With this Act they put an End to the Sessions, and immediately

dispatched Ten Deputies to acquaint the Emperor with what had passed,

pursuant to his express Command. The like Number was sent by the

_Arians_, who had assisted at the Council. These, traveling with great

Expedition, arrived at _Constantinople_, where the Court then was, some

time before the others; and, being immediately admitted to the Emperor,

they prejudiced him to such a Degree against the Orthodox Party, that he

would not so much as see their Deputies, pretending to be wholly taken

up with the Affairs of the State. They were therefore obliged to deliver

the Letter, which the Council had written on this Occasion, to one of

his Ministers[893]. They expected every Day to be admitted to an

Audience, or, at least, to receive an Answer, and be dismissed.

[Sidenote: _who leaves_ Constantinople _without seeing them_.] But,

after they had been thus kept for some time in Expectation, the Emperor

all on a sudden left _Constantinople_, in order to head his Army against

the _Barbarians_, who had broken into the Empire. He was no sooner gone

than one of the Ministers came to acquaint them, that it was the

Emperor’s Pleasure they should repair forthwith to _Adrianople_, and

there wait his Return[894]. However, before he set out, he writ to the

Council, giving them notice of his sudden Departure from

_Constantinople_; and alleging, by way of Excuse for not having seen or

heard their Deputies, the present Situation of public Affairs, which had

engrossed his whole Attention, whereas, the discussing and settling of

spiritual Affairs required a Mind quite free and disengaged from all

worldly Cares. [Sidenote: _He endeavours to tire their Patience

with Delays._] He concluded his short Letter with intreating them not to

think of separating till he was at Leisure to settle, in Conjunction

with them, Matters of so great Importance to the Church, and the whole

Christian World[895]. The Design of the most wicked _Constantius_, as

_Athanasius_ styles him[896], was to tire out the Bishops with such

Delays, hoping they would, in the End, chuse rather to sign the last

_Sirmian_ Confession, which he was bent upon establishing in the room of

the _Nicene_, than to be long kept, as it were, in Exile, at a Distance

from their Sees[897]. But this he could not compass for the present, the

Bishops declaring, in their Answer to his Letter, that they could not,

and hoped they never should, upon any Consideration whatsoever, depart

from what they had so unanimously settled and decreed[898]. _Socrates_

writes, that the Bishops, after having waited some time in vain for the

Emperor’s Answer to their Letter, left _Rimini_, and retired to their

respective Sees[899]. And here he ends his Account of that Council. It

were greatly to be wished, that nothing else could be said of it; but

several contemporary and unexceptionable Writers, and _Hilarius_ among

the rest[900], assure us, that _Constantius_ _changed at last the Faith

of the Western Bishops into Impiety_. Of this deplorable Change they

give us the following Account.

[Sidenote: _Their Deputies ordered to_ Nice _in_ Thrace;]

The _Arians_, taking Occasion from the last Letter of the Bishops at

_Rimini_ to incense _Constantius_ against them, prevailed upon him to

order their Deputies to a City in _Thrace_, known at that Time by the

Name of _Nice_, but formerly called _Ostudizus_, and placed by _Sanson_

a few Leagues to the East of _Adrianople_. This Place they chose, that

the Symbol, which they designed to impose upon them, might be confounded

by the ignorant People with that of the great Council of _Nice_ in

_Bithynia_[901]. The Deputies no sooner arrived there, than a Confession

of Faith was proposed to them intirely agreeable to the last made at

_Sirmium_, except that in this new Creed the Son was declared _like to

the Father_, without the Addition of the Words _in all Things_. This

they rejected at first with great Resolution and Intrepidity; but the

_Arians_ were no less resolute, and therefore left nothing unattempted

they could think of to carry their Point[902]. But finding Hope and

Fear, Threats and Promises, equally ineffectual, they proceeded at last

to open Force and Violence[903]. What Kind of Violence was employed

against them, the Author does not tell us; but _Marcellinus_ and

_Faustinus_ ascribe their retracting what they had declared to be holy,

and approving what they had condemned as impious, to the Love of their

Sees, and the Dread they were in of being driven from them[904].

[Sidenote: _where they sign the_ Sirmian _Confession_.] Be that as it

will, it is certain, that they yielded at last; that they accepted and

signed, without the least Limitation or Restriction, the above-mentioned

Confession of Faith; consented to the Suppression of the Word

_Consubstantial_; declared void and null all the Acts and Proceedings of

the Council of _Rimini_; anathematized, as heretical, all Opinions

contrary to the Doctrine contained in the said Confession; and, finally,

admitted to their Communion _Ursacius_, _Valens_, _Germinius_, and

_Caius_, whom they had not long before deposed as Heretics[905].

_Restitutus_, Bishop of _Carthage_, and one of the most eminent Prelates

at that Time in the Church, signed the first, and the other Deputies

after him, according to the Dignity of their Sees. The Emperor,

transported with Joy at the News of their Compliance, which he looked

upon as a signal Victory, gave them immediately Leave to return to

_Rimini_. At the same time he wrote to _Taurus_, charging him anew not

to suffer the Bishops to depart till they had all signed the same

Confession of Faith, and impowering him to send into Exile such as by

their Obstinacy should distinguish themselves above the rest, provided

they were not above Fifteen in Number[906]. [Sidenote: Constantius

_orders the Bishops at_ Rimini _to suppress the Words_ Substance

_and_ Consubstantial.] He likewise writ to the Bishops, commanding them,

on Pain of incurring his Indignation, to suppress for ever the Words

_Substance_ and _Consubstantial_, severely reprimanding them for

presuming to depose _Ursacius_ and his Collegues, and assuring them,

that they should not be allowed to return to their Sees, till they had

intitled themselves to his Favour by an intire and unreserved Compliance

with his Will[907]. To this Letter the _Arians_, who had assisted at the

Council, to the Number of Eighty, returned a most submissive Answer, and

even thanked the Emperor for the great Pains he took to establish the

true Doctrine[908]. However, _Taurus_ declared that he could by no means

suffer them to depart till the rest had agreed with them, and the whole

Assembly was of one Mind. The orthodox Bishops shewed at first some

Resolution, and even refused to communicate with their own Deputies. But

this Resolution soon vanished; they were eager to return to their Sees;

the Emperor was inflexible; _Taurus_ took care to render the Place both

inconvenient and disagreeable to them. [Sidenote: _The greater

Part yield._] Some therefore fell off, others followed their Example,

the rest began to waver, and, being so far got the better of, yielded

soon after, and went over to the _Arian_ Party in such Crouds, that in a

very short time the Number of the orthodox Bishops, who continued

steady, was reduced to 20[909]. At the Head of these was _Phœbadius_,

the celebrated Bishop of _Agen_, who seemed invincible; but nevertheless

was overcome in the End, not by the Menaces of the Emperor, or his

Prefect, but by the Craft and Subtilty of _Ursacius_ and _Valens_, who,

finding they could by no other Means prevail upon him to accept the

_Sirmian_ Confession, declared, that to put an End to the unhappy

Divisions that had so long rent the Church, they had at last resolved to

agree to such Alterations and Additions as should be judged proper and

necessary by him and his Collegues. This Declaration was received by all

with great Joy: _Phœbadius_ triumphed, thinking he had carried his

Point, and saved the Reputation of the Council. [Sidenote: _The others

imposed upon by the_ Arians.] To the Symbol were immediately added

several Anathemas against the _Arian_ Heresy, and an Article declaring

_the Son equal to the Father, without Beginning, and before all Time_.

When this Article was read, _Valens_ desired, that, in order to leave no

room for new Disputes or Chicanery, they would add, that _the Son was

not a Creature like other Creatures_[910]. This was evidently supposing

the Son to be a Creature only exalted above all other Creatures; so that

by admitting such an Article they condemned the Doctrine which they

designed to establish, and established that which they designed to

condemn. And yet of this neither was _Phœbadius_ aware, nor any of

his Party, as they afterwards solemnly declared[911]. A most

unaccountable Oversight, and hardly credible! But _Theodoret_[912],

_Ambrose_[913], _Sulpitius Severus_[914], and _Fulgentius_[915], took it

upon their Word, and so must we. Neither Party could brag of the

Victory; for the _Arians_ had anathematized the Heresy of _Arius_; and

on the other hand the orthodox Bishops had deliberately agreed to the

suppressing of the Words _Substance_ and _Consubstantial_, and

inadvertently acknowleged the Son to be a Creature; which was all the

_Arians_ aimed at, or could desire. The Council being thus ended, new

Deputies were sent to acquaint the Emperor with what had passed, who

being highly pleased with the Report made by _Ursacius_ and _Valens_

(for they were at the Head of the Deputation) immediately granted the

Bishops Leave to return to their respective Sees, after they had been

about Four Months at _Rimini_.

The Council no sooner broke up than the _Arians_ began to proclaim aloud

the Victory they had gained, bragging, that it had not been defined in

the Council of _Rimini_, that the Son was not a Creature, but only that

he was not like other Creatures; and declaring it was, and had always

been their Opinion, that the Son was no more like the Father, than a

Piece of Glass was like an Emerald[916]. [Sidenote: _They discover

their Mistake._] _Phœbadius_, and the other Bishops who had adhered

to him, were returned to their Sees with great Joy, flattering

themselves that they had sufficiently established the Catholic Doctrine,

and prevented all future Disputes: but, finding that the _Arians_

pretended their Tenets had been confirmed by this very Council, and

seriously reflecting on the Articles, which they themselves had agreed

to, they discovered at last how grosly they had been imposed upon, and

publicly retracted all they had said, done, or signed, repugnant to the

Truths of the Catholic Church[917]. However, _Gregory_ Bishop of

_Elvira_ refused to communicate with any of the Bishops who had assisted

at the Council of _Rimini_, and was on that account commended by

_Eusebius_ of _Vercelli_[918]. [Sidenote: _Are judged Guilty by the

exiled Bishops._] The exiled Bishops, and those who lay concealed,

agreed among themselves by Letters, to declare them for ever incapable

of performing any Episcopal or Sacerdotal Functions, and to admit them

to the Communion of the Church only in the Capacity of Laymen[919]. When

Peace was restored to the Church by the Death of _Constantius_ in 361.

most of the orthodox Bishops were for deposing all those of the Council

of _Rimini_, and placing others in their room. But this Sentence the

People would not suffer to be put in Execution, rising every-where in

Defence of their Pastors, and in some Places insulting, beating, and

even killing, those who came to depose them[920].

[Sidenote: _Great Disagreement in the Council of_ Seleucia.]

As for the Council of _Seleucia_, it met on the 27th of _September_ 359.

and consisted only of One hundred and Sixty Bishops, all _Arians_, or

_Semi-Arians_, except Twelve or Thirteen orthodox Bishops from

_Egypt_[921]. This Assembly _Gregory Nazianzen_ calls the _Tower_ of

_Calane_, or _Babel_, the Council of _Caiaphas_[922]. And indeed with a

great deal of Reason; for nothing was there seen but Tumult, Confusion,

and Disorder. The _Anomeans_ and _Semi-Arians_ appeared so

irreconcilably incensed against each other, and carried on their Debates

with so much Animosity and Bitterness, that the Quæstor _Leonas_, whom

the Emperor had appointed to assist at the Council, thinking it

impossible they should ever agree in any one Point, rose up at their

Fourth Meeting, while they were in the Heat of the Dispute, and,

withdrawing abruptly, put an End to that Session, nay, and to the

Council; for, being invited the next Day, the First of _October_, to the

Assembly, he refused to go, saying, that he did not conceive his

Presence to be at all necessary, since they might quarrel and scold as

much as they pleased without him[923]. This he did, says _Sozomen_, to

favour the _Anomeans_, who thence took Occasion to absent themselves

from the Council, which, as it was chiefly composed of _Semi-Arians_,

seemed determined to condemn their Doctrine[924]. [Sidenote: _The_

Semi-Arians _condemn and depose the_ Arians.] However, the _Semi-Arians_

met by themselves; and, finding they could by no means prevail upon the

_Anomeans_ to return to the Council, they condemned their Doctrine as

heretical and blasphemous, excommunicated and deposed the leading Men of

their Party, appointed others in their room, and gave Notice thereof to

their respective Churches[925]. Before they broke up, they dispatched

Ten Deputies to acquaint the Emperor with the Transactions of the

Council. But the Bishops whom they had deposed, arriving at Court before

them, and being by their Friends there immediately introduced to

_Constantius_, they prejudiced him against the Council of _Seleucia_ to

such a Degree, that it was some time before he could prevail upon

himself to hear the Deputies. [Sidenote: _They sign the last Confession

of_ Sirmium.] However, he heard them at last, and, by threatening them

with Exile if they did not comply, obliged them to sign the last

Confession of _Sirmium_, which had been rejected by the Council as

_Arian_[926]. In this he spent the whole Day, and great Part of the

Night, preceding the First of _January_, though he was obliged to make

the necessary Preparations for entering on that Day his Tenth Consulate

with the usual Pomp and Solemnity[927].

[Sidenote: _The_ Arians,_in their Turn, condemn and depose the_

Semi-Arians, _and also sign the last Confession of_ Sirmium.]

In the Beginning of the Year 360. the _Anomeans_ assembling by

themselves at _Constantinople_ as the _Semi-Arians_ had done at

_Seleucia_, in order to ingratiate themselves with the Emperor, not only

received the last _Sirmian_ Confession, but condemned all other

Confessions or Symbols that had been made till then, or should be made

for the future. They then declared all the Acts of the Council of

_Seleucia_ void and null; and, to be even with the _Semi-Arians_,

deposed, under various Pretences, such of their Party as had most

contributed to the deposing of them, and even prevailed upon the Emperor

to send them into Exile[928].

[Sidenote: _An Order from the Emperor injoining all Bishops to sign

the_ Sirmian _Confession_.]

They did not stop here, but obtained of _Constantius_ an Order, which

was published throughout the Empire, commanding all Bishops to sign the

_Sirmian_ Confession, on pain of forfeiting their Dignity, and being

sent into Exile[929][N18]. This Order was executed with the utmost

Rigour in all the Provinces of the Empire, and very few were found, who

did not sign with their Hands what they condemned in their Hearts[930].

Many, who till then had been thought invincible, were overcome, and

complied with the Times; and such as did not, were driven, without

Distinction, from their Sees, into Exile, and others appointed in their

room, the signing of that Confession being a Qualification indispensably

requisite both for obtaining and keeping the Episcopal Dignity[931].

Thus were all the Sees throughout the Empire filled with _Arians_,

insomuch that in the whole East not one orthodox Bishop was left, and in

the West but one, _viz._ _Gregory_ Bishop of _Elvira_ in _Andalusia_,

and he, in all Likelihood, obliged to absent himself from his Flock, and

lie concealed, as were probably Pope _Liberius_, and _Vincentius_ of

_Capua_, if what _Theodoret_ relates of them be true, _viz._ that they

never consented to the Decrees of _Rimini_[932], and thereby retrieved

the Reputation they had lost, the former by signing the _Sirmian_

Confession of the Year 357. and the other by communicating with the

_Arians_ in 353. as I have related above. [Sidenote: _It was

probably signed by_ Liberius.] But what _Theodoret_ writes may be justly

called in question; for it is not at all probable, that the Emperor, and

the _Arian_ Party, so warmly bent on establishing that Confession

throughout the Empire, would have suffered the Bishop of the Imperial

City, of the first See, to reject it, without deposing him, as they had

done the Bishops of all the other great Sees, and appointing another

more compliant in his room. This could not be prevented by his

concealing himself in the Caverns and Cœmeteries about _Rome_, as he

is said to have done in his Acts quoted by _Baronius_[933], though he

might by that means have escaped being sent into Exile. Besides, had he,

instead of complying with the Emperor’s express Command, withdrawn and

absconded, I cannot think that his Antagonist _Felix_, who was still

alive, and had done nothing we know of to disoblige the Emperor, and the

_Arian_ Party, by whom he had been formerly raised to that See, would

have neglected so favourable an Opportunity of recovering his antient

Dignity. If what _Theodoret_ says be true, _Gregory Nazianzen_ is highly

to blame for not excepting _Liberius_; when he writ, that the Bishops

either all complied, or were driven into Exile, excepting a few, who

were too insignificant to be taken notice of by the Emperor, or his

Ministers[934]. [Sidenote: Arianism _universally obtains_.] Be that as

it will, it is certain, that at this time the _Arian_ Doctrine

universally obtained; that the Face of the Church appeared quite

deformed and disfigured[935], that the whole World saw itself, with

Astonishment, all on a sudden become _Arian_[936]; that the Boat of St.

_Peter_, to use St. _Jerom_’s Expression, tossed by furious Winds, by

violent Storms, was upon the Point of sinking, and no Hopes of Safety

seemed to be left[937].

-----

Footnote N18:

This Confession is called sometimes the _Confession of_ Nice _in_

Thrace, and sometimes the _Confession of_ Rimini; but it differed from

both. By the Confession of _Nice_, the Son was acknowleged to be like

to the Father, without the Addition of the Words _in all Things_,

which were an essential Part of the last Confession of _Sirmium_. In

that of _Rimini_ the Son was said _not to be a Creature like other

Creatures_, and there were no such Words in the Confession of

_Sirmium_. But by all Three the Word _Consubstantial_ was rejected,

and no other would satisfy the Orthodox, acknowleging the Son to be

_of the same Substance with the Father_. Both the _Arians_ and

_Semi-Arians_ allowed the Son to be like to the Father: but that

Likeness was by them very differently understood and interpreted. The

_Arians_ held him to be _like_ rather by Grace than by Nature, and as

like as a Creature could be to the Creator[N18.1]. The _Semi-Arians_

confessed him to be like in _Nature_, in _Existence_, in _Essence_, in

_Substance_, and in _every thing else_. But the Orthodox maintained

him to be of the _same Substance_ with the Father, and consequently of

the _same Existence_, _Essence_, &c. and, to express this _Sameness_

or _Identity_, they chose the Word _Consubstantial_.

Footnote N18.1:

Ruff. l. 1. c. 25.

-----

The following Year 361. the _Anomeans_, not fully satisfied with the

Confession of Faith, which, at their Suggestion, the Emperor had taken

so much Pains to establish throughout the Empire, assembled, with his

Leave, at _Antioch_, and there drew up a new Symbol, or Creed, wherein

it was expresly said, that _the Son was in every thing unlike to the

Father_, and that _He was made out of nothing_. [Sidenote: Constantius

_designs to establish the Doctrine of the_ Pure Arians;] _Constantius_

had formerly expressed the greatest Abhorrence to this Doctrine, and had

even banished those who held, and refused to anathematize, such _impious

Blasphemies_, as he then styled them[938]. But, having lately changed

his Opinion, which was chiefly owing to the great Influence the Eunuch

_Eusebius_ had over him, he was now no less sanguine for the

_Unlikeness_ of the Son to the Father, than he had been hitherto for the

_Likeness_[939]. In order therefore to abolish the antient, and

establish this new Creed in its room, he appointed a Council to meet at

_Nice_ in _Bithynia_[940], which, without all Doubt, he would have

treated in the same manner as he had done that of _Rimini_. [Sidenote:

_but is prevented by Death_.] But, as the Bishops were preparing to set

out for the appointed Place, they were stopped by the sudden and

unexpected News of the Emperor’s Death, which put an End to all his

Councils, and was heard with equal Joy by those of the _Orthodox_ and

_Semi-Arian_ Party. He was succeeded by _Julian_, surnamed the

_Apostate_, who immediately recalled all those who had been banished by

_Constantius_ on account of their Religion[941]. [Sidenote: _The exiled

Bishops recalled by_ Julian.] Whatever was his Motive, the Church reaped

great Advantages from the Return of so many eminent Prelates, who, in

the worst of Times, had, with an invincible Firmness and Constancy,

stood up in her Defence. Among the rest returned, on this Occasion, the

famous _Meletius_ Bishop of _Antioch_, _Eusebius_ of _Vercelli_,

_Lucifer_ of _Cagliari_, who had been all Three confined to the most

distant Parts of _Thebais_ in _Egypt_, _Cyril_ of _Jerusalem_,

_Pelagius_ of _Laodicea_ in _Phœnicia_, and, to the inexpressible Joy

of the Orthodox Party, their great Champion _Athanasius_ Bishop of

_Alexandria_[942], who immediately resumed, undisturbed, his Episcopal

Function; _George_, the Usurper of his See, having been assassinated a

little while before by the Pagans of _Alexandria_, on account of his

Avarice and Cruelty[943]. In other Places the Orthodox Bishops, finding

the _Arians_ in Possession of their Sees, contented themselves with

being acknowleged by those of their Communion, without attempting to

drive out their Antagonists, which would have created great Confusion,

and endless Disturbances in the Church. _Julian_ refused to interpose

his Authority in favour of either Party, saying, that as he was not so

well acquainted with the Nature of their Disputes as a just and

impartial Judge ought to be, he hoped they would excuse him, lest he

should be guilty of some Injustice, and settle Matters of such

Importance among themselves. _Athanasius_ entered _Alexandria_ in a kind

of Triumph, which is described in a lively manner by _Gregory

Nazianzen_, who seems to have pleased himself with displaying, in that

Description, all the Eloquence he was Master of[944].

[Sidenote: _The Council of_ Alexandria.]

The Bishop of _Alexandria_ being thus reinstated, and again at full

Liberty to exert his Zeal for the Catholic Cause, his first Care was to

retrieve his fallen Brethren, and reunite them to the Church. With this

View he assembled, in 362. a Council at _Alexandria_, composed only of

Confessors, that is, of such Bishops as had chosen rather to forfeit

their Dignities and Sees, than receive or sign the _Arian_ Confession of

_Rimini_ or _Sirmium_. This was one of the most respectable Councils

that was ever held in the Church, not so much in regard of the Numbers

(for I find not above Twenty named) as of the Merit, Virtue, and

Sanctity of the Members that composed it. The chief Subject of their

Debates, or rather Inquiries, was to find out the most proper Means of

restoring Tranquillity to the Church, after so dreadful a Storm. Some,

and among the rest _Lucifer_ Bishop of _Cagliari_, who did not assist in

Person, but by his Deputies, the Two Deacons _Herennius_ and _Agapetus_,

were for deposing all those who had signed the Confession of _Rimini_,

and cutting them off from the Communion of the Church. But this

unseasonable Severity was condemned by the far greater Part, as tending

to raise a new Storm, and involve the Church in greater Troubles than

ever, which the Emperor _Julian_ would take care to improve, to the

total Ruin of the Christian Religion. _Athanasius_ therefore was for

using Severity only with the Authors, and chief Promoters, of the late

general Defection: and his Opinion prevailed; for a Decree was enacted,

importing, that the Authors of the late general Prevarication should,

even upon their Repentance, be received to the Communion of the Church

only in the Capacity of Laymen, but that the rest should be all kept in,

or restored to, their Sees, upon their publicly renouncing the _Arian_

Communion, and embracing the Faith of _Nice_[945]. [Sidenote: _A Schism

formed by_ Lucifer, _Bishop of_ Cagliari.] This Decree was every-where

received with the greatest Joy, the Bishop of _Cagliari_ being the only

Man, either in the East or West, who opposed it, and that with so much

Obstinacy, that, rather than yield, he chose to separate himself from

the Communion of the rest, and to form a new Schism, which bore his

Name, and soon gained a considerable Footing, especially in the West;

several Persons no less distinguished for Piety than Learning, and among

the rest _Gregory_, the famous Bishop of _Elvira_, having adopted the

Sentiments of a Man, who had suffered so much for the Purity of the

Faith. As _Lucifer_ is honoured by the Church of _Rome_ as a Saint, and

his Festival is kept on the 20th of _May_[946], _Baronius_ pretends,

that he abandoned his Schism, and returned to the Communion of the

Church, before his Death[947]. [Sidenote: _He never returned to the

Communion of the Church._] But his Contemporary _Ruffinus_, who probably

knew him, assures us, that he died in the Schism, which he had

formed[948]. _Jerom_ often speaks of his Schism, but no-where gives us

the least Hint of his having ever quitted it; which would have afforded

him a strong Argument against the _Luciferians_, and he would not have

failed to urge it, in the Book which he wrote to convince them of their

Error. That Writer speaks of _Lucifer_, on all Occasions, with the

greatest Respect, even in the Book which he writ against his Followers:

he owns, that his Intention was pure and upright; that it was not Pride,

Thirst after Glory, or a Desire of transmitting his Name to Posterity,

but a mistaken Zeal, that led him astray, and made him disapprove what

the others approved; he even distinguishes him with the Title of the

_Blessed Lucifer_[949]. And hence _Baronius_ concludes, that he returned

to the Communion of the Church; for otherwise, says the Annalist[950],

St. _Jerom_ had never given him the Title of _Blessed_, or _Saint_. But

that he did not return, is manifest, from the Silence of St. _Jerom_ on

that Head, and from the Authority of a contemporary Writer quoted above:

and hence I may draw a Conclusion far better grounded than that of

_Baronius_; _viz._ that St. _Jerom_ excused him on account of his good

Intention; and, consequently, that he did not hold the uncharitable

Doctrine of the Church of _Rome_, excluding from Salvation all who die

out of her Communion, let their Intention be never so good. It is to be

observed, that the _Luciferians_ not only excluded from their Communion

those who had received the _Arian_ Confession, but all who communicated

with them, even after they had anathematized that Confession, and

publicly embraced the Faith of _Nice_.

[Sidenote: _The Council of_ Alexandria _saves the Church from Ruin_.]

The Resolution taken by the Confessors in the Council of _Alexandria_,

is said to have saved the Church from utter Ruin. For had that

prevailed, which was urged with so much Warmth by _Lucifer_, the

Bishops, who had chosen rather to sign the _Arian_ Confession than

forfeit their Sees, would have kept them in Defiance of a Decree made by

a small Number of their Collegues, and in all Likelihood excommunicated

and deposed, in their Turn, those who had excommunicated and deposed

them: and, in that Case, the _Arian_ Party, comprehending almost all the

Bishops of the Church, must have prevailed. But as nothing was required

of them, to keep their Sees, besides their renouncing the Confession of

_Rimini_, which they had embraced, and embracing that of _Nice_, which

they had renounced, they readily complied with the Decree of the

Council; insomuch that the following Year 363. _Athanasius_, in a

Letter, which he wrote to the Emperor _Jovian_, immediately after the

Death of _Julian_, could assure that Prince, that the Faith of _Nice_

had been received, and was professed, in all the Provinces of the

Empire, which he enumerates; but omits those of _Thrace_, _Bithynia_,

and the _Hellespont_[951], the Bishops there still continuing

obstinately to maintain the Doctrine of _Arius_, and to reject the Faith

of _Nice_, as we learn from _Sozomen_[952], _Socrates_[953], and

_Basil_[954]; nay, at _Constantinople_, the Orthodox had but a small

Chapel to assemble in, all the Churches being in Possession of the

_Arians_, under _Eudoxius_, a leading Man among the _Pure Arians_,

who had usurped that See[955]. [Sidenote: _The Faith of_

Nice _everywhere established_.] For the better establishing of the

Orthodox Faith, after the violent Shock it had lately received, Councils

were held in several Provinces of the Empire[N19], and by all was

received the Faith of _Nice_, the Confession of _Rimini_ condemned, and

the Words _Substance_ and _Consubstantial_ re-established[956]. A very

strong Proof, that the Assent given before to the _Arian_ Doctrines had

been solely the Effect of Force, or of Interest, which being now

removed, and all left at Liberty to act as their Consciences only

directed, the Orthodox Faith prevailed as much as the other had done

under _Constantius_.

-----

Footnote N19:

The Bishops of _Gaul_ assembled at _Paris_ in 362. and, having first

owned their Crime, in approving and signing the Confession of

_Rimini_, they acknowleged the Three Persons of the Trinity to be of

the same Nature and Substance, and condemned _Ursacius_, _Valens_, and

_Auxentius_ the _Arian_ Bishop of _Milan_. This Council was convened

by St. _Hilarius_, Bishop of _Poitiers_; and a Letter, which the

Council writ on this Occasion, has been transmitted to us, among the

Fragments of his Works. He is said to have assembled several other

Councils in _Gaul_, for the re-establishing of the Faith of _Nice_,

which is all we know of them. The same Year 362. the Bishops of

_Italy_ assembling, declared void and null the Acts of the Council of

_Rimini_, embraced the Faith of _Nice_, and, with one Accord,

anathematized _Ursacius_ and _Valens_, as the leading Men of the

_Arian_ Party. There is, among the Fragments of St. _Hilarius_, a

Letter on this Subject, from the _Italian_ to the _Illyrian_ Bishops.

Where this Council was held I find no-where recorded. In the Year 363.

the Emperor _Jovian_ desiring to be instructed in the Faith of the

Catholic Church, by _Athanasius_ and the _Egyptian_ Bishops, who were

come to wait on him, they assembled in Council, and agreed to propose

no other Creed to him but that of _Nice_. At the same time they

condemned the Heresy of _Macedonius_, denying the Divinity of the Holy

Ghost. This Council is generally thought to have been held at

_Alexandria_. But, from the Letter, which they presented to the

Emperor, it appears to have consisted of some _Egyptian_ Bishops, who,

as it is there said, were appointed to represent all the others of the

same Province[N19.1]. Had the Council been held at _Alexandria_, they

had, I should think, been all present. It must therefore have

assembled in some Place out of _Egypt_; and where more likely than at

_Antioch_? For there the Emperor was this very Year, and there

_Athanasius_ waited on him. The same Year another Council was held at

_Antioch_, under _Melecius_ Bishop of that City. In that Council

_Acacius_, Bishop of _Cæsarea_ in _Pælestine_, who had been at the

Head of the _Arian_ Party, in the Latter-end of the Reign of

_Constantius_, and his Followers, commonly styled _Acacians_, embraced

the Faith of _Nice_, and admitted the Term _Consubstantial_. _Acacius_

had no other Faith but that of the Party which prevailed. Hence, in

the Time of _Jovian_, who favoured the Orthodox Party, he professed

the Faith of _Nice_; but Two Years after he had signed it, he joined

the _Arians_ anew, seeing them in great Favour with the Emperor

_Valens_. Several other Councils were held, from the Year 363. to 368.

of which we have no particular Account. For _Athanasius_ tells us, in

general Terms, that many Councils assembled in _France_, in _Spain_,

at _Rome_, in _Dalmatia_, in _Dardania_, in _Macedonia_, in _Epirus_,

in _Greece_, in _Candia_, and the other Islands, in _Sicily_, in

_Cyprus_, in _Lycia_, in _Isauria_, in _Egypt_, and in _Arabia_; and

that they all met to maintain the Orthodox Faith, the Faith of the

Council of _Nice_[N19.2]. In his Letter to the Emperor _Jovian_ he

assures him, that the Symbol of _Nice_ was received in the

above-mentioned Provinces, and besides, in _Britain_, in _Africa_, in

_Pamphylia_, in _Libya_, in _Pontus_, in _Cappadocia_, and in the

East, that is, in the Patriarchate of _Antioch_[N19.3]. But in the

Provinces of _Thrace_, of _Bithynia_, and the _Hellespont_, the

_Semi-Arians_ prevailed, till they were overpowered by the _Arians_,

strongly supported by the Emperor _Valens_, a most zealous Defender of

_Arianism_.

Footnote N19.1:

Theod. l. 4. c. 3.

Footnote N19.2:

Athan. de Afr. & ad Epict.

Footnote N19.3:

Id. ad Jov.

-----

[Sidenote: _A Council convened by the_ Semi-Arians.]

As every one was allowed by _Julian_ to believe what he pleased, and to

own his Belief, whatever it was, the _Semi-Arians_ convened a Council,

soon after the Death of _Constantius_, who, in the Latter-end of his

Life, had begun to persecute them as much as he had favoured them

before. This Council was composed of those chiefly who had assisted at

that of _Seleucia_, of which I have spoken above; and they all agreed to

condemn and anathematize the Doctrine of the _Pure Arians_, with the

Confession of _Rimini_, and to sign anew the Confession of _Antioch_,

establishing a Likeness in Substance between the Son and the Father.

Thus they pretended to keep a due Mean between the Two opposite

Extremes, of the Western Bishops, whose _Consubstantiality_, they said,

left no room for the Distinction of Persons; and of the _Pure Arians_,

who denied all Likeness[957]. [Sidenote: _The Sect of the_ Macedonians.]

It was after this Council that the _Semi-Arians_, separating themselves

from the Communion of the _Pure Arians_, began to form a distinct Sect,

and to be called _Macedonians_; which Name was given them from

_Macedonius_, late Bishop of _Constantinople_, but deposed by the _Pure

Arians_, in the Council they held in that City in 360. to make room for

their great Champion _Eudoxius_, translated formerly from _Germanicia_

to _Antioch_, and now from _Antioch_ to _Constantinople_. They were also

named _Marathonians_, from _Marathonius_, Bishop of _Nicomedia_, who,

together with _Macedonius_, was at the Head of the Party; and

_Pneumatomachi_, that is, Enemies to the Holy Ghost, whose Divinity they

denied, which was their chief, if not their only Error; for some are of

Opinion, that tho’ they rejected the Word _Consubstantial_, yet they

agreed with the Orthodox in the Meaning of it. They led very regular,

austere, and edifying Lives; and are, on that Score, highly commended

and extolled by _Gregory Nazianzen_[958]. No Wonder therefore, that they

soon spread all over the East, and gained every-where great Numbers of

Followers. At _Constantinople_, and in the neighbouring Cities and

Provinces, they were followed not only by the greater Part of the

People, but by some Persons of Distinction, by such as were most

remarkable for their Piety, by intire Monasteries, both of Men and

Women[959]. The Inhabitants of _Cyzicus_ in the _Propontis_ were almost

all of this Sect, and we are told of some Miracles wrought by a

_Macedonian_ of that Place[960], which _Baronius_ will not allow, though

as well attested as any he relates.

[Sidenote: _They are persecuted by the Emperor_ Valens.]

The Emperor _Valens_, who reigned in the East, which had been yielded to

him by his Brother _Valentinian_, when he took him for his Collegue in

the Empire, spared no Pains to reconcile this Sect with that of the

_Arians_, which he greatly favoured. But, finding them no less averse to

the _Arians_ than the Orthodox themselves, he began in the Year 366. to

persecute them with great Cruelty. To avoid this Persecution they

resolved to recur to the Emperor _Valentinian_, and, embracing the Faith

professed by him and the Western Bishops, to put themselves under his

Protection. Accordingly they dispatched Three of their Body, _viz._

_Eustathius_ Bishop of _Sebaste_, _Sylvanus_ of _Tarsus_, and

_Theophilus_ of _Castabala_, to acquaint the Emperor, in the Name of the

rest, with the Resolution they had taken, and implore his

Protection[961]. These, being informed, on their Arrival in _Italy_,

that _Valentinian_ was waging War with the Barbarians on the Borders of

_Gaul_, instead of repairing to him, which they apprehended might be

attended with no small Danger, went strait to _Rome_, and there

delivered to _Liberius_ Letters from their Brethren, directed to him,

and to the other Bishops of the West, whom they earnestly intreated to

use their Interest with the Emperor, in their Behalf, assuring them,

that they sincerely renounced the Errors they had hitherto held, and

embraced the Catholic Faith, as explained and defined by the Council of

_Nice_[962]. [Sidenote: _Deliver to_ Liberius _their Confession

of Faith_;] But _Liberius_, notwithstanding these Assurances, suspected

their Sincerity; and therefore could not, by any means, be prevailed

upon to communicate with them, or even to hear them, till they had

delivered to him a Confession of Faith, under their Hand, and in the

Name of the whole Party, wherein they anathematized those of _Rimini_,

and _Nice_ in _Bithynia_; condemned the Heresy of _Arius_, with all

other Heresies; and received the Definitions of the Council of _Nice_,

those particularly that related to _Consubstantiality_. To this

Confession they added a solemn Protestation, declaring themselves ready

to submit to the Sentence of such Judges as the Pope should think fit to

appoint, should they, or those by whom they had been sent, be ever for

the future accused or suspected of swerving in the least from the Faith

they now embraced and professed[963]. [Sidenote: _who admits them to his

Communion_.] In virtue of this Confession, whereof the Original was

carefully lodged in the Archives of the Church of _Rome_, _Liberius_

admitted the Deputies to his Communion; and, upon their Departure, writ,

in the Name of all the Bishops of _Italy_, and the West, to the

_Macedonian_ Bishops, of whom he names 59, signifying the great Joy,

which their Letters, and the Confession of Faith, signed by their

Deputies, had occasioned at _Rome_, and in all the Western Churches,

since by such a Confession they were all again happily united in one

Faith. In this Letter _Liberius_ assures them, that all the Bishops, who

had assisted at the Council of _Rimini_, had retracted the Doctrine,

which they had been forced to sign there; and were more than ever

incensed against the _Arians_, on account of the Violence, which, at

their Instigation, had been offered them[964]. The _Macedonians_

admitted the Divinity of the Son, but denied that of the Holy Ghost;

nay, this was their favourite Doctrine, and, as it were, the

Characteristic of their Sect; but _Liberius_, and the other Western

Bishops, not suspecting them of such an Error, which in all Likelihood

they had not yet publicly owned, admitted them to their Communion,

without examining them on that Head.

[Sidenote: Liberius _dies_.]

_Liberius_ died soon after, that is, on the 23d or 24th of

_September_, of the present Year 366. as we are told by _Marcellinus_

and _Faustinus_, whose Authority is preferable to that of any other,

since, at this very time, they lived at _Rome_[965]. He had been

chosen on the 22d of _May_ 352. so that he governed the Church of

_Rome_ Fourteen Years, Four Months, and a Day or Two. [Sidenote: _The

deplorable Condition of the Church in his Time._] _Liberius_ lived in

troublesome Times, the worst the Church had ever yet seen. She had Two

dangerous Enemies to contend with at the same time, the Power of the

Prince then on the Imperial Throne, and the Craft of a most subtle and

deceitful Party. The Prince employed all his Power to overcome, with

Oppression, those whom the Party could not over-reach with their

Craft; and the Party to over-reach with their Craft such as the Prince

could not overcome with Oppression. On the other hand, the Prelates,

even some who were reputed the Pillars of the Church, seemed to have

lost that Zeal, Firmness, and Intrepidity, which they had so

gloriously exerted under the Pagan Princes, and few were found among

them, whose Virtue was proof against the Loss of their Dignity, or

Exile. Hence the Defection became general, and the Orthodox Party was

brought so low, that it must have been utterly quashed, had

_Constantius_ lived a few Years longer. But Providence interposed;

_Constantius_ died while he was pursuing his Scheme with the greatest

Success; and _Julian_, his Successor, by betraying an equal Hatred and

Aversion to Christians of all Denominations, obliged them to forget

their Quarrels among themselves, to lay aside their Animosity against

each other, and to unite in their mutual Defence against him, as a

common Enemy. _Jovian_, who succeeded him, proved no less favourable

to the Orthodox, than _Constantius_ had been to the _Arians_. Many

therefore of the latter, and among the rest _Acacius_, who was at the

Head of the _Pure Arians_, to gain the Favour of the Emperor, publicly

renounced the Doctrine of _Arius_, and embraced that of _Nice_.

_Jovian_, after a short Reign of Seven Months and Twenty Days, was

succeeded by _Valentinian_, who continued to countenance the Orthodox,

as his Predecessor had done, though he did not use the _Arians_ with

that Rigour which some Zealots expected from a Confessor, which Title

he had deserved under _Julian_. However, as he professed the Orthodox

Faith, that Party universally prevailed; insomuch that, in a very

short time, no Traces of _Arianism_ were left in the West, except at

_Milan_, under the _Arian_ Bishop _Auxentius_, and in a few Cities of

_Illyricum_, where it was kept up by _Ursacius_, _Valens_,

_Germinius_, and their Disciples, till the following Century, when it

was every-where re-established there by the _Goths_.

[Sidenote: _By whom_ Arianism _was banished out of the West_.]

_Baronius_ ascribes to _Liberius_ the banishing of _Arianism_ out of the

West, and the establishing of the Orthodox Faith in its room; but that

Glory was owing, according to _Ruffinus_, to _Hilarius_ of _Poitiers_,

and _Eusebius_ of _Vercelli_, who, like the Two great Luminaries of the

Universe, to use his Words, enlightened with their Rays _Illyricum_,

_Gaul_, and _Italy_, dispelling every-where the Darkness of Heresy[966].

He minutely describes the great Success that attended them, with the

Difficulties and Obstructions they met with in so pious and commendable

an Undertaking[967]. But, as for _Liberius_, he does not so much as

mention him. And truly, from the Year 357. in which he fell, to his

admitting the _Macedonians_ to his Communion in 366. which was the last

of his Life, the only thing I find recorded of him in the Antients, is

his writing a Letter to the Catholic Bishops of _Italy_, wherein he

exhorts them to atone for their past Conduct by renouncing the Errors of

the _Arians_, and receiving anew the Symbol of _Nice_. He adds, that as

this is the only Atonement, which it has been thought proper to require

of them, they ought to exert their Zeal against the Authors of the Fault

they committed, in proportion to the Grief they must feel for committing

it[968]. This Letter has been transmitted to us among the Fragments of

_Hilarius_. [Sidenote: _Neither_ Vincentius _of_ Capua, _nor_

Liberius, _assisted at the Council of_ Rimini.] It is hard to guess what

could induce _Baronius_ to write so confidently as he does, that

_Vincentius_ of _Capua_ assisted at the Council of _Rimini_ with the

Character of the Pope’s Legate[969]. In what antient Author did he find

the least Intimation or distant Hint of such a Legation? _Vincentius_ of

_Capua_, though a Person of great Eminency, is not even mentioned by any

of the contemporary Writers, who relate the Transactions of that

Council, and name the chief Prelates who composed it. 'Tis true we read

of him, in one Author, that he never consented to the Confession of

_Rimini_[970]: but that is said of _Liberius_ too[971], whom _Baronius_

owns not to have been present at that Assembly.

[Sidenote: Liberius _is honoured as a Saint_.]

_Liberius_, notwithstanding his Fall, is honoured both by the _Latin_

and _Greek_ Churches as a Saint. By the former his Festival is kept on

the 23d of _September_, and by the latter on the 27th of _August_[972].

[Sidenote: _The Founding of the Church of_ St. Mary the Greater.] He

erected a Church on the _Esquiline_ Mount at _Rome_, which bore his

Name, and was called the _Basilic_ of Liberius, till it was consecrated

to the Virgin _Mary_ by _Sixtus_ III. when it took the Name of _Sancta

Maria Major_, or _Saint Mary the Greater_. It owes its Foundation, as is

universally believed in the Church of _Rome_, to the following Miracle.

A _Roman_ of the Patrician Order, and of Wealth equal to his Rank, named

_John_, having no Children, resolved to make a free Gift of his whole

Estate to the Virgin _Mary_. This Resolution he imparted to his Wife,

who consenting to it with great Alacrity, the Estate was immediately

made over to the holy Virgin, whom they thenceforth jointly intreated,

in their daily Prayers, to let them know by some Token in what Manner

she chose to dispose of it. Their Prayers were heard, and, on the Night

preceding the 5th of _August_, when the Heat is most violent at _Rome_,

a miraculous Snow fell from Heaven, which covered Part of the

_Esquiline_ Mount. The same Night the Patrician and his Wife were

admonished in a Dream to build a Church on the Spot of Ground which they

should find covered with Snow. Early next Morning they went to acquaint

Pope _Liberius_ with what had happened, whom they found to have had the

same Dream; so that no room being now left to doubt of the Revelation,

the Pope appointed a grand Procession of the whole Clergy, in which he

walked himself, attended by Crouds of People, to the above-mentioned

Mount; and there, having caused the Snow, which still lay unmelted, to

be removed, on the Spot, which it had covered, he laid the Foundation of

that magnificent Basilic, which was reared at the Expence of the

Patrician, and is now known by the Name of _Saint Mary the Greater_, and

_Saint Mary in the Snow_[973]. I should not have thought such an idle

Tale worthy of a Place in a grave History, were it not recorded in the

most authentic Book the Church of _Rome_ has after the Scripture, the

_Roman Breviary_, a Book approved and commended by the Council of

_Trent_, and by the special Bulls of Three Popes, _Pius_ V. _Clement_

VIII. and _Urban_ VIII. of whom the latter declares every thing it

contains to be extracted from antient and approved Authors, and to be

agreeable to Truth[974]. So that it would be less dangerous, at least in

_Italy_, to deny any Truth revealed in the Scripture, than to question

any Fable related in the _Breviary_. The Feast of _the Snow_, or _St.

Mary in the Snow_, is kept annually at _Rome_, on the 5th of _August_,

with the greatest Solemnity. The College of Cardinals assists that Day

at Divine Service in the Church of _Saint Mary the Greater_; and the

Pope, if not indisposed, or otherwise prevented, officiates in Person:

the _Primicerio_, or Dean of that Church, reads the Account, which I

have delivered above; and, that nothing may be wanting to complete the

Farce, Numbers of Children are employed, during the Service, to drop

Jessamins from the Gallery on the Congregation, in Remembrance and

Imitation of the miraculous Snow. And truly by Children alone such

Fables are proper to be acted and believed.

[Sidenote: _The Writings of_ Liberius.]

Several Pieces have reached our Times, which were either written by, or

have been falsly ascribed to, _Liberius_. Among the former are, his

Letter in Answer to the _Macedonian_ Bishops; another to the Catholic

Bishops of _Italy_; which have been both mentioned above; and a

Discourse, which he pronounced on _Christmas-day_ in the Church of St.

_Peter_, on Occasion of his giving the sacred Veil to _Marcellina_ the

Sister of St. _Ambrose_ when she embraced the State of Virginity. This

Discourse St. _Ambrose_ has inserted in his Third Book on Virgins, but

in his own Style, which is very different from that of _Liberius_, who

had not the Gift of Eloquence[975]. [Sidenote: _Writings falsly ascribed

to him._] Among the Pieces falsly ascribed to _Liberius_, most Men of

Learning reckon the Confession of Faith, written in _Greek_, which he is

supposed to have sent to _Athanasius_. This Piece _Baronius_ will, by

all means, have to be genuine; and the Use he makes of it is somewhat

extraordinary. The Council of _Alexandria_, to which the Church owed her

Safety, was convened by _Athanasius_, upon his Return from Exile, as I

have related above. By that small Assembly, consisting only of

Confessors, was enacted the famous Decree with respect to those, who had

communicated with the _Arians_, and signed the Confession of _Rimini_.

To that Decree the whole Church readily conformed; so that the Honour of

saving the Church was chiefly owing to _Athanasius_, and wholly to him

and the other Confessors. Of _Liberius_ not the least Mention is made;

so that he had no Share in that Glory. [Sidenote: _Strange

Conjectures of_ Baronius.] The _Annalist_ therefore, not being able to

bring in his Sovereign Pontiff upon the Authority of any Records now

extant, has recourse to those that probably never were; or, if they ever

were, are now no more. He supposes Part of the above-mentioned

Confession of Faith, sent by _Liberius_ to _Athanasius_, to be wanting;

and _Liberius_, in the Part that is wanting, to have impowered

_Athanasius_ to convene a Council, and to have appointed _Eusebius_ of

_Vercelli_, and _Lucifer_ of _Cagliari_, to assist at that Council with

the Character of his Legates. Such wild and extravagant Suppositions

require a very strong Proof to support them, some plausible Conjectures

at least to give them an Appearance of Truth. But that we must not

expect of _Baronius_. The only Argument, if it may be so called, which

he pretends to offer on this Occasion, is, that he cannot conceive

_Athanasius_, and the other holy Confessors, would have taken upon them

to act as they did, and enact a Decree extending to the whole Church,

had they not received such a Power from him, to whom all Power was

given[976], meaning the Pope. The other Pieces, falsly ascribed to

_Liberius_, are another Letter to _Athanasius_, and one to all the

Catholic Bishops; which are both reputed supposititious, being dated by

Consuls who never existed.

-----

Footnote 717:

Buch. cycl. p. 273.

Footnote 718:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 41.

Footnote 719:

Ath. ad Solit. p. 828. & Apol. 2. p. 674. Theod. l. 2. c. 10.

Footnote 720:

Hil. frag. 1. p. 36. 40.

Footnote 721:

Idem ib.

Footnote 722:

Idem ib.

Footnote 723:

Idem ib.

Footnote 724:

Bar. ad ann. 352. n. 12-20.

Footnote 725:

Hil. p. 1327. & Athan. vit. p. 51.

Footnote 726:

Ath. ad Solit. p. 829. Sulp. Sever. l. 2. p. 159. Hil. frag. 2. p. 41.

47.

Footnote 727:

Sulp. Sever. l. 2. p. 159.

Footnote 728:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 42. Ath. ap. 1. p. 691. Theod. l. 2. c. 17.

Footnote 729:

Hil. frag. 1. p. 6. & in Cons. l. 2. p. 119. Sulp. Sever. p. 157. Ath.

in Ar. or. 1. p. 291. ad Solit. p. 831. de fug. 703.

Footnote 730:

Sulp. Sever. p. 469. Hier. chron.

Footnote 731:

Bar. in martyr. 31. Aug.

Footnote 732:

Hil. frag. 47.

Footnote 733:

Id. ib.

Footnote 734:

Id. ib. p. 39. 43.

Footnote 735:

Sulp. Sever. l. 2. p. 159. Hil. frag. 2. p. 43. Athan. ad Solit. p.

846.

Footnote 736:

Soz. p. 546, 547. Socr. l. 2. c. 36.

Footnote 737:

Athan. ad Sol. p. 838.

Footnote 738:

Ruff. l. 1. c. 20.

Footnote 739:

Athan. ad Solit. p. 834, 835. Ammian. l. 15. p. 47. Theod. l. 2. c.

13. & l. 15. p. 38. 41. 47.

Footnote 740:

Athan. & Theod. ib.

Footnote 741:

Athan. in Ar. or. 1. p. 290. Marcell. & Faustin. lib. prec. ad Theod.

p. 30.

Footnote 742:

Theod. l. 2. c. 13.

Footnote 743:

Id. ib.

Footnote 744:

Theod. l. 1. c. 13.

Footnote 745:

Id. ib.

Footnote 746:

Id. ib & Athan. ad Solit. p. 835.

Footnote 747:

Theod. l. 2. c. 13. Soz. l. 4. c. 11.

Footnote 748:

Marc. & Faust. &c. p. 3. Hier. chron.

Footnote 749:

Athan. ad Solit. p. 861. Ruff. l. 1. c. 22.

Footnote 750:

Ath. ib. Hier. ep. 98. Soz. l. 4. c. 24. Socr. l. 2. c. 37.

Footnote 751:

Soz. l. 4. c. 15.

Footnote 752:

Hier. chron. Marc. & Faust. p. 3.

Footnote 753:

Athan. ib. Theod. l. 2. c. 14. Ammian. l. 16. p. 72.

Footnote 754:

Ammian. l. 16. p. 69. 72. Idat. chron. Alex.

Footnote 755:

Theod. l. 2. c. 14. Soz. l. 4. c. 15.

Footnote 756:

Amm. l. 16.

Footnote 757:

Theod. ib.

Footnote 758:

Sulp. Sever. l. 2. p. 160.

Footnote 759:

Ruf. l. 1. c. 27.

Footnote 760:

Soz. l. 4. c. 11.

Footnote 761:

Idem ib.

Footnote 762:

Ath. ad Solit. p. 837.

Footnote 763:

Bar. ad ann. 357. n. 41.

Footnote 764:

Hil. frag. 1. p. 48. Hier. vir. il. c. 97.

Footnote 765:

Hil. ib.

Footnote 766:

Idem ib. p. 49.

Footnote 767:

Idem ib. p. 47, 48.

Footnote 768:

Idem ib.

Footnote 769:

Idem ib. p. 49.

Footnote 770:

Idem ib. p. 51.

Footnote 771:

Soz. l. 4. c. 15.

Footnote 772:

Idem ib.

Footnote 773:

Bar. ad ann. 357. n. 46.

Footnote 774:

Hier. vir. ill. c. 97. & in chron.

Footnote 775:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 48.

Footnote 776:

Athan. ad Solit.

Footnote 777:

Bell. de Rom. Pont. l. 4. c. 9.

Footnote 778:

Soz. l. 4. c. 15.

Footnote 779:

Idem ib.

Footnote 780:

Hier. chron. Mar. & Faust. p. 4.

Footnote 781:

Idem ib.

Footnote 782:

Socr. l. 2. c. 37.

Footnote 783:

Anast. c. 37. Boll. Apr. t. 1. p. 31.

Footnote 784:

Theod. l. 2. c. 13. Philg. l. 4. c. 3.

Footnote 785:

Soz. l. 4. c. 15.

Footnote 786:

Marc. & Faust. p. 4.

Footnote 787:

Socrat. l. 2. c. 37.

Footnote 788:

Athan. ad Solit. p. 861.

Footnote 789:

Vide Bolland. Apr. t. 1. p. 31.

Footnote 790:

MS. p. 219.

Footnote 791:

Anast. c. 37. p. 22.

Footnote 792:

Idem ib. p. 21.

Footnote 793:

Leuchesini de infall. sed. Rom. p. 97. Rossi vicario di Cristo, p. 72.

Footnote 794:

Bar. ad ann. 557. n. 63.

Footnote 795:

Idem ib.

Footnote 796:

Id. ib. n. 64.

Footnote 797:

Id. ib.

Footnote 798:

Marcell. & Faust. p. 4.

Footnote 799:

Athan. de syn. p. 907.

Footnote 800:

Philost. i. 6. c. 6.

Footnote 801:

Chron. Alex. p. 684.

Footnote 802:

Bar. ad ann. 357. n. 65.

Footnote 803:

Bell. de Rom. Pont. l. 4. c. 9.

Footnote 804:

Theodoret. p. 610.

Footnote 805:

Athan. ad Solit. p. 861.

Footnote 806:

Bell. ibid.

Footnote 807:

Lab. chron.

Footnote 808:

Bona, lit. l. 2. c. 11. p. 423.

Footnote 809:

Vide p. 78.

Footnote 810:

Lab. ibid.

Footnote 811:

Athan. ad Sol. p. 838.

Footnote 812:

Soz. l. 1. c. 16.

Footnote 813:

Id. ib.

Footnote 814:

Athan. ad Sol. p. 841.

Footnote 815:

Theod. l. 1. c. 6.

Footnote 816:

Euseb. vit. Const. l. 2. c. 63.

Footnote 817:

Concil. tom. 1. p. 969.

Footnote 818:

Ath. ad Sol. p. 838. Euseb. vit. Const. l. 2. c. 63.

Footnote 819:

Ath. ib. apol. 2. p. 760. & alibi.

Footnote 820:

Euseb. ib. Socr. l. 1. c. 7.

Footnote 821:

Euseb. ib. l. 1. c. 7.

Footnote 822:

Zos. l. 2. p. 435.

Footnote 823:

Marc. & Faust. p. 34.

Footnote 824:

Ath. de fug. p. 704.

Footnote 825:

Aug. in Parm. l. 1. c. 8.

Footnote 826:

Euseb. vit. Const. l. 2. c. 73.

Footnote 827:

Socr. l. 1. c. 8.

Footnote 828:

Sulp. l. 2. c. 55. Theod. l. 2. c. 12.

Footnote 829:

Athan. fug. p. 703.

Footnote 830:

Athan. ad Sol. p. 837.

Footnote 831:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 16.

Footnote 832:

Ath. ad Sol. p. 837-841.

Footnote 833:

Id. ib. p. 838.

Footnote 834:

Id. ib. p. 838-840.

Footnote 835:

Athan. ib. p. 841. Sulp. l. 2. p. 162. Socr. l. 2. c. 31.

Footnote 836:

Ath. de fug. p. 704. Apol. 2. p. 807.

Footnote 837:

Id. ib. Socr. p. 127.

Footnote 838:

Ath. ad Sol. p. 841.

Footnote 839:

Ath. de fug. p. 704. & apol. 2. p. 807.

Footnote 840:

Id. ad Sol. p. 841.

Footnote 841:

Sulp. l. 2. p. 161, 162.

Footnote 842:

Ath. ad Sol. p. 841.

Footnote 843:

Phœbad. contr. Arian. p. 180.

Footnote 844:

Mar. & Faust. p. 34.

Footnote 845:

Hil. de syn. p. 124, 125. 133.

Footnote 846:

Vigil. in Eutychian. l. 5. n. 3.

Footnote 847:

Socr. l. 2. c. 31.

Footnote 848:

Soz. l. 4. c. 12.

Footnote 849:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 4.

Footnote 850:

Marcell. & Faust. p. 34.

Footnote 851:

Phœbad. p. 169.

Footnote 852:

Id. p. 180. Soz. l. 4. c. 12.

Footnote 853:

Sulp. l. 2. p. 161, 162.

Footnote 854:

Soz. ib.

Footnote 855:

Phœbad. p. 180.

Footnote 856:

Hil. syn. p. 133.

Footnote 857:

Idem ib. p. 137.

Footnote 858:

Ath. ad Sol. p. 141. & 842.

Footnote 859:

Idem ib.

Footnote 860:

Idem de frag. p. 704. & apol. 2. p. 807.

Footnote 861:

Vide Isidor. de vir. ill. in Osio, c. 1.

Footnote 862:

Menæa, p. 293.

Footnote 863:

Soz. l. 4. c. 16. & l. 3. c. 19. Ath. de syn. p. 873.

Footnote 864:

Greg. Nyss. de facto, p. 75.

Footnote 865:

Soz. ib.

Footnote 866:

Philost. l. 4. c. 20.

Footnote 867:

Soz. ib.

Footnote 868:

Theodor. l. 1. c. 22.

Footnote 869:

Soz. l. 4. c. 16. Ath. de syn. p. 869.

Footnote 870:

Ath. de syn. p. 870.

Footnote 871:

Ath. de syn. p. 873, 874. Soz. l. 4. c. 16.

Footnote 872:

Idem ib. & c. 17.

Footnote 873:

Soz. l. 4. c. 24.

Footnote 874:

Theod. l. 2. c. 21.

Footnote 875:

Socr. l. 2. c. 39. Soz. l. 4. c. 16.

Footnote 876:

Hil. de syn. p. 24.

Footnote 877:

Sulp. l. 2. p. 164.

Footnote 878:

Ath. de syn. p. 870.

Footnote 879:

Ammian. l. 21. p. 203.

Footnote 880:

Sulp. l. 4. c. 17.

Footnote 881:

Ath. de syn. p. 874. Sulp. l. 2. p. 162. Soz. p. 563.

Footnote 882:

Hier. p. 143. Sulp. p. 162.

Footnote 883:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 43, 44.

Footnote 884:

Idem ib. p. 46.

Footnote 885:

Ath. de syn. p. 876. Hil. frag. 1. p. 44. Epiph. hæres. 73. c. 22.

Footnote 886:

Hil. & Epiph. ib.

Footnote 887:

Idem ib.

Footnote 888:

Ath. de syn. p. 875.

Footnote 889:

Buch. cycl.

Footnote 890:

Ath. Soz. ib. Theod. l. 1. c. 15.

Footnote 891:

Ath. ib. p. 876. Soz. ib. Hil. frag. 2. p. 47, 48.

Footnote 892:

Ath. ib. Socr. l. 1. c. 37. Hil. frag. 2. p. 46.

Footnote 893:

Sulp. l. 2. p. 163. Ath. ad Afr. p. 934. Hil. frag. 2. p. 36.

Footnote 894:

Socr. ib. Ath. de syn. p. 930.

Footnote 895:

Ath. de syn. p. 929, 930.

Footnote 896:

Id. ib.

Footnote 897:

Theod. l. 2. c. 15, 16.

Footnote 898:

Id. ib.

Footnote 899:

Soc. l. 2. c. 37.

Footnote 900:

Hil. in cons. l. 1. p. 113.

Footnote 901:

Theod. l. 2. c. 16. Hil. in ann. p. 122.

Footnote 902:

Id. ib.

Footnote 903:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 23.

Footnote 904:

Marc. & Faust. p. 25.

Footnote 905:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 36, 37. Theod. ib. Sulp. l. 2. p. 165.

Footnote 906:

Athan. ad Afr. p. 941. Sulp. p. 165. Marc. & Faust. p. 26. Hil. frag.

p. 37.

Footnote 907:

Ath. ib. p. 934.

Footnote 908:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 37, 38.

Footnote 909:

Sulp. p. 166.

Footnote 910:

Sulp. ib.

Footnote 911:

Theod. l. 1. c. 17.

Footnote 912:

Id. ib.

Footnote 913:

Ambros. de fid. l. 3. c. 7.

Footnote 914:

Sulp. l. 2. p. 166.

Footnote 915:

Fulg. in Pint. c. 3. p. 536.

Footnote 916:

Hil. frag. 1. p. 53, 54.

Footnote 917:

Hier. in Lucif. c. 7.

Footnote 918:

Hil. frag. 2. p. 4, 5.

Footnote 919:

Mar. & Faust. p. 47.

Footnote 920:

Hier. ib.

Footnote 921:

Ath. de syn. p. 881. Hil. in cons. l. 1. p. 114.

Footnote 922:

Greg. Naz. or. 21. p. 386.

Footnote 923:

Socr. l. 2. c. 40.

Footnote 924:

Soz. l. 4. c. 22.

Footnote 925:

Id. ib. Sacr. l. 1. c. 40. Ath. de syn. p. 881. Basil. in Eunom. l. 1.

p. 697. Sulp. l. 1. p. 65.

Footnote 926:

Hil. in cons. l. 1. p. 115. Soz. l. 4. c. 23. Basil. ep. 74.

Footnote 927:

Soz. l. 4. c. 24.

Footnote 928:

Socr. l. 2. c. 12. Soz. l. 4. c. 24. Philost. l. 5. c. 1.

Footnote 929:

Soz. l. 4. c. 26.

Footnote 930:

Greg. Naz. orat. 21. p. 387.

Footnote 931:

Id. ib.

Footnote 932:

Theod. l. 2. c. 17.

Footnote 933:

Bar. ad ann. 359. n. 48.

Footnote 934:

Greg. Naz. orat. 1. p. 387.

Footnote 935:

Ruf. l. 1. c. 21.

Footnote 936:

Hier. in Lucifer. p. 143. & in chron.

Footnote 937:

Idem ib.

Footnote 938:

Theod. l. 2. c. 23.

Footnote 939:

Socr. l. 2. c. 45. Ath. de syn. p. 906.

Footnote 940:

Philost. l. 6. c. 5.

Footnote 941:

Socr. l. 3. c. 1.

Footnote 942:

Theod. l. 3. c. 2. Hier. in Lucif. c. 7.

Footnote 943:

Ammian. l. 22. p. 223. Soz. l. 4. c. 30. Philost. l. 7. c. 2. Epiph.

p. 912.

Footnote 944:

Greg. Naz. 21.

Footnote 945:

Ruf. l. 1. c. 28. Ath. ad Ruf. t. 2. p. 41. Amb. de salv. p. 316. Aug.

ep. 50. Hier. in Lucif. c. 7.

Footnote 946:

Bolland. Maii 20. p. 207.

Footnote 947:

Bar. ad ann. 371. n. 132.

Footnote 948:

Ruf. l. 1. c. 30.

Footnote 949:

Hier. in Lucif. p. 144.

Footnote 950:

Bar. ad ann. 371. n. 132.

Footnote 951:

Ath. ad Jov. t. 1. p. 246.

Footnote 952:

Soz. l. 6. c. 10.

Footnote 953:

Socr. l. 4. c. 1.

Footnote 954:

Bas. ep. 75.

Footnote 955:

Socr. ib.

Footnote 956:

Ath. ad Asr. p. 931. & ad Epict. p. 582.

Footnote 957:

Soz. l. 5. c. 14.

Footnote 958:

Greg. Naz. orat. 44.

Footnote 959:

Ruf. l. 1. c. 25.

Footnote 960:

Socr. l. 2. c. 45. l. 4. c. 4. l. 5. c. 8.

Footnote 961:

Id. l. 4. c. 12. Soz. l. 6. c. 10.

Footnote 962:

Soz. Socr. ib.

Footnote 963:

Socr. ib.

Footnote 964:

Socr. l. 4. c. 12. Basil. ep. 82.

Footnote 965:

Marcell. & Faust. p. 4, 5.

Footnote 966:

Ruf. l. 3. c. 30, 31.

Footnote 967:

Idem ib.

Footnote 968:

Hil. frag. 1. p. 37, 38.

Footnote 969:

Bar. ad ann. 359. n. 3.

Footnote 970:

Theoph. l. 2. c. 13.

Footnote 971:

Id. ib.

Footnote 972:

Menæa, p. 293.

Footnote 973:

Breviar. Rom. 5 Aug.

Footnote 974:

Vide Bull. Urb. VIII. Breviario præfix.

Footnote 975:

Amb. de virg. l. 3. p. 437.

Footnote 976:

Bar. ad ann. 362. n. 206.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------

VALENTINIAN, DAMASUS, GRATIAN,

VALENS, _Thirty-sixth_ BISHOP _of_ Rome. THEODOSIUS.

[Sidenote: Year of Christ 366. Damasus _a Native of_ Rome,]

_Liberius_ was succeeded by _Damasus_, whom the _Spanish_ Writers, upon

the Authority of _Anastasius_, suppose to have been a Native of

_Spain_[977]; though there is no room to doubt of his being born in

_Rome_, since it appears, from an Inscription quoted by _Baronius_[978],

that his Father had been Lector, Deacon, and Presbyter, of the Church of

St. _Laurence_ in that City, and consequently must have lived there from

his Youth. _Damasus_ had a Sister named _Irene_, who embraced the State

of Virginity, and died before she was Twenty, as we read in her

Epitaph[979]. It is not therefore probable, that her Death happened in

the Twelfth Year of her Brother’s Pontificate, as the _Spanish_ Author

of her Life tells us, he being then Seventy. _Damasus_ served, as his

Father had done, the Church of St. _Laurence_, till he was stricken in

Years; for he was upwards of Sixty when raised to the Episcopal Dignity.

[Sidenote: _and Deacon of that Church_.] He was Deacon of _Rome_ in 355.

when _Liberius_ was sent into Exile; on which Occasion he not only bound

himself, with the rest of the Clergy, by a solemn Oath not to acknowlege

any other Bishop so long as _Liberius_ lived, but attended him on his

Journey to the Place of his Banishment[980]. [Sidenote: _Whether he

abandoned_ Liberius,_and sided with_ Felix.] _Marcellinus_ and

_Faustinus_ seem to insinuate, that soon afterwards, giving way to his

Ambition, he forgot the Oath he had taken, abandoned _Liberius_, for

whom he had professed the greatest Friendship, and sided with _Felix_

his Antagonist[981]. But these Two Presbyters were zealous Partisans of

the Antipope _Ursinus_, of whom hereafter; and therefore we ought to be

very cautious of what they write to the Prejudice of _Damasus_. _Jerom_,

who lived then at _Rome_, and in great Intimacy with _Damasus_,

reproaches such of the Ecclesiastics as forsook _Liberius_, and joined

_Felix_, with the Breach of a most solemn Oath; styles them Perjurers,

Deserters, Time-servers, _&c._ which I cannot think he would have done

so freely, had _Damasus_ been one of the Number. I am therefore not a

little surprised, that _Baronius_ should blindly acquiesce to the

Accounts of the above-mentioned Writers, and, without further Inquiry,

condemn _Damasus_ as guilty of Perjury, by ranking him among the

Followers of _Felix_[982]. And yet the Annalist supposes him to have

been appointed Great Vicar of _Rome_ by _Liberius_, upon his withdrawing

from the City to avoid the Persecution raised by _Constantius_ after the

Council of _Rimini_[983]: so that, according to him, he must have

changed Sides anew, and, abