensive in possibility
of application with the entire range of criticism—from the long and slow
degustation and appreciation of a Dante or a Shakespeare to the rapidest
adequate review of the most trivial and ephemeral of books. Feel;
discover the source of feeling (or no feeling, or disgust, as it will
often be in the trivial cases); express the discovery so as to
communicate the feeling: this can be done in every case. And if it
cannot be done by every person, why, that is only equivalent to saying
that it is not precisely possible for everybody to be a critic, which,
again, is a particular case of a general proposition announced in choice
Latin a long time ago, practically anticipated in choicer Greek long
before, and no doubt perfectly well understood by wise persons of all
nations and languages at any time back to the Twenty-third of October
B.C. 4004, or any other date which may be preferred thereto. Besides the
objections before referred to, there may be others—such as that the
critic’s powers, even if he possesses them, will become callous by too
much exercise,—an objection refuted by the fact, so often noticed, that
there is hardly an instance of a man with real critical powers becoming
a worse critic as he grew older, and many a one of his becoming a
better. But, at any rate, this was Mr Pater’s way of criticism: this had
already been the way pursued, more or less darkling or in clear vision,
by all modern critics—the way first definitely formulated, and, perhaps,
allowing for bulk of work, most consistently pursued, by himself. And I
have said—perhaps often enough—that I do not know a better.
[Sidenote: _Mr J. A. Symonds._]
Although the relation of “moon” to “sun,” so often used as an image in
literary history, will not work with pedantic exactness in relation to
Mr J. A. Symonds and the critic just mentioned,—for the moon is not many
times more voluminous than the sun, and there are other difficulties,—it
applies to a certain extent. Both were literary Hedonists; both were
strongly influenced by Greek and Italian. But Mr Symonds’s mind, like
his style, was very much more irregular and undisciplined than Mr
Pater’s (which had almost something of Neo-classic precision adjusting
its Romantic luxuriance), and this want of discipline let him loose[985]
into a loquacity which certainly deserved the Petronian epithet of
_enormis_, and could sometimes hardly escape the companion one of
_ventosa_. His treatise on _Blank Verse_,[986] interesting as it is,
would give the enemy of the extremer “modern” criticism far too many
occasions to blaspheme by its sheer critical anti-nomianism: and over
all his extensive work, faults of excess of various kinds swarm. But
beauties and merits are there in ample measure as well as faults: and in
the literary parts of _The Renaissance in Italy_ the author has
endeavoured to put some restraint on himself, and has been rewarded for
the sacrifice. From some little acquaintance with literary history, I
think I may say that there is no better historical treatment of a
foreign literature in English. One can never help wishing that the
author had left half his actual subject untouched, and had completed the
study of Italian literature.[987]
[Sidenote: _Thomson (“B. V.”)_]
Not much need be said of the critical production—arrested, like the
poetical, by causes unhappy but well known—of James Thomson “the
Second,” hardly “the Less,” but most emphatically “the Other.” It ought
to have been good: and sometimes (especially under the unexpected and
soothing shadow of _Cope’s Tobacco Plant_) was so.[988] Thomson had much
of the love, and some of the knowledge, required; his intellect (when
allowed to be so) was clear and strong; he was, in more ways than one,
of the type of those poets who have made some of the best critics,
despite the alleged prodigiousness of the metamorphosis. But the good
seed was choked by many tares of monstrous and fatal growth. The least
of these should have been (but perhaps was not) the necessity of working
for a living, and not the necessity, but the provoked and accepted doom,
of working for it mostly in obscure and unprofitable, not to say
disreputable, places, imposed upon a temperament radically nervous,
“impotent,” in the Latin sense, and unresigned to facts. That
temperament itself was a more dangerous obstacle: and the recalcitrance
to religion which it was allowed to induce was one more dangerous still.
There are no doubt many instances where rigid orthodoxy has proved
baneful, even destructive, to a man’s critical powers, or at any rate to
his catholic exertion of them: but there are also many in which it has
interfered little, if at all. On the other hand, I can hardly think of a
case in which religious, and of very few in which political, heterodoxy
has not made its partisans more or less hopelessly uncritical on those
with whom they disagree. Nor could the peculiar character of Thomson’s
education and profession fail to react unfavourably on his criticism. It
is hard to get rid of some ill effects of schoolmastering in any case;
it must be nearly impossible, in the case of a proud and rather
“ill-conditioned” man, who has not enjoyed either full liberal education
or gentle breeding, and who is between the upper and nether millstone,
as Thomson seems to have been, or at least felt himself, while he was a
military schoolmaster. All these irons entered into a critical soul
which might have been a fair one and brave: and we see the scars of
them, and the cramp of them, too often.[989]
[Sidenote: _William Minto._]
A journalist for one-half of his working life, and a professor—partly—of
literature for the other, William Minto executed in both capacities a
good deal of literary work: but his most noteworthy contribution[990] to
our subject consisted in the two remarkable manuals of English literary
history which, as quite a young man, he drew up.[991] To say that these
manuals were at the time of their publication by far the best on the
subject would be to say little: for there were hardly any good ones.
Their praise can be more of a cheerfully positive, and less of a
“rascally, comparative” character. They were both, but especially the
_Poets from Chaucer to Shirley_, full of study, insight, originality,
and grasp—where the author chose to indulge his genius. [Sidenote: _His
books on English Prose and Poetry._] Their defects were defects which it
requires genius indeed, or at least a very considerable share of
audacity, to keep out of manuals of the kind. There is, perhaps, too
much biography and too much mere abstract of contents—a thing which will
never serve the student in lieu of reading, which will sometimes
disastrously suggest to him that he need not read, and which must always
curtail the space available for really useful guidance and critical
illumination to him when he does. In the _Prose_ there is something
else. The book is constructed as a sort of enlarged _praxis_ on a
special pedagogic theory of style-teaching, that of the late Professor
Bain: and is elaborately scheduled for the illustration of Qualities and
Elements of Style, of Kinds of Composition. There is no need to discuss
how far the schedule itself is faulty or free from fault; it is
unavoidable that rigid adjustment to it—or to any such—shall bring back
those faults of the old Rhetoric on which we commented in vol. i., with
others more faulty than themselves. For classical literature was very
largely, if not wholly, constructed according to such schemes, and might
be analysed with an eye on them: English literature had other inceptions
and other issues. That Minto’s excellent critical qualities do not
disappear altogether behind the lattice-work of schedule-reference
speaks not a little for them.
[Sidenote: _H. D. Traill._]
Few writers have lost more by the practice of anonymous journalism than
the late Mr Traill. He engaged in it, and in periodical writing
generally, from a period dating back almost to the time of his leaving
Oxford,[992] and he had to do with it, I believe, till his death, the
extraordinary quality of his work recommending him to any and every
editor who knew his business. It was impossible, in reading any proof of
his, be it on matters political, literary, or miscellaneous, not to
think of Thackeray’s phrase about George Warrington’s articles, as to
“the sense, the satire, and the scholarship” which characterised them.
In the rather wide knowledge, which circumstances happened to give me,
of writers for the press during the last quarter of the nineteenth
century, I never knew his equal for combination of the three. [Sidenote:
_His critical strength._] For a great many years, however, chance, or
choice, or demand, directed him chiefly to the most important, as it is
thought, and the most paying, but the most exhausting and, as far as
permanent results go, the most utterly thankless and evanescent division
of journalism—political leader-writing, with actual attendance at “the
House” during the Session. And this curtailed both his literary
press-work and his opportunities of literary book-work. He did, however,
a great deal of the former: and the labours of the much-abused but
sometimes useful literary resurrection-men, who dig contributions out of
their newspaper graves, could hardly be better bestowed than upon him.
Fortunately, however, the literary side of his criticism—he was a critic
of letters and life alike, born and bred, in prose and in verse, by
temper and training, in heart and brain—remains in part of _The New
Lucian_, in the admirable monographs on Sterne and Coleridge,[993] and
in the collection of Essays[994] issued but a year or two before his
death.
[Sidenote: _On Sterne and Coleridge._]
In the three last-named volumes especially, his qualities as a critic
are patent to any one with eyes. The two monographs are models of
competence and grasp, but they are almost greater models of the
combination of vigour and sanity. Both subjects are of the kind which
used to tempt to cant, and which now tempts to paradox. To the first sin
Mr Traill had no temptation—whatever fault might have been found with
him, neither Pecksniffery nor Podsnappery was in the faintest degree his
failing. But he might have been thought likely to be tempted, as some
very clever men in our day have been, by the desire to fly in the face
of the Philistine, and to flout the Family Man. There is no trace of any
such beguilement—the moral currency is as little tampered with as it
could have been by Johnson or by Southey, while there is no trace of the
limitations of the one or of the slight Pharisaism of the other. And yet
the literary judgment is entirely unaffected by this moral rectitude:
the two do not trespass on each other’s provinces by so much as a
hair’s-breadth.
[Sidenote: _Essays on Fiction._]
The title-paper of the collected _Essays_, “The New Fiction,” connects
itself with several other pieces in the volume, “The Political Novel,”
“Samuel Richardson,” “The Novel of Manners,” and, to some extent, “The
Future of Humour.” Mr Traill was a particularly good critic of the most
characteristic product of the nineteenth century: I doubt whether we
have had a better. In poetry he seemed to me to sin a little, in one
direction (just as, I know, I seemed to him to sin in the other), by
insisting, too much in the antique fashion, on a general unity and
purpose. He shows this, I think, here in the paper on “Matthew Arnold,”
who, indeed, himself could hardly have objected, for they were
theoretically much at one on the point. But as to prose fiction he had
no illusions, and his criticism of it is consummate. We have not a few
instances of onslaughts upon corrupt developments of the art by critics
great and small; but I do not think I know one to equal Mr Traill’s
demolition of the “_grime_-novel” of to-day or yesterday. [Sidenote:
“_The Future of Humour._”] His highest achievement, however, in a single
piece, is undoubtedly “The Future of Humour,” which transcends mere
reviewing, transcends the mere _causerie_, and unites the merits of both
with those of the best kind of abstract critical discussion. One may say
of it, without hesitation, _Ça restera_; it may be lost in the mass, now
and then, but whenever a good critic comes across it he will restore it
to its place. It is _about_ a day, but not _of_ or _for_ it: it moves,
and has its being, as do all masterpieces of art, small and great, _sub
specie æternitatis_. If it were not so idle, one could only sigh at
thinking how many a leading article, how much journey-work in biography,
one would give for Traill to be alive again, and to write such criticism
as this.
[Sidenote: _Others: Mansel, Venables, Stephen, Lord Houghton, Pattison,
Church, &c._]
Others, great and small, we must once more sweep into the _numerus_
named, or unnamed. Mr Traill himself—for they were both of St John’s—may
be said to have directly inherited the mantle of Dean Mansel in respect
of critical wit and sense, though the Dean had only occasionally devoted
these qualities, together with his great philosophical powers, and his
admirable style, to pure literary criticism.[995] Of the immense
critical exercise of Mr George Venables, a little lacking in
flexibility, sympathy, and unction, but excellently sound and strong, no
salvage, I think, has ever been published: and though a good deal is
available from his yoke-fellow, Sir James Fitzjames Stephen,[996] this
latter’s tastes—as his father’s had done before, though in a different
direction—led him away from the purer literary criticism. Of three other
persons, eminent in their several ways, more substantive notice may
perhaps have been expected by many, and will certainly be demanded by
some. But Lord Houghton’s _Monographs_,[997] admirably written and
extremely interesting to read, hardly present a sufficiently individual
kind, or a sufficiently considerable bulk of matter, for a separate
paragraph. Mr Mark Pattison’s dealings with Milton and with Pope, as
well as with the great seventeenth-century scholars, may seem more, and
more imperatively, to knock for admission. As far as scholarship, in
almost every sense of the word, is concerned, no critic can surpass him;
but scholarship, though all but indispensable as the critic’s _canvass_,
needs much working upon, and over, to give the finished result. And
Pattison’s incurable reticence and recalcitrance—the temperament which
requires the French words _rêche_ and _revêche_, if not even _rogue_, to
label it—were rebel to the suppleness and _morigeration_ which are
required from all but mere scholastic critics. The happier stars or
complexion of his near contemporary, Dean Church, enabled him to do some
admirable critical work on Dante, on Spenser, and on not a few others,
which will be found in the _English Men of Letters_, in Mr Ward’s
_Poets_, in his own Collected _Essays_, and in separate books. Dr Church
combined, with an excellent style, much scholarship and a judgment as
sane as it was mild, nor did he allow the natural drift of his mind
towards ethical and religious, rather than purely literary,
considerations to draw him too much away from the latter.
[Sidenote: _Patmore._]
Mr Coventry Patmore has been extolled to the skies by a coterie. But to
the cool outsider his criticism, like his poetry, has somewhat too much
the character of “diamondiferous rubbish,”—a phrase which, when applied
to the poetry itself, did not, I am told, displease him. For though, in
_Principle in Art_[998] and _Religio Poetæ_[999] there may be a few
things rich and rare, there is a very large surplusage of the _other_
constituents of the mixture. The short articles of the first volume
consist almost wholly of it, and might have been left in the columns of
the Daily Paper in which they appeared with a great deal of
advantage.[1000] Indeed those on Keats, Shelley, Blake, and Rossetti,
which unfortunately follow each other, make a four-in-hand good only for
the knacker. Mr Patmore, when he wrote them, was too old to take the
benefit of _no_-clergy, to be allowed the use of undergraduate paradox.
And as, unfortunately, he was a craftsfellow, and a craftsfellow not
very popular or highly valued with most people, his denigration is all
the more awkward. A man who says that _The Burden of Nineveh_ “might
have been written by Southey” (and I do not undervalue Southey), must
have an insensible spot somewhere in his critical body. A man who says
that Blake’s poetry, “with the exception of four or five pieces and a
gleam here and there,” is mere drivel, must be suffering from critical
hemiplegia. There are better things in the other volume, and its worst
faults are excesses of praise, always less disgusting, though not always
less uncritical, than those of blame. But I am not here giving a full
examination to Mr Patmore’s criticism, I am only indicating why I do not
here examine it, as I am perfectly ready to do at any moment in a proper
place.
[Sidenote: _Mr Edmund Gurney._]
There were, I think, few English writers of the last quarter of the
nineteenth century who showed more of the true critical _ethos_ than the
late Mr Edmund Gurney. I did not know Mr Gurney myself, but most of my
friends did; a situation in which there is special danger (when the
friends are complimentary) of the fate of Aristides for the other
person. But the good things which were told me of Mr Gurney I find to be
very much more than confirmed by his books, though, of course, I also
find plenty to disagree with. The earlier of them, _The Power of
Sound_,[1001] is in the main musical; and I have generally found (though
there are some capital exceptions) that critics of poetry, or of
literature generally, who start from much musical knowledge, are
profoundly unsatisfactory, inasmuch as they rarely appreciate the
radical difference between musical music and poetical music. Even
Mitford fails here. But Mr Gurney does not. He was the first, or one of
the first, I think, in English to enunciate formally the great truth
that “the setting includes a new substance”—meaning not merely the
technical music-setting of the composer, but that “sound accompaniment”
which, in all poetry more or less, and in English poetry of the
nineteenth century especially, gives a bonus, adds a _panache_, to the
meaning.
[Sidenote: The Power of Sound.]
He was right too, I have not the slightest doubt, in laying it down that
“metrical rhythm is imposed upon, not latent in, speech”; and he went
right, where too many scholars of high repute have gone wrong, in seeing
that the much-decried English scansion-pronunciation of Latin almost
certainly brings out _to an English ear_ the effect on a Latin one,
better than any conjectured attempt to mimic what might have been the
Latin pronunciation itself. I was delighted to find that he, too, had
fixed upon Tennyson’s “Fair is her cottage” (his is not quite my view,
and perhaps we were both guided by a reported speech of Mr Spedding’s)
as almost the _ne plus ultra_ of “superadded” audible and visual effect
combined. And he is well worth reading on certain “illusions” of
Lessing’s.
[Sidenote: Tertium Quid.]
The literary part of _The Power of Sound_ is, however, if not
accidental, incidental mainly: not a few of the papers in the second
volume of _Tertium Quid_[1002] deal with literature pure and simple.
They are to some extent injured by the fact that many, if not most of
them, are merely strokes, or parries, or _ripostes_, in particular duels
or _mêlées_ on dependences of the moment. And, as I have pointed out in
reference to certain famous altercations of the past, these critical
squabbles seem to me almost invariably to darken counsel—first, by
leading the disputants away from the true points, and secondly, by
inducing them to mix in their pleadings all sorts of flimsy, ephemeral,
and worthless matter. Not the point, but what Jones or Brown has said
about the point, becomes the object of the writer’s attention; he wants
to score off Brown or Jones, not to score for the truth. So when Mr
Gurney contended with the late Mr Hueffer—another literary-musical
critic, who did _not_, as Mr Gurney did, escape the dangers of the
double employ—when he contributed not so much a _tertium_ as a _quartum
quid_ to the triangular duel of Mr Arnold, Mr Austin, Mr Swinburne about
Byron—he did not always say what is still worth reading. And he makes
one or two odd blunders, such as that the French are blind to
Wordsworth, whereas Wordsworth’s influence on Sainte-Beuve, to name
nobody else,[1003] was very great. But he is always sensible,[1004] and
he always has that double soundness on the passionate side of poetry and
on the peculiar appeal of its form, which is so rare and so distinctive
of the good critic.
These qualities should, of course, appear in his essay on the
“Appreciation of Poetry”;[1005] and they do. It is, however, perhaps
well to note that, while quite sound on the point that there is a right
as well as a wrong comparison, he, like others, hardly escapes the
further danger of “confusing the confusion”—of taking what is really the
right comparison for what is really the wrong. The comparison which
disapproves one thing because it is unlike another is wrong, not the
comparison which is used to bring out a fault, though the unlikeness is
not assigned as the reason of the fault at all. But I am here slipping
from history to doctrine on this particular point. I think Mr Gurney,
right in the main, might have been still _righter_: but in general I am
sure that he had admirable critical qualities, and I only wish he had
chosen, or had been forced, to use them more fully and frequently.[1006]
CHAPTER IV.
LATER GERMAN CRITICISM.
HEINE: DECEPTIVENESS OF HIS CRITICISM—IN THE ‘ROMANTISCHE SCHULE,’ AND
ELSEWHERE—THE QUALITIES AND DELIGHTS OF IT—SCHOPENHAUER—VIVIDNESS
AND ORIGINALITY OF HIS CRITICAL OBSERVATION—‘DIE WELT ALS WILLE,’
ETC.—GRILLPARZER—HIS MOTTO IN CRITICISM—HIS RESULTS IN APHORISM, AND
IN INDIVIDUAL JUDGMENT—A CRITIC OF LIMITATIONS: BUT A CRITIC—
CARRIÈRE: HIS ‘ÆSTHETIK’—LATER GERMAN SHAKESPEARE-CRITICS—GERVINUS:
HIS “GERMAN POETRY”—ON BÜRGER—THE SHAKESPEARE-HERETICS: RÜMELIN—
FREYTAG—HILLEBRAND AND COSMOPOLITAN CRITICISM—NIETZSCHE—
‘ZARATHUSTRA,’ THE ‘BIRTH OF TRAGEDY,’ AND ‘DER FALL WAGNER’—
‘UNZEITGEMÄSSE BETRACHTUNGEN’—‘LA GAYA SCIENZA’—‘JENSEITS VON GUT
UND BÖSE,’ ETC.—‘GÖTZEN-DÄMMERUNG’—HIS GENERAL CRITICAL POSITION.
The volume of critical writing in Germany since Goethe’s death, and the
deaths of those younger contemporaries of his, like Tieck and A. W.
Schlegel, who were mentioned in our last chapter on the subject,[1007]
has been, of course, very great. The unceasing literary and scientific
industry of the nation (with, in particular, the habit of the doctoral
thesis forming almost an obligatory part of the regular education of any
man pretending to culture) has made books of more or less critical
intent and content as the sands of the sea. Yet the determination of the
national critical temperament towards abstract æsthetic, or towards the
most rudimentary and literal duties of _Quellenforschung_, of tabulation
of rhyme and word-form, and the like, together with the custom (most
fatal of all those encouraged by the thesis habit) of constantly
“shoddying-up” former inquiries into fresher form, has prevented much of
the very best kind of work from being done. If it were not for Heine,
Schopenhauer, and one other who may come more as a surprise, in the
earlier part, and the singular, erratic, and mainly wasted genius of
Nietzsche in the later, this chapter would cut a very rueful figure
beside most others in the book. Nor was any one of these primarily a
literary critic.[1008]
[Sidenote: _Heine: deceptiveness of his criticism._]
Heinrich Heine[1009] did many wonderful and many delightful things; but
though he certainly did many things more delightful, I do not know that
he ever did anything more wonderful than in making _Die Romantische
Schule_ persuade divers folk that he, the author of the _Nord-See_ in
his morning, the author of Bimini when the night had almost fallen, was
anything but a Romantic himself. This curious achievement shows the
dangers that wait upon those who peruse his criticism. If they cannot
remember that a man very frequently blasphemes, in jest or temper, what
he loves and adores, if they have not graven on their souls Lamb’s lines
which culminate in
“Not that she is truly so”—
they had much better not read Heine at all. For he will lead them into
many foolish and hurtful errors, and direct them, as by his own account
he actually did certain poor people in his impish days, to the sign of
the Stone Jug as the most comfortable and respectable hotel in
Göttingen.[1010]
[Sidenote: _In the_ Romantische Schule, _and elsewhere_.]
To put at once out of controversy what ought never to have been in it,
let any one compare the famous passage or passages in _The Romantic
School_[1011] about the Schlegels, with all their fantastic and
contemptuous satire, and the serious passage about them in the much less
well-known article on Menzel.[1012] Nay, let any man accustomed to sift
evidence compare the more serious part of the “Romantic School” passages
themselves with the less serious ones, and he will not have much doubt
left on the manner. Heine was not only one of those persons who “cannot
get enough fighting,” but one of those who always prefer the most
fantastic, the most unconventional, I fear one must in some cases say
the most unsportsmanlike, tactics and methods. He would have liked the
_savate_ better than the formal rules of the English ring, with their
pruderies about hitting below the belt and using your feet: and I think
his favourite weapon would have been that ingenious Irish implement the
Gae-Bulg, with which the great Cuchullain slew somebody else nearly as
great whose name abides not with me—a short, many-barbed harpoon which
you kicked from between your toes upwards, into the under and
unprotected part of the opponent’s stomach. The Middle Ages were
actually the most representative times of Christian literature: and had
been made even too much of as such by the school he was attacking. This
offended his Judaism, that equally passionate and unpractical form of
religion. He knew—it is one of his great critical deliverances—that if
the Romantic is not always the mediæval, the mediæval is almost always
the Romantic. And so at times there was no mercy for mediævalism and
Romanticism. At other times he went and wrote, or had already written,
_Don Ramiro_ and _Das Liedchen von der Reue_, and _Mein süsses Lieb,
wenn du im Grab_, and _Die alten bösen Lieder_, and _Ich bin die
Prinzessin Ilse_, and the best things in the _Nord-See_ itself, and the
nineteenth chapter of _Atta Troll_, and nearly the whole of the
_Romancero_, and _Bimini_!
[Sidenote: _The qualities and delights of it._]
With such a man the critical letter killeth, unless you crush the snake
on the wound, and, as the scientific people say now (justifying, like
all real new wisdom, the wisdom of old), set free the antidote which the
snake’s own blood contains for its own safety against its venom. Never
was any so liberal of this antidote, without even the trouble of
crushing, so easy to charm, so _self-charming_, as Heine. As he says
himself,[1013] “the laughter sticks in his throat,” too often and too
evidently: and all but the dullest ears should hear the sob that chokes
it. But, unfortunately, there are ears in this world that _are_ dull of
hearing; there are even several of them. And for these, as a critic,
Heine is not.[1014]
For others he is perhaps the chief, and certainly one of the earliest,
of those who have discovered that the Goddess of Criticism is really
all the different Muses in turn, and that she can be Thalia as well as
Clio. There is still an idea that the critic ought to be very serious:
and this Heine certainly was not—at least consecutively—while he was
not even quite master of his own seriousness when he had it. There is,
for an Englishman, no more agreeable spectacle of the kind than the
delightful struggle of Shakespeareolatry and Anglophobia in
_Shakespeare’s Mädchen und Frauen_.[1015] All the Victor Hugo
passages[1016] should be carefully compared, remembering of course
that the half of Hugo had not been told to Heine. So should all the
Goethe pieces,[1017] remembering, again, the interview, when the
younger poet could find nothing to say to the elder but that the
wayside plums between Jena and Weimar were good. Read him on Hoffmann
and Novalis,[1018] and remember that it is not exactly everybody—not
even every Heine (if indeed there could be more Heines than one)—that
can appreciate Novalis _and_ Hoffmann together. In fact read him
everywhere: but whenever you begin to read him, remember two little
sentences of his, and if you cannot understand and enjoy them, shut
the book. The one is that[1019] about the orange-trees at Sans-Souci
whereof “every one has its number, like a contributor to Brockhaus’s
_Konversationsblatte_.” The other is the pronouncement that “without
the Will of the Lord no sparrow falls from the housetop, and
Government-Councillor Karl Streckfuss makes no verse.” These will
serve as useful tuning-forks, and they are not difficult to carry
about and use.
In fine, Heine is a dangerous model, no doubt; yet even as a model he
gave something to Criticism which it had not possessed before, which
even Voltaire was unable to give it, because _his_ laughter was too far
removed from tears. Heine’s humour too often turned to the humoursome:
but it was always present. And Humour is to the critic very nearly what
Unction is to the preacher, in its virtue as well as in its danger.
Moreover if he could certainly hate he could as certainly love—could not
help loving. And when you find Love and Humour together, they and you
are not far from the critical Kingdom of Heaven.[1020]
[Sidenote: _Schopenhauer._]
The critical work of Schopenhauer[1021] is partly to be found in his
great book, but it there assumes forms which are not of those with which
we chiefly busy ourselves, while the critical sections of the _Parerga
und Paralipomena_[1022] are ours—“stock, lock, and barrel”—a familiar
metaphor which ceases to be hackneyed in face of the peculiar
combativeness of Schopenhauer’s thought and style. They have all the
refreshing quality of audacious originality and crisp phrase,[1023] and
they have perhaps less than is the case elsewhere the perverseness—in
fact, the mere ill-temper—which was the result, partly of his dreary
creed, partly of the injustice with which he considered himself to be
treated by the _Verdammte Race_.
[Sidenote: _Vividness and originality of his critical observation._]
In these latter moods he is sometimes very amusing, as where he speaks
of “a disgusting jargon like the French,”[1024] or whenever he mentions
Fichte, Schelling, or Hegel; but in them few men are critical, and
Schopenhauer is certainly not one of the few. One might make a not
uninteresting critical postil or _annotatiuncula_ on the enthusiasm of
this pessimist for Scott: but it would be a slight divagation. Read all
that he has to say on Style;[1025] it is the best thing, I think, that
has ever been written on that subject in German, and one of the best
things ever written in any language. It is conspicuously free from the
old jest (repeated after Diderot on Beccaria so often) that there is
nothing of his subject in his treatment; and we may forgive him for
denouncing Parenthesis, when we remember the misconduct of the Germans
towards that delightfullest of Figures. Among his numerous judgments, of
more wisdom than mercy, none is better suited for these times (in which
the evil, bad in his own, has grown worse) than his condemnation of the
idea that “the last work is always the best,” that “what is written
later is always an improvement on what was written before.”[1026] Nor is
Schopenhauer’s anathema on reading pure and simple too strong, if it be
taken with the grain of salt always necessary as seasoning to his strong
meat—which grain is in this place the addition, “what is not worth
reading, and what is merely _new_.”[1027]
Nor (as though he could leave no literary fault of his and our time
untransfixed) does he spare the labour lost on biography and inquiry
into originals and the like—“the analysing,” as he calls it, “of clay
and paint instead of admiring the shape and colour of the vase.”[1028]
No critic, who is not very uncertain of himself, need be annoyed by the
characteristic observation on the critical faculty, “there is _for the
most part_ no such thing.”[1029] For each of us may flatter himself that
he is the exception, and need have no doubt about the rule. And, as a
matter of fact, Schopenhauer proceeds to show that there _is_ a critical
faculty, and that he knows very well what it is, and that he has it. If
he condemns comparison, it is only what we have so often called the
wrong comparison; he lays the very strongest emphasis on the Golden Rule
of Criticism—that a poet, or any writer, is to be judged by his best
things. On the old subject of the value of immediate and popular
recognition, he is perhaps too interested a judge: and there is also
evident temper in his exhortation to critics to “scourge mercilessly,”
his doctrine that “Politeness in criticism is injurious.” As the world
goes, the critic who accepts it as his first duty to scourge
mercilessly, to neglect politeness, is quite as likely to scourge the
few good books as the many bad, and will certainly do _himself_
irreparable harm. So, also, while recognising the nobility of much that
Schopenhauer has written on genius,[1030] we shall perhaps think that
his encomia on arrogance and his disapproval of modesty are slightly
unnecessary. Let us, at any rate, first light our largest lantern, and
go out in the brightest day our climate allows, to find these modest
men.
[Sidenote: Die Welt als Wille, &c.]
In the æsthetic section,[1031] main and appended, of his great book
itself, Schopenhauer concerns us less. It may be quite true[1032] that
the subjective part of æsthetic pleasure is delight in perceptive
knowledge, independent of Will; and the bass may be “the lowest grade of
the objectification” of the said Will. But according to the views,
perhaps wrongly but constantly maintained in this book, positions of
this kind have nothing to do with the discovery or the defence of any
concrete critical judgment whatsoever. We find of course—as we must find
in any man of Schopenhauer’s powerful intellect and wide knowledge—
divers interesting _aperçus_, not always or often conditioned by a tame
consistency. Thus[1033] he dislikes rhyme altogether, but sees, as not
everybody since has seen, and as comparatively few had seen before him,
the beauty of rhymed Mediæval Latin. The passage on the sublimity of
silence and solitude is an extremely fine one: and if his general
quarrel with the world puts him in an unnecessary temper with minor
poets,[1034] it is interesting to compare his attack on them with
Castelvetro’s.[1035] It would be very interesting, too, to compare and
connect his views on Poetry with his very celebrated opinions on Love:
but _non nostrum est_.[1036] And it is only when Schopenhauer touches
ethics that he is disputable; on æsthetic questions in the applied sense
he seldom goes wrong, and is always stimulating and original to the
highest degree.
[Sidenote: _Grillparzer._]
Our “surprise” is the Austrian poet, Grillparzer.[1037] I am told by
persons who know more about that matter than I do, that Grillparzer was
a remarkable playwright; I am sure that he is a remarkable critic. Four
volumes of his Works are devoted to this subject, and nearly the whole
of one of them[1038] is occupied by critical _pensées_ and aphorisms of
the kind in which Joubert is the great master. Grillparzer is not the
equal of the Frenchman, nor has he the depth of his countryman Novalis:
but his critical matter is more abundant than the latter’s, and it is of
a rather more practical kind. He seems, at all times of his long life,
to have practised, and he has explicitly, preached, what I myself
believe to be certainly the most excellent if not the only excellent way
of criticism. [Sidenote: _His motto in criticism._] The delivery unto
Satan of all theory, which I have put in the forefront of this Book, is
of course intentionally hyperbolical: yet what he puts in the forefront
of his own is quite sober. “My plan in these annotations is, without any
regard to system, to write down on each subject what seems to me to flow
out of its own nature. The resultant contradictions will either finally
clear themselves away, or, being irremovable, will show me that no
system is possible.” I am by no means sure that this was not the
practice of Aristotle; it pretty certainly was that of Longinus; I have
endeavoured to show that, pursued as it was by Dryden all through his
literary life, it made him a very great critic; and it was to no very
small extent (though in his case it was hampered and broken into by his
fatal inconsecutiveness) the method also of Coleridge. Grillparzer had
not the genius of these men: but he seems to have pursued his own method
faithfully for some fifty or sixty years, and the result is some mediate
axioms of very considerable weight, and a large body of individual
judgments which are at least of interest.
[Sidenote: _His results in aphorism,_]
The former are perhaps the better. He has even attempts at the
definition of Beauty, which are as good as another’s, holding that the
Beautiful not merely gives satisfaction and appeasement to the sensual
part in us, but also lifts up the soul.[1039] This, at least, escapes
the witty judgment of Burke quoted above, after Schlegel. He has the
combined boldness and good sense[1040] to see and say that “Sense _is_
prose”—to cry woe on the poetry that can be fully explained by the
understanding. He has dealt a swashing blow[1041] at a terribly large
part of ancient and modern criticism in the words, “Pottering,
[“Schlendrian,”] and Pedantry in Art always delight in judging by Kinds—
approving this and denouncing that. But an open Art—sense knows no
Kinds: only individuals.” He is interesting and distinctly original on
Dilettanteism:[1042] stigmatises in women (I fear he might have added
not a few men) the “inability to admire what you do not wholly
approve,”[1043] and says plumply,[1044] _Klassisch ist fehlerfrei_, a
proposition which begs the question as little as any on a question that
is always begged.
Nearly all his aphorisms on poetry and prose blend neatness and adequacy
well, as this:[1045] “Prose and Poetry are like a journey and a walk.
The object of the journey lies at its end: of the walk, in the walking.”
Nay, he is blunter still, and to some people perhaps quite shocking, in
comparing the two to eating and drinking.[1046] A text for a weighty
critical sermon might, I think, be found in an aphorism of his,[1047]
which is not easy to translate into English without periphrasis: and
though he does not often venture upon the complicatedly figurative,
there is another[1048] about Islands which I wish Mr Arnold had known,
that he might have given us a pendant to _Isolation_. In fact, in these
meditations of his, Grillparzer, though never pretentiously Delphic, is
always for thoughts.
[Sidenote: _and in individual judgment._]
The very large body[1049] of individual judgments on literature, ancient
and modern, with which he supports these, and from which, in part no
doubt, he drew them, is, on the whole though not wholly, a little
inferior. But we can see the reason for this inferiority where it
exists, and even then it does not make him worthless. He has somewhat
imperfect sympathies. On Shakespeare’s Sonnets[1050] he is not much
better than Hallam; his single judgment on Heine,[1051] though
studiously moderate, might almost be called studiously inadequate: and
in talking of Friedrich Schlegel he cannot forget the author of
_Lucinde_, or that when they once met at Naples, the future mystic and
Neo-Catholic ate too much, drank too much, and talked too greasily.
This, considering that he himself can admire _The Custom of the
Country_, seems a little hard.
[Sidenote: _A critic of limitations: but a critic._]
Grillparzer is, in fact, one of those critics in exploring whose region
one gets to be familiar with certain danger-signals which are not always
signals of danger only. As a practised playwright he speaks with special
interest on Shakespeare, and he has given us judgments on other
dramatists, which have not less. His appreciation, by no means
indiscriminate, of Beaumont and Fletcher[1052] is specially noteworthy,
and he has a whole volume on the Spanish Drama. I do not know whether
any of our modern Byron-worshippers are acquainted with his
estimate[1053] of their idol, whom he fully accepts as “the second
greatest English poet,” but of whom he gives an idea quite different
from the average Continental one. As a dramatist once more, and a man
with dramatic ideas, he is extremely hard on Lessing;[1054] but I do not
know an admiring critic of Goethe who is much better[1055] on that
difficult person. We know that he will not appreciate Walther von der
Vogelweide, though he has no strong anti-mediæval prejudice as such; and
he does not.[1056] Finally, let me give, as remarkable, his coupling of
Adam Smith’s _Wealth of Nations_ and A. W. Schlegel’s _Lectures on
Drama_ as “two of the most mischievous books of modern times for an
inexperienced understanding.” I am not satisfied with his calling Tieck
a “chattering noodle” (“Fasler”), but at any rate he calls Gervinus
“absurd.” He returns again and again to the charge against this latter
egregious person, who is still quoted by the compilers of Shakespeare
Hand-books and the writers of examination papers. If I had any need of
pardoning (which I have not, since I understand them) his remarks on
Walther, on the Sonnets, and on Heine, I would do it at once for the
exclamation, “Du lieber Himmel!” which he, a German, makes on Gervinus’s
most famous boast that “the English have left it to us Germans to do
full justice to their Shakespeare,” and for his explosion at the methods
by which “_bis aufs Blut_ wird alles erklärt.”[1057]
In short, I strongly recommend Grillparzer, about whom I have seen very
little in English, to study at the hands of those Englishmen who take an
interest in criticism. A very considerable man of letters himself, he
seems to have never, in the course of his long life, lost interest in
the work of others. He had some natural limitations, and they appear to
have been further tightened by his playwrightship and by the influence
of Joseph Schreyvogel, a sort of Austrian Nisard, of whom I do not know
much.[1058] But the quotations and account which I have given will, I
think, show that he had no small root of the critical matter in him, and
that in more than one or two instances he enunciated _and observed_
critical truths which are not exactly the stereotyped headings of the
critical copybook.
It is not necessary here, after what has been said repeatedly before, to
enter into any apology for not discussing the abstract Æsthetic of the
German nineteenth century. Even Hegel, though he is tempting, must be
omitted; for, as an authority of unsuspected competence[1059] observes
with some naïveté on this very point, “it is undoubtedly difficult to
get a net result out of Hegel,” and it is with net results that we are
concerned. But a disciple of his may be usefully discussed with
reference to the more general sides of the matter.
[Sidenote: _Carrière: his_ Æsthetik.]
The _Æsthetik_[1060] of Moritz Carrière is a sort of object-lesson on
its subject. The praises which have been bestowed on its style are quite
justified: there is no German book of the kind known to me that is
pleasanter to read. Its learning and its arrangement are all that can be
desired. And yet, as one reads it, the old reflections on _The Elements
of Criticism_ arise (with a difference of course) once more. The
impressions produced are rather those of a long course of elegant
sermons, with æsthetic substituted for theology, than of anything else.
Here you may read that women are smaller than men; that “as the noses of
children are small and stumpy, a _retroussé_ nose in the adult indicates
want of development, though with elegant culture [of the feature or the
person?] it may be naïve and roguish”; that dilettanti are always
plagiarists. The conclusion of the second volume, to the extent of
nearly two hundred pages, is devoted to Poetry, and is very good
reading. Sometimes whole pages are neatly woven of agreeable poetical
citations, or of dicta from more or less important persons,—“Schiller
says,” “Goethe observes,” and so on. We learn further how Music
“presents the idea as the principle and measure of the movement of life,
and connects the beauty of that which is to come with that of what is”—
like, say, a dinner-bell when one is talking to an agreeable person in a
pretty drawing-room. Observe that Herr Carrière is neither quack nor
twaddler; he does really feel the beauties about which he is talking.
Such a passage as that at the foot of p. 457, vol. ii., and the top of
the next, on Homer’s method of bringing scenes and figures before us, is
real criticism of a valuable kind,—not more, it is true, than a
corollary of Lessing’s propositions, but worth adding to them, for all
that. I know hardly anything more shrewdly and amusingly adjusted, as a
sort of æstheticised “Rhetoric” of the Hermogenean type, than the
remarks and illustrations about Figures, from that of the orator who
said, “Let us burn our ships and launch out boldly into the open sea,”
onwards. The attempts to connect different metres with distinctive
mental effects, or with separate classes of subject, are again most
ingenious. His defence of the rhymes of the _Nibelungenlied_ against the
characteristic criticism of Gervinus is admirable. In fact, the book is
almost everywhere, as Mr Weller would say, “wery pretty.”
Only—as we have so often been constrained to add in dealing with
critics, from the Greek Rhetoricians downwards—how much better employed
would this erudition, this taste, this ingenious adjustment of
exposition to example, have been upon individual and complete poems,
books, writers! These pieces, these selected examples, are after all
only branches torn from the living trunk, mutilated things, wanting
their context almost always to give them full beauty and their own
beauty. But this is not the worst: for at least on the doctrine of the
Poetic Moment they will sometimes give that moment. But they are
produced, not to give it but to exemplify a presumed classification and
analysis of the manner of its giving. They have to yield a formula: and
insensibly, inevitably, the heresy will grow upon the reader, that the
formula will yield _them_. It is as if some diabolical physiologist took
Helen from the arms of Paris or of Faustus, extracted her eyes, or tore
off her hair, or drew ounces of the half-divine blood from her veins,
dissected and analysed them, and said, “Gentlemen, this dissection
reconstituted, this analysis ‘made up,’ will give you what is required
to make you immortal.” But, alas! it will not. And the fact is, that
_no_ explanation of the manner in which the literary delight is produced
is ever general or true of any but the individual instance. That delight
is never the same twice running: these stars always have some, it may be
infinitesimal, but discernible and individualising, glory. Yet Herr
Carrière is a craftsmanlike and entertaining demonstrator of the
Undemonstrable.
[Sidenote: _Later German Shakespeare-critics._]
The performances of the later German Shakespeare-critics are so much
better known in England than almost any other part of the literature of
the subject that it seems unnecessary to devote much of our rapidly
disappearing space to them. Gervinus, Delius, Ulrici, Elze, have all
been translated, quoted, and so forth, with the curious deference to
foreign opinion in matters of taste, which has so oddly accompanied
English stiff-neckedness in general. [Sidenote: _Gervinus: his_ German
Poetry.] I am bound to say that I think not much of any of these
pundits;[1061] and least of all of their great Panjandrum Gervinus. His
critical quality, however, may be for our purpose better gauged by
taking his large work on German Poetry.[1062] It is an estimable book
enough; the author often says what he ought to have said, and does not
very often or very outrageously say what he should not. But the faults
of his Shakespeare-criticism—platitude, verbiage, attention to the
unnecessary, and avoidance of the heart and root of the matter, the
quality of Shakespeare as an English poet, mark this also. Take persons
most diverse in character, time, what you will—take Walther von der
Vogelweide, Hans Sachs, Opitz, Novalis, for instance—and read his
verdicts on them. You will find that in the first place he hardly ever
quotes or appreciates a _phrase_—in itself a tell-tale, and damagingly
tell-tale, abstinence. But you will also find, in compensation for this
reticence, a flood of general remark, (false) comparison, see-saw
antithesis, and the like. By no means his worst judgment, but a most
characteristic one, is that on Bürger, which I may partly translate,
partly summarise, from the original:[1063]—
[Sidenote: _On Bürger._]
“Bürger then appears to us as at once a pathological and a critical
poet, a poet of Nature and of Art, a poet of the people and of Love. He
belongs at once to the school of the North and to that of the South,
relies at once on sensations and reflections. His nature-painting is
apparently dashed on with a big brush, but it is careful in detail.
There is in him a fight of the Universal and the Particular, of Art and
Nature, of Endowment and Facility, of Poetry and Platitude.”
I do not know how many readers will sympathise with, or even understand,
the kind of rage which, I confess it, such criticism as this excites in
my mind. It is not exactly false criticism; on the contrary, it is
rather true. But its truth has nothing vital, nothing germinal, nothing
specially appropriate to the subject in it: and if there can be said to
be anything specially appropriate to the writer, it is only matter for
an unfavourable judgment of him. Any man, with a good deal of reading
and a little practice, can string tic-tac antitheses of this kind, made
up of critical commonplaces and terminology, together for pages. No man,
from anything of the kind, could grasp the real _differentia_ of Bürger—
the fact that he was one of the first to make, in poetry, an almost
convulsive attempt to get out of the conventional by attempting the
supernatural.
In all these German Shakespeare-critics, moreover, the fault (which we
have noticed even in Goethe) reappears, that they are criticising, not
Shakespeare, but the translation of Shakespeare; that while they have
plenty to say about the plot, and the “points in Hamlet’s soul,” and
even sometimes the text in its lower aspects, the other and over-soul,
the essence, the poetry, of Shakespeare not merely escapes, but
apparently fails to interest or occupy them at all. On the accidents,
the unnecessary things, they are voluble. “The rest is silence”—to
expand which text in its present bearing were an insult.
[Sidenote: _The Shakespeare-heretics: Rümelin._]
A word or two, however, may be given to the arch-heretic in this
division—the interesting Herr Rümelin.[1064] I find, in relation to this
subject, a MS. note, of no matter what author, which may deserve
quotation, despite the impropriety of its phraseology: “_Asinus
Rumelinus_. Asinity much invited by precedent asinity on the other
side.” And really there is something in this. It is not merely that Herr
Rümelin’s essay sets forth his thoughts as those _eines Realisten_, and
thus declares its author a reactionary partisan against Idealism and
Romanticism. By a quaint, but not uncommon, “suck of the current” he has
adopted not a few of the fallacies of the school he combats. It is
_their_ Shakespeare, not the Shakespeare of Shakespeare and eternity,
that he is belittling. We have seen how a sensible German like
Grillparzer treated Gervinus’s boast about Germany as Shakespeare’s
prophet. Rümelin’s demonstration that Shakespeare was forgotten in
England for 150 years is only this same boast altered a little. It is,
as every child ought to know now, and as I shall not here waste time in
proving, an absolute falsehood: but it could be of no importance to the
true critic if it were true. Gold scarcely ceases to be gold during the
time that it is, or because it is, _irrepertum_: and perhaps the only
thing that retains the slightest interest in this part of Herr Rümelin’s
examination is his use of the argument that Bacon does not mention
Shakespeare—a fertile source since of the finest mare’s-nests. But the
Essay is a really interesting one, and might have done—though I do not
know that it has done—much good to the chatterers about Shakespeare. The
Southampton chatter, the chatter about the greatness of the Elizabethan
period in connection with politics, &c., the chatter of Gervinus, the
chatter of the Romantics—against all these Rümelin directs an
anti-criticism, easy enough and sometimes not ineffective. As a Realist
he does not (we can easily see why) like the character-play. As a
Preceptist, he holds that Tragedy must not individualise, and that
scarcely one of Shakespeare’s dramas contains a _wohlgefügte
pragmatische denkbare Handlung_. As a mid-nineteenth century Liberal he
is pained to find that Shakespeare was a Royalist and an aristocrat of
the purest water. Comparing Shakespeare and Goethe (for there is much
mere Chauvinism in Rümelin), he finds that the one “flashes on things
like a rocket or a blue light,” while the other “shows them in a clear
mirror.” But after all he admits “the joy in the poet.” So perhaps this
poor heretic was not quite so far from the Kingdom of Heaven as Gervinus
and Ulrici, for in reading them you are seldom invited to consider “the
joy in the poet”—the Poetic Moment—at all.
We may conclude this chapter with notices of three later German critics,
who are, in different ways, interesting and characteristic—the novelist
Freytag; the cosmopolitan polygrapher, Karl Hillebrand; and the
greatest, if the maddest, man of letters of modern Germany—Nietzsche.
[Sidenote: _Freytag._]
For the first, Gustav Freytag’s _Technik des Dramas_[1065] could hardly
lack mention here as the principal contribution to criticism of the
chief novelist of Germany during the later nineteenth century, and as
itself one of the main contributions to a division of our subject which
comes direct from one of the main fountainheads, the _Poetics_ of
Aristotle. Freytag, however,—and the explicitness of his title bars any
complaint on the subject,—occupies himself almost wholly with the
_theatrical_ side of the matter—such questions as that of verse or prose
and the like being relegated to the close, and very briefly handled. Had
he written three hundred years earlier we should have had more room for
him. As it is, the chief thing noticeable, and that not favourably, is
his adoption of that Goethean utilitarianism which we have stigmatised
before. He says nothing, he tells us, about French classical drama or
the drama of Spain, because “we have nothing more to learn and nothing
to fear from them.” That, it need scarcely be said, is complete heresy
according to the view of criticism maintained in this book. What you
have to “fear” hardly in any case matters; and you have always something
to learn.
[Sidenote: _Hillebrand and cosmopolitan Criticism._]
Karl, or, as he sometimes called himself, Carl, Hillebrand is an
interesting figure, and withal a typical one. He invented, I think, a
useful word—“xenomania” or _Fremdensucht_—which was very proper for the
nineteenth century: he attracted the notice, in his own country, of such
a formidable and considerable person as the young Nietzsche; he wrote in
several languages and lived in more countries, especially England and
Italy. There was a time, which I can remember very well, when he “seemed
to be a pillar.” But I am not so sure that he was one. He prided himself
on his cosmopolitanism: and one of his best-known pieces, addressed to
the editor of _The Nineteenth Century_ and reprinted in the great
collection of his miscellaneous works, entitled _Zeiten Völker und
Menschen_,[1066] deals with the presence of _Fremdensucht_ and
insularity combined in Englishmen. We were, thought Herr Hillebrand some
twenty or five-and-twenty years since, interesting ourselves in
Continental matters at last, but we were not doing it in the right way.
Frenchmen thought we interested ourselves too promiscuously in their men
and matters; so did Germans. We put [_did_ we?] Mérimée and Octave
Feuillet on a level; Rachel and Madame Sarah Bernhardt. We distressed
Herr Hillebrand’s cosmopolitanism and his particularism equally.
This is a sufficiently interesting and distinct point of view to have a
few words here, especially as it has been often taken since. I venture
to disagree with it _in toto_. It is very well, if your sight is weak,
to have the best spectacles adjusted to it that art can adjust. But you
will very seldom better your sight by taking somebody else’s spectacles;
and if you borrow the spectacles of several other people and combine or
frequently substitute them, you will very soon see “men as trees
walking.” To the process of having spectacles made for yourself
corresponds that of studying foreign literatures as widely as possible
and as carefully as possible; the process of adopting French points of
view of Frenchmen, German of Germans, and the like, answers, I think, to
the other. There is a wrong interpretation of _Sportam nactus es_, but
also a right. And I think Herr Hillebrand’s own results bear out what I
have said. His critical work is very extensive; it had much, and still
has some, interest. It is the work of a man of certainly more than
average cleverness and of much more than average information; of a man
with a really fair knowledge of literature and more than a fair
knowledge of institutions, customs, national _mores_ generally. Herr
Hillebrand would never have made some, or many, of the little slips at
which we laugh so much in other people, and at which other people laugh
in us. But his cosmopolitanism, I think, eviscerated and emasculated his
genius. In re-reading essays of his which I have read before, I have
found them faded, tame, “fushionless”; in reading others for the first
time they produce the same effect without the contrast. The satirist was
justified in making fun of the “temptations To belong to other nations”;
but, in a sense of which Mr Gilbert was not thinking, and of which I
doubt his making fun, it _is_ to credit and to advantage that an
Englishman shall remain an Englishman, a German a German, and so forth.
There is a moral in the story of Antæus.
Not that there is not in Hillebrand work still interesting (though it is
usually rather too contemporary as well as too cosmopolitan) when he is
dealing with Fielding and Sterne and Milton, and Machiavelli and
Rabelais and Tasso, as well as when he is dealing with Doudan and Renan
and Taine. He was for an age: but for rather a short one. And one of his
papers is an awful example. It is entitled _Delirium Tremens_, and it
characterises the work with which it deals as a “distressing
aberration.” That work is analysed with considerable skill, and the
article contains some shrewd remarks, notably one on the invariable
tendency towards “charcoal-burner” faith of some kind even in the most
free-thinking Frenchman. Hillebrand’s strength lay in things of this
kind. But the instance shows where his strength did not lie, and that
this was in the direction of literary criticism. For this “distressing
aberration,” this effect of _delirium tremens_, is one of the capital
imaginative works of the later nineteenth century—the _Tentation de
Saint-Antoine_ of Gustave Flaubert.
[Sidenote: _Nietzsche._]
Nietzsche’s criticism[1067] is, on the one hand, very much what might be
expected by any one who might have managed (it would be difficult) to
read only that part of his work which does not contain it, and on the
other throws a very useful amount of additional light on his general
mental attitude. Himself a remarkable artist from the purely literary
side—the best modern German prose-writer by far, with Heine and
Schopenhauer—he cannot help paying literary art the same compliment
which he pays to some other things, that, not exactly of believing and
trembling, but of acknowledging as he blasphemes. He blasphemes, of
course, pretty freely: take away blasphemy, parody, and that particular
kind of borrowing which thinks to disguise itself by inserting or
extracting “nots,” and there is not much of Nietzsche left but form.
[Sidenote: Zarathustra, _the_ Birth of Tragedy, _and_ Der Fall Wagner.]
The mere headings of _Also Sprach Zarathustra_ will guide the laziest to
his ultimate opinions upon poetry and other things. At the beginning,
the _Birth of Tragedy_ (1871) is, despite its title, hardly literary at
all; its theory of an orgiastic hyperanthropic Dionysus-cult superseding
the calm “Apollonian” Epic, and itself superseded by the corrupting
philosophy of Socrates, being entirely philosophic (or philo_moric_).
Later, the onslaught on Wagner is very literary, and consists, in fact,
of a violent—of a frantic—protest against the tendencies of Romanticism,
of which he quite correctly sees that Wagner is, with whatever
differences, a musical exponent, and against “literary” music itself.
Perhaps there never was a hostile contention which the other side could
accept with such alacrity as Nietzsche’s approximation[1068]of Wagner
and Victor Hugo. They _are_ extremely alike in merits as in faults, and
the recognition of the twinship is a point in favour of Nietzsche’s
critical power, whatever his dislike of it may be.
[Sidenote: Unzeitgemässe Betrachtungen.]
To attend more heedfully to chronological order—the four remarkable
essays of the _Unzeitgemässe Betrachtungen_, which, early as they are
(1873-76), are perhaps the last things in which Nietzsche displayed
himself as entirely _compos mentis_, are close to our subject
throughout,[1069] and not seldom openly deal with it. The tremendous
castigation administered to the “Culture-Philistinism” of Strauss—a
document very fit to be registered as an abiding corrective to the hymns
of our German-praisers, from Mr. Arnold to Mr. Haldane, and all who
shall follow—is sometimes directly, and always in spirit,
literary-critical. The unfriendly attitude of the next paper to the
Study of History may seem less so, for, as we have seen, literary
criticism without literary history is almost hopeless. But here
Nietzsche’s as yet unformulated, but certainly conceived, aspirations
towards a future that was to be quite different from the past, probably
come in, and he was entitled to regard with suspicion, and to meet with
protest, the “dry-as-dust” character of German history-study. The
enthusiastic encomia on Schopenhauer and Wagner are again as constantly
literary in character as the subsequent denials of both.
[Sidenote: La Gaya Scienza.]
If the similarity of title in Nietzsche’s _La Gaya Scienza_ (“Die
Fröhliche Wissenschaft”) and in Mr Dallas’s above-mentioned book should
awake expectations of criticism in anybody, he will be at first
grievously disappointed, for, except an anticipation of a later fling at
Seneca,[1070] he will, for a long time, find nothing at all of the kind.
But he will make a very great mistake if he throws the book aside. The
aphoristic manner, or rather the manner of detached notes, like Ben
Jonson’s in the _Discoveries_, which Nietzsche had now adopted, makes it
unsafe to conclude from any one page, or even from a considerable
sequence of pages, what will meet us when we turn the next. In the
middle, and again towards the end, we come upon “pockets” of our ore.
From § 82 onwards, on the opposition of _esprit_ to the Greek temper, on
translation, on the origin of Poetry, we find many noteworthy things,
leading up to a formal note on “Prose and Poetry,” wherein is the
selection of Leopardi, Mérimée, Emerson, and Landor as the prose masters
of the nineteenth century proper. Here Mérimée’s scorn and Landor’s
pride may have had something to do with Nietzsche’s admiration: but they
cannot be said to usurp their places. I am not Italian scholar enough to
give an opinion on Leopardi’s claim. Emerson, some may think, while not
denying his merits, “a little over-parted.” I should venture to
substitute Schopenhauer, if not Nietzsche himself.[1071] And after this
we at last come on the long missing passage on Shakespeare, only to
find, as perhaps some may have been very well prepared to find, that
Shakespeare is not treated as a poet at all, but as the author of
_Hamlet_ and the creator of—Brutus! Nietzsche, as most people should
know, had a great idea of the Romans, thought them _vornehm_, and the
nearest approaches in history to the _Uebermensch_; but his special
selection of Brutus is very curious, though fortunately out of our
range. The other pocket of the book comes long afterwards, and quite
toward the end, where we get interesting things on modern German
philosophers, “learned books and literature,” and the all-important
question, “Was ist Romantik?” Here, however, Nietzsche goes off on
Apollo and Dionysus as of old.
[Sidenote: Jenseits von Gut und Böse, _&c._]
The late and already somewhat half-sane _Jenseits von Gut und Böse_,
with its still later and still more fatally symptomatic continuation the
_Genealogie der Moral_ (1887), devotes itself mainly to non-literary
exercises of Nietzsche’s general topsyturvyfication.[1072] But there are
passages which at any rate come close to literature. Such are the
curious remarks on Galiani, Aristophanes, Petronius, together with some
on Plato and Lessing, in §§ 26-28 of _Jenseits_; those on certain
Germans of the great age, from Goethe himself downwards, in § 247; very
specially those on German style and speech, in § 250; and the quaint
attack on English philosophy in § 255. It may be not improperly observed
here, in connection with Nietzsche’s Anglophobia, that besides what was,
as in the case of “der Alte Zauberer” (Wagner), a sufficient cause of
hate, the fact that he had once been rather directed by and indebted to
English thinkers,[1073] there were others. He paid us the compliment of
believing England to be the European stronghold of Christianity and
Morality, and seems to have known very little directly about us.
[Sidenote: Götzen-Dämmerung.]
The great critical “place” in Nietzsche, however, as far as I have read
him (for I have not yet had time to explore the “rubbish-heaps raked
together by abject adorers,” as a very competent authority once
described them to me, of the _Nachgelassene Werke_) is the
_Götzen-Dämmerung_ (1889), his last publication before the prison-house
closed. Nowhere is the Ishmaelite character, which reveals itself
pathetically in the _Zarathustra_, so petulantly present. The very first
paragraph batches together as “Meine Unmöglichen,” with a scornful tag
to each tail, Seneca, Rousseau, Schiller, Dante, Kant, Hugo, Liszt,
George Sand, Michelet, Carlyle, Mill, the Goncourts, and Zola—a somewhat
heterogeneous company who receive some recruits in the amplifications of
their judgments that follow. A hasty judge, who could not apply the
system of ruthless toleration which has been applied in this book, might
of course disable Nietzsche altogether on some of them. To say that
Dante is “a hyena who makes poetry in graves” is, _mutatis mutandis_, no
more and no less critical than to say that Nietzsche is a Bedlamite who
sets his Bedlam on fire and sings and dances on the blazing walls. Here
the source of uncritical blindness is obvious: and the explanation is
renewed in the cases of Mill, George Sand, and one of the later
additions, Renan. But the objection to Mill’s “_offensive_
clearness,”[1074] to George Sand as “the milch-cow of beautiful style,”
to Renan’s “nerve-dissolvingness,”[1075] are really literary objections,
and, as some may think, not unjust ones.
Very interesting is his intense hatred of Sainte-Beuve for his
“femininity,” his Romanticism (which Nietzsche does not, like some
people, mistake), and (as he lets us see, with his usual naïveté) his
critical power. His wrath with George Eliot for trying to retain
Christian morality, after giving up Christian faith, is less literary.
But, on the whole, Nietzsche’s criticism, such as it is, hangs very well
together and is characteristic enough, even where it may seem,
inconsistent. It has the special bents of the lover of _Rausch_, of the
anti-crusader to whom, not as in the case of his much-admired
Beyle,[1076] the Christian Hell, but the Christian Heaven, is something
that leaves him no peace or patience, with the general drift which we
have seen in German criticism, to fix on extra-literary points. A whole
study might be made of his attitude to Goethe, whom he welcomes,
salutes, almost adores as a fellow anti-crusader, as an example of
_vornehm_ selfishness and unsentiment, while he is never tired of
bringing in some of Goethe’s greatest things, notably the ends of both
parts of _Faust_, for his favourite end-of-the-nineteenth-century trick
of parody-reversal.
[Sidenote: _His general critical position._]
On the whole, therefore, we may call Nietzsche a contributor of
extraordinarily interesting things to our history, and in some ways a
literary critic _in potentia_, such as Germany has hardly given us save
in the case of Novalis. But here, as elsewhere, his gifts of potency
were marred by the _impotency_, the reckless, uncontrolled,
uncontrollable flux and reflux of mood and temper, which distinguished
him ever more and more. We have not required—we have seen that it is
ridiculous to require—a rigid consistency, a development only in one
straight line, from the critic. He may, he must, learn, branch out, even
sometimes retrace his steps in a moderate degree. But when we find, with
but a few years between the judgments, of Schopenhauer, that he is “a
great educator,” a sort of intellectual Joshua to the German Israel, and
that he is a “common smasher or debaser of the currency”;[1077] of
Wagner that he is a hierophant, a master of masters, the “Alexander
Magnus” of music, and that he is an “old sorcerer,” a “modern
Cagliostro,” a “seducer and poisoner of Art,” we can but shake our
heads. No man can go through such revolutions as these and remain a
critic, if he ever was one. That in some ways Criticism has seen no
nobler mind, no stronger or keener faculty, overthrown and lost to her,
is, I think, true enough: but of the overthrow and the loss I can
entertain no doubt.
CHAPTER V.
REVIVALS AND COMMENCEMENTS.
LIMITATIONS OF THIS CHAPTER—SPAIN—ITALY—DE SANCTIS—CHARACTER OF HIS
WORK—SWITZERLAND—VINET—SAINTE-BEUVE ON HIM—HIS CRITICISM OF
CHATEAUBRIAND AND HUGO—HIS GENERAL QUALITY—AMIEL: GREAT INTEREST OF
HIS CRITICAL IMPRESSIONS—EXAMPLES THEREOF—THE PITY OF IT.
[Sidenote: _Limitations of this chapter._]
Something apologetic has to be said, also, in regard to this present
chapter. It is confessedly inadequate as a History, in each individual
case, of the critical performances of European countries, other than
England, France, and Germany; it is perhaps not so inadequate as a
constituent of the present work. That the writer does not pretend to any
such acquaintance with these performances as he may, he believes, claim
with the others, may seem a rather damning plea: yet perhaps it is not
so. For it is for the other side to show that such acquaintance was
necessarily incumbent on him, and that, not possessing it, he was bound
to postpone the setting forth of what he had to say until the
acquisition was accomplished. I acknowledge that I am not of this
opinion. In some cases, as we shall see, the critical achievements now
under consideration are almost demonstrably unimportant to the general
history of Criticism as yet: and in all it may, I think, be fairly
contended that they are for the present negligible. For the present, no
doubt, only. There probably will come a time when such a new-comer as
Russian will extend to European criticism the influence which it has
already begun to exercise on European literature, and when older
literatures, like Spanish, Italian, Dutch, and the Scandinavian
varieties, will reassert, or assert for the first time, their position.
But they have hardly done so yet, save in the case of those who, like Dr
Brandes, are not of our competence, as living.
[Sidenote: _Spain._]
The most remarkable of the confessions of this with which I am
acquainted is given by the part relating to our present subject, of that
work, so freely used, and so necessarily praised, in the last volume,
the _Historia de las ideas estéticas en España_ of Señor Menéndez y
Pelayo. This consists of three substantial volumes, or about a third of
the whole work. Yet it is hardly too much to say that it is solely
concerned with æsthetic ideas _out of_ Spain—that it is an account of
the general course of European, not of the particular course of Spanish,
criticism. The foreigner and the general historian can hardly be blamed
for not attempting what the native and the specialist declines. If,
indeed, we were concerned with living writers, Señor Menéndez himself
and others would give us most satisfactory occupation: but we are not.
[Sidenote: _Italy._]
The case of Italy is rather different. Here also there are notable
critical names with which our scheme precludes us from dealing, but here
native enterprise has not “confessed and avoided.” I do not know
anything, in any other language, like the very remarkable _Antologia
della Nostra Critica Moderna_ of Signor Luigi Morandi:[1078] and I
certainly do not know of any such testimony to the existing critical
interests of another country as the fact that sixteen editions of it
appear to have been sold in little more than as many years. Yet this
very book justifies our refusal. Signor Morandi has not hesitated to
“throw back,” not merely to Manzoni, who was born fifteen years within
the eighteenth century, but even to Baretti, whose whole life was
comprised therein, and who was born in the year in which Addison died.
Yet by far the larger number of his contributors are living. They have
already done much to make good the claim of their country, if not to
that pride of critical place which she held in the sixteenth century, at
any rate to a place far higher than she could claim in the seventeenth
and eighteenth: and they are likely to go farther yet. For Italy, never
quite neglectful of the glories of her older literature, has of late
turned to their study with a will; and in this turning, as we have seen,
lies the one and certain way to a critical Renaissance.[1079]
[Sidenote: _De Sanctis._]
We must, however, give some special mention to one writer who is very
remarkable in himself, and who is generally admitted to have been, as
far as in one man lay, the author, or at least encourager, and guide of
this renewed attention to criticism in Italy. Francesco de Sanctis is
undoubtedly a very interesting person. To us his interest does not lie—
to the same extent as it may to others—in the coincidence of his time
and his efforts with the new struggle for, and attainment of, political
unity: but we can cheerfully allow a place for this. Italy wanted to do
for and by herself, in criticism as elsewhere, and he came to show her
how so to do. But from our point of view his critical character is
interesting somewhat differently, and somewhat differently explicable.
He obviously, like Mr Arnold in England, like others elsewhere, was
determined towards criticism by the influence of the French Romantics,
especially Sainte-Beuve. But he blended with the general characteristics
of this criticism not so much Mr Arnold’s specially literary devotion to
the greater gods of ancient and modern times, not so much Sainte-Beuve’s
own irresistible attraction to the character, the manners, and so forth
of his subjects—as the old Italian addiction, already revived and
redirected by Vico, towards philosophising. [Sidenote: _Character of his
work._] In the first Essay of his most famous, influential, and
characteristic book[1080] he cannot write more than a few lines without
flinging his disciple neck and heels into the ocean with the question,
as a chief one of Literature, “What is the destiny of the human
generations?” A momentous question certainly: but one which concerns
literature only as it concerns everything else from theology to
therapeutics, and perhaps a little less than it concerns most of them.
But this opens the old truceless war, and we must turn away from it. Let
me only suggest that De Sanctis is a little unfair to the ancients when
he says in the same essay that “the sense of Life begins to reveal
itself in Shakespeare.” Many a dialogue and many a chorus, many an
oration and many a historic passage, will rise up in judgment against
him for this, at the great day of critical account.
We must not, however, be too severe on him; for a certain southern
tendency to hyperbole is not one of his least engaging characteristics.
He shows himself of the nineteenth-century in general, and of the tribe
of Sainte-Beuve in particular, by being almost nothing if not an
essayist. They complain of his _History of Italian Literature_ that,
good as it is, it is too much of a bundle of Essays; his two best-known
works, _Saggi Critici_[1081] and _Nuovi Saggi_,[1082] do not pretend to
be anything else. The latter is chiefly devoted to Italian subjects, for
De Sanctis was deeply imbued with a generous cult of his own noble
literature, which is one of the best features of the Italians. The
_Saggi Critici_ is more miscellaneous, and so more representative. I do
not know his work quite exhaustively enough to be certain how much he
knew of English; but it is rather noteworthy that in dealing with
Beatrice Cenci his reference to Shelley is exceedingly slight, and might
almost be called perfunctory. On the other hand, he has an interesting
(first hand?) comparison between “Machbet” and Wallenstein. But French
literature, and especially contemporary French literature, seems to have
interested him most. He has a very vigorous and successful defence of
Hugo’s Triboulet against Saint-Marc Girardin, and what seems to me the
best, and the most characteristic, of all his essays is one on the
_Contemplations_, where two distinct and rather opposite currents of
thought and sentiment clash and ripple in the most refreshing manner.
Nowhere is there a better example of that generous hyperbolical rhetoric
which has been glanced at: no one has given a more amiable exhibition of
that _petite fièvre cérébrale_ which has been noticed more than once,
and which the great Frenchman excites in all fit minds. But while the
critical De Sanctis applauds and revels, the philosophical De Sanctis
has qualms. Is not (here we have an echo of Planche) Hugo’s art more
musical than poetical? Poetry must have “a clear silver” sound. No sound
can give you any idea: where we have Mr John Morley’s sad heresy about
the “vernal wood” anticipated. So once more the _besoin de philosopher_
did a little spoil De Sanctis, and has continued, let us say, not quite
to improve his countrymen and disciples. But he did a great, an
effectual, and to this day an enduring and admirable work: and even
Italy, high as is the standard which she has set her children, is
justified also of this her child.
[Sidenote: _Switzerland._]
The accounts which I could give of nineteenth-century criticism in most
other nations would be second-hand, would have to be meagre, and, for
the reasons just given, as well as others to be added at the end of this
chapter, would be almost superfluous; but there is one—the smallest of
all—which cannot be quite passed by. Switzerland, from geographical
situation and linguistic and racial circumstance, has always been
exposed to whatever literary influences were felt in each and all of her
three great neighbours: and her contributions to the literature of
Europe, stimulated thereby, have always been more than respectable. We
have somewhat unceremoniously classed not a few of the authors of these
contributions according to language rather than to strict nationality.
But the literary activity of the Swiss—chiefly in French, but _as_
Swiss—has been particularly great and particularly critical during the
nineteenth century: and we may give some space to two[1083] famous
examples of it, one in the earlier, one in the later, division of the
period—to Vinet and to Amiel.
[Sidenote: _Vinet._]
Alexandra Vinet was not a long-lived man, scarcely completing his
half-century. But from a very early age he was a teacher of literature,
and though he devoted part of his energies to theology and other
subjects, he was always, in a manner, a critic in his heart. His
_Chrestomathie Française_,[1084] arranged when he was little past
thirty, was one of the earliest books of the kind, and is still one of
the best, as far as its time would let it be: and his _History of
Eighteenth Century French Literature_[1085] is, and will remain, a minor
Classic. But perhaps no book of his affords better occasion for
criticising his criticism than the posthumous collection of his _Études
sur la Littérature Française au Xix^{ème} Siècle_.[1086]
[Sidenote: _Sainte-Beuve on him._]
Vinet was (to give a choice of metaphors) dubbed Knight-Critic, or
admitted of the Academy of Universal Criticism, at the hands of
Sainte-Beuve himself—the Grandmaster of Order and Academy alike—in an
article written in 1837, and at present contained in the first thirty
pages or so of the _Portraits Contemporains_, vol. iii. It is written in
a more patronising tone, with more meticulousness of detail, and with
less easy mastery of method, than it would have been as a _Causerie_, a
dozen or two dozen years later; but it is very flattering on the whole,
and well enough deserved. The Master’s sword, however, as usual, in the
process of dubbing, finds out, lightly but unerringly, the joints of the
neophyte’s harness. “Les idées morales, religieuses, chrétiennes, eurent
toujours le pas dans son esprit sur les opinions purement littéraires.”
This is the same peculiarity which, with a difference, afterwards
distinguished Vinet’s compatriot, M. Scherer: and it is very noticeable
in the book which we have selected for comment. [Sidenote: _His
criticism of Chateaubriand and Hugo._] The gown and bands of the
Protestant pastor are perpetually hampering the critic’s step and
gesture, and flopping up into his eyes. He admires Chateaubriand,[1087]
but he is constantly stopping to tell him how sad it is that he should
confuse Popish superstition with Christian verity. He admires Victor
Hugo[1088]—he does him indeed much more justice than one might have
expected, and than remarks on Vinet himself would sometimes lead the
second-hand reader to think. But he is made unhappy as a man by Hugo’s
art-for-art’s-sake attitude, by his early royalism, by his later
anti-Christianity or non-Christianity: while as a professor he is
shocked by single-syllable lines, by audacious metaphors (yet he himself
finely says somewhere that “only one poet has a greater range of
metaphor than Hugo, and that is Humanity itself”), by some real
enormities and more escapades of bravado. One is sometimes tempted to
laugh at such things as his review of _Les Burgraves_,[1089] with its
tone of half-puzzled seriousness, till one comes again to such excellent
points as the remark that “Hugo is sometimes mistakable for a parody of
Hugo.”
[Sidenote: _His general quality._]
On the whole, however, I confess that I find Vinet rather estimable than
enjoyable. He is distinctly _lourd_: though it would be unjust and
inaccurate to call him by the dictionary equivalent of that term in
English. He carries his Chair too much with him,[1090] and seems to
think it necessary to set it down with an effort, and formally establish
himself in it, before he makes any deliverance. I do not—I think I may
at this eleventh hour ask my readers if I have not justified this claim
to impartiality—object to him because he is what he calls a spiritualist
in art, or because, against my own views, he pronounces[1091] that there
can be no such thing as “pure” literature. I could produce from him a
very large number of acute and true critical _aperçus_, like those above
cited. He is never merely trivial or negligible: I do not think that he
was in the least indifferent about literature. But he seems to me to
leave his reader indifferent. His critical method has none of that
_maestria_ which carries one away, and only sets one down again when it
chooses to relax its grip. There is no stimulus in Vinet, such as we
find after widely different fashions in Sainte-Beuve himself and in
Planche, in Saint-Victor and in Taine—nay, even in M. Scherer. There is
neither persuasion nor provocation in him: he disposes you neither to
follow nor to fight.
[Sidenote: _Amiel: great interest of his critical impressions._]
Of the famous and much-discussed work of Henri François Amiel,[1092] we
are fortunately concerned only with the literary criticism, the value of
which Mr Arnold duly saw, though, in deference to other persons,
perhaps, he did not pay so much attention thereto as to some other
matters. This literary criticism is of great interest, and I may as well
say at once that I think M. Scherer did not do it justice[1093] when he
said of his friend that “en littérature, il reculait devant une œuvre.”
He could not here mean, what is true, that Amiel’s timid and
half-despairing nature recoiled before the completion of a work, for he
makes it a parallel with his recoiling before avowal in love, and quotes
his own words about his difficulty in “enjoying naïvely and simply.”
Undoubtedly this “moral eunuchism” (for it is impossible not to think of
the famous passage in _Peter Bell the Third_) is to be laid to Amiel’s
charge too often; but I think conspicuously _not_ in his presentments
and judgments of literature. He is here far more healthy and far more
natural than anywhere else. Indeed, he is sometimes so very little
sicklied over with any pale cast that he frankly and naïvely records his
changes of impression about the same book as he reads. These changes
are, in tolerably active and sensitive natures, so rapid and curious
that some practised reviewers have made it a principle, whenever they
can, first to read the book they are reviewing through, with as little
interruption as possible, lest the “plate” shift or change; and,
secondly, never to review it on the same day on which they read it, that
the impressions may have time to blend and harmonise. The most
interesting, perhaps, of Amiel’s records of experience in this kind is
the group of impressions of Eugénie de Guérin, which occur together in
the _Journal_ at vol. i. p. 197. He reads and re-reads her on successive
September days in 1864, and reads her once more in the middle of
October. The first impression (which maintains itself for the two days)
is altogether one of enthusiasm, not merely in regard to the sentimental
side, the _impression nostalgique_, &c., but with a delighted
recognition of _verve_, _élan_, greatness of soul in this “Sévigné des
Champs” [Notre Dame des Rochers will forgive!]. After the month’s
interval he does not recant: but finds a rather less charming side as
well. Eugénie’s existence is at once “too empty and too confined”: he
wants “more air and space.” Now both these impressions are genuine and
vivid: and, what is more, they are both frankly taken and expressed,
without any gaucherie or “feeling faint,” any “touching the hem of the
shift,” and daring no more.
[Sidenote: _Examples thereof._]
And this character of at least relative vivacity—of ease and power in
enjoyment—generally distinguishes, as it seems to me, the literary
entries, which have far less of what some have called the _ton
amielleux_ about them than any others. The description of the style of
Montesquieu[1094] is quite admirably true and fresh: and if that of
Joubert[1095] is open to more exception, it is precisely because Amiel
is mixing up Joubert’s utterances as a literary critic and his
utterances as a philosopher, &c., too much; because he is not keeping
his own saner organ of judgment mainly at work. The fastidious and
morbid side does show itself in that on Rousseau, which follows
immediately: but this we should expect. On Vinet,[1096] though too
complimentary, as was for a dozen reasons almost inevitable, he shows
extraordinary acuteness and _finesse_, as also on Sismondi.[1097] If he
is less satisfactory on Chateaubriand, we can again explain it, and he
does justice to _René_. The apology for Quinet[1098] is as judicious as
it is sympathetic: and I know few more curious and interesting companion
passages in criticism than those on Hugo and Lamartine earlier, on
Corneille and Hugo later, which occur almost together in the book,
though there was some time between the composition of them.[1099]
In the first of these, the juxtaposition of the citations from _Les
Châtiments_ and _Jocelyn_ is a stroke of genius; in the latter batch,
though it is quite clear that the judge does not completely like either
the author of _Polyeucte_ or the author of _Les Misérables_, the
indication of characteristics is even greater in another way, because
more elaborated and responsible. On M. Cherbuliez[1100] Amiel is again
of the first interest, because the slight over-valuation of
compatriotism on the small scale is balanced by a distinct antagonism of
“nervous impression.” And we have even a more curious “place” in the
notice of _John Halifax_,[1101] which is the last of our passages in the
first volume. Here Amiel’s starting-point is a vain imagination—the
usual misjudgment of things English, by a man who does not know England—
but the use made of it is singularly good. The second volume gives us
another invaluable pair on the most antecedently _not_ to be paired of
writers, About and Lotze—who nevertheless bring out between them the
remarkable powers of Amiel’s mind-camera. The summer of 1869 supplies
more documents on Lamennais, Heine (inadequate this latter, but again
necessarily), and Renan, with admirable obituary remarks to follow on
Sainte-Beuve. One side of Taine—the side up to the date almost solely in
evidence—comes out two years afterwards,[1102] and the remaining
references that I have are so numerous that I fear they, or rather some
of them only, must be collected in a note.[1103]
[Sidenote: _The pity of it._]
We must, however, in order to take an accurate and complete view of
Amiel as a critic, and not merely of Amiel’s occasional criticisms,
remember that these _aperçus_, brilliant as they are, are scattered over
more than thirty years, and that they form, as it were, the lucid
intervals in a lifelong night of moping, the islets far scattered and
estranged from another, amid the _nigras undas lethargi_. That the man
who wrote them was, at the time of writing, almost invariably a sane,
mentally active, “moderately cheerful” being, is, I think, absolutely
beyond question; that he might, if he had chosen to write more and to
give himself more freely to that which comes before the writing, have
freed himself to a great extent from his Melancholia, I have no doubt.
Escape from that dread yet sweet enchantress—that serpent not of old
Nile but of the older Ocean that flows round the world—no man can wholly
who has been born of her servants; probably no such man would ever wish
to do so. But there are two gates of partial and temporary emancipation—
the Gate of Humour and the Gate of Study—which she usually permits to
stand open, and through which men may pass, lest her sway become
tyranny. That of Humour was apparently barred to Amiel: the other
evidently was not. But he would very rarely use it. We know that he had
many opportunities of contributing to critical journals, and that he
would not take them, but fled back to Maya and the Great Wheel. Here the
other, the more popular, the more irritating, side of him comes in.
But I can see no _pose_ whatever in the literary entries. On the
contrary, their freshness and spontaneity make a very remarkable
contrast to almost all the rest of the book, except perhaps a few of the
Nature-passages. Still, they _are_ “intervals and islets” only—there is
a singular want of connection between them. Amiel seems seldom or never
to have troubled himself in the least about taking any connected views
of literature: he seldom or never extends the remarkable comparative
power which he shows in his various companion sketches. And, further, I
am not certain that if he had attempted regular studies or _causeries_
they would have been good—that he would not have maundered off into the
vague instead of giving grasped views and judgments. This, however, no
one can decide. What remains positive and proved is, first, that his
intellect never shows to greater advantage than in his literary
passages.
_Sed hæc hactenus._ I believe honestly, and not as a subterfuge to cover
pusillanimity or laziness, that if I were to give here an examination of
notable critics during the nineteenth century from every nation and
country in Europe, I should not really advance the survey of criticism
which we now possess in the very least. Until a time so recent that it
falls out of our consideration, all these countries and nations have
most certainly been following—until, perhaps, one which is not recent
but still to come, they seem likely to follow, the same course which the
Three First have pursued before them, and in most, if not in all cases,
have followed their leaders in a more definite order of sequence still.
All, about the second or third decade of the century, devoured Scott and
Byron; all, a little (or more than a little) later, reinforced our
influence by that of the French Romantic movement; most, earlier or
later, devoted themselves to that German literature which had in a sense
preceded ours, as it certainly had the French. In all, the Romantic
leaven worked itself out, under the conditions of the literature and the
individual, to spirit, or wine, or vinegar, as the case might be. In
all, “Realism” and “Naturalism,” “Decadence” and “Preciousness,” showed
themselves, as similar things have shown themselves many a time before,
in the merry-go-round of history and of literature. Quite lately, in
some—Russian, Norwegian, Belgian, _que-sais-je?_—signs of secondary
fermentation have been shown, which have greatly impressed some
observers. But it is as yet much too early to take serious critical
account of them.
And so the long journey—the tale of length also, which recounts it—may,
if it actually must not, end with a few general observations of summary
and reflection, to correspond to those which we have interspersed
before.
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION.
§ I. THE PRESENT STATE OF CRITICISM.
§ II. THE CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE MATTER.
I.
In a letter (written on what was to prove his deathbed) which I received
from my friend of nearly forty years, the late Bishop of London, in
reference to the first volume of this work, he said he had often wished
it possible to begin books of the kind at the end, and write backward,
so as at once to engage the interest of the reader on matter more or
less known to him, and to lead him on to the unknown by easy stages,
instead of plunging him into a bath of strange matter. I nearly always
found in Creighton’s utterances—from the time when we used to outwatch
the Bear in certain lofty rooms looking over Merton Meadow, and the
Broad Walk, and the river, towards the full of the moon—a _Hinterland_
as well as a foreground of meaning. And in this case, no doubt, the
advantage of such a topsyturvyfication, if it were practicable, would
not be confined to the reader. It is almost as important to the writer
that he should not lose himself too much in “origins”—that he should
keep fruit as well as root in view—nay, that, if possible, he should
have a sort of Alcinous' garden of the subject before him, with its
various developments simultaneously present. I hope, indeed, that I have
not quite failed, as it is, to accomplish something of this
tregetour-work for my own benefit and the reader’s. Yet even “beginning
at the end” would have had its dangers, for in no part of the book is
what we have sometimes called a “horizontal” view more necessary, or
more apparently hard to maintain, than in this present. The immense mass
of material which has to be selected or rejected is an obvious
difficulty: and the certainty that, as readers in the earlier part have
grumbled at too extensive treatment of matters of which they knew
nothing, so in this later they will grumble at too curt treatment of
what they do know and expect to be treated fully—is equally obvious. But
these are not really formidable dragons or lions. To grapple with the
first is the plain and _prima facie_ business of the adventure, and to
the second the adventurer must make up his mind.
But the knight’s worst foes now, as of old, are not lions or dragons,
but treacherous and deluding enchanters and enchantresses, taking
advantage of his own weakness. And the difficulty of keeping a steady,
achromatic, comparative estimate of the criticism of to-day and of
yesterday is in this instance Archimago and Duessa at once. We have
seen, again and again, during the progress of our history, how at one
time—a long time ago for the most part—Criticism has been entirely
bewitched by the idea of a Golden Age, when all poets were sacred and
all critics gave just judgment: how, at another, a confidence, bland or
pert as the case might be, has existed (and exists) that we are much
wiser than our fathers. Above all, we have seen repeatedly that constant
and most dangerous delusion that the fashion which has just ceased to be
fashionable is a specially bad and foolish one, with its concomitant and
equally unreasonable but rather less dangerous opposite, that the
fashion that _is_ in is the foolishest and feeblest of all fashions.
With these things we have hitherto had to cope only at long bowls, so
that it has been comparatively easy to keep a critical head. We are now
at closest grapple with them: and while it cannot but be difficult to
escape or to conquer, it will be wellnigh impossible not to seem
captured or vanquished to spectators who have themselves not fully
purged their eyes with the necessary euphrasy and rue.
From these same dangers, however, the very fact of having steadily
worked through the history from the beginning, yet with an abiding
memory of the end, should be something of a safeguard for writer and
reader alike. We have seen how justly Mr Rigmarole might pronounce all
times “pretty much like our own” in respect of the faults and dangers of
criticism, though this time might incline to that danger and that to
this. If one—even one—lesson has emerged, it must have been that to
select the favourite critical fancy of _any_ time as the _unum
necessarium_ is fatal—or redeemed only by the completeness with which
such a selection, when faithfully carried out, demonstrates its own
futility. Yet we have seen also that the criticism of no time is wholly
idle or wholly negligible—that the older periods and the older men are
no “shadows,” but almost more real, because more original, than the
newer—that each and all have lessons, from the times of prim and
strictly limited knowledge to the times of swaggering and nearly
unlimited ignorance. And we should not be quite unable to apply
these.[1104]
In the preceding Book we have surveyed, in most cases virtually and in
some actually, to the end of the Nineteenth century, the latest stage or
stages of that modified and modernised criticism, the rise of which was
traced in the first Book of the present volume, and its victorious
establishment in the second. We have seen how—owing partly, no doubt, to
the mere general law of flux and reflux, but partly, and perhaps mainly,
to the enlarged study of literature, and the breaking down, in
connection with this, of the Neo-classic standards and methods,—judging
_a posteriori_, or, as Johnson, prophesying and protesting, called it,
“by the event,” came to take the place of judging _a priori_, or by the
rule. That in many cases the new critics would not themselves have
admitted this description of their innovations we have not attempted to
deny or disguise: but we have not been able to agree with them. We have,
however, seen also that to satisfy the craving for generalities and for
“pushing ignorance further back,” new preceptist systems, in no small
number, and sometimes of great pretensions and no small complexity, have
been advanced, and that the new subject of “Æsthetics”—in itself little
more than a somewhat disorderly generic name for these systems—has
obtained considerable recognition. But no one of these has, nor have all
of them together, attained anything like that position of
acknowledgment, “establishment,” and authority which was enjoyed by the
Neo-classic faith: and we have seen that some of the straitest
doctrinaires have condescended, while the general herd of critics have
frankly preferred, to judge authors as they found them.
That the results have been in many ways satisfactory, it seems
impossible for any one but the extremest of partisans to deny. The last
and worst fault of any state, political or other, that of “decreeing
injustice by a law,” has been almost entirely removed (at least as a
general reproach) from the state of Criticism. That a work of art is
entitled to be judged on its own merits or demerits, and not according
as its specification does or does not happen to be previously entered
and approved in an official schedule—this surely cannot but seem a gain
to every one not absolutely blinded by prejudice. Nor is it the only
point which ought to unite all reasonable suffrages. By the almost
necessary working of the new system, the _personnel_ of Criticism has
been enlarged, improved, strengthened in a most remarkable degree. The
old opposition of the poet and the critic has ceased to exist. It is
true indeed that, as we have seen, it never existed as an absolute law;
but it was a prevailing one, and it deprived criticism of some of its
most qualified recruits, or made them, if they joined, inconsistent,
like Lope, and Dryden, and Johnson. Nay, Coleridge himself could hardly
have been the critic he was under the older dispensation, much less
those other poets, many and of many countries, who have enriched the
treasury of a Goddess once thought to be the poet’s deadliest foe.
Yet, again, putting the contributions of poets, as poets, on one side,
the general literary harvest of the kind has been undoubtedly more
abundant, and in its choicer growths more varied, more delightful, even
more instructive. A collection of the best critical results of the last
fifty years only would certainly yield in these points to no similar
book that could be compiled from the records of any other period, even
of much greater length. From the perfected craftsmanship of Saint-Beuve,
and the whole critical production of Matthew Arnold, through the work of
writers unnecessary to enumerate, because all possible enumeration would
almost necessarily be an injustice, you might collect—not a volume, not
half a dozen, but a small, and not so very small, library, of which you
could not merely say “Here be truths,” but “Here is reading which any
person of ordinary intelligence and education will find nearly, if not
quite, as delightful as he can find in any other department of _belles
lettres_, except the very highest triumphs of prose and poetic Fiction
itself.”
Now, the removal of the reproach of injustice, the removal of the
reproach of dulness, these are surely good and even great things: while
better, and greater still, is the at least possible institution of a new
Priesthood of Literature, disinterested, teaching the world really to
read, enabling it to understand and enjoy, justifying the God and the
Muse to Men.
This is a fair vision; so fair, perhaps, that it may seem to be, like
others, made of nothing more solid than “golden air.” That would be
perhaps excessive, for, as has been pointed out above, the positive
gains under this New Dispensation, both of good criticism produced and
of good literature freed from arbitrary persecution, have been very
great. But, as we foreshadowed in the Interchapter at the end of the
last volume, there is another side to the account, a side not to be
ignored. If Buddha and Mr Arnold be right, and if “Fixity” be “a sign of
the Law”—then most assuredly Modern Criticism is not merely lawless, but
frankly and wilfully antinomian. It is rare to find two critics of
competence liking just the same things; it is rarer still to find them
liking the same things for the same reason. And so it happens that the
catholic ideal which this New Criticism seemed likely to establish is
just as far off, and just as frequently neglected or even outraged, as
in the old days of strict sectarianism, and without the same excuse. The
eighteenth-century critic could render a reason, _pro tanto_ valid, for
patronising Chaucer, and taking exceptions even to Milton, because
neither was like Dryden. But the critic of to-day who belittles Dryden
because he is not like Chaucer or Milton is utterly without excuse:—and
yet he is to be found, and found in high places. If (as in another case)
critics were to be for a single day what they ought to be, the world
would no doubt be converted; but there certainly does not appear to be
much more chance of this in the one case than in the other.
And so the enemy—who is sometimes a friendly enemy enough—has not the
slightest difficulty in blaspheming,—in asking whether the criterion of
pleasure does not leave the fatal difficulty: “Yes: but pleasure _to
whom_?”; in demanding some test which the simple can apply; in
reproaching “Romantic” critics with faction and will-worship, with
inconsistency and anarchy. Nor perhaps is there any better shift than
the old Pantagruelian one—to _passer oultre_. There _are_ these
objections to the modern way of criticism: and probably they can never
be got rid of or validly gainsaid. But there is something beyond them,
which can be reached in spite of them, and which is worth the reaching.
This something is the comprehensive and catholic possession of
literature—all literature and all that is good in all—which has for the
first time become possible and legitimate. From Aristotle to La Harpe—
even to one of the two Matthew Arnolds—the covenant of criticism was
strictly similar to that of the Jewish Law,—it was a perpetual “Thou
shalt not do this,” or “Thou shalt do this only in such and such a
specified way.” There might be some reason for all the commandments, and
excellent reason for some; but these reasons were never in themselves
immortal, and they constantly tended to constitute a mortal and
mortifying Letter. The mischief of this has been shown in something not
far from two thousand pages, and there is no need to spend more time on
it. Nor is it necessary even to argue that in the region of Art such a
Law entirely lacks the justification which it may have in the region of
Morals.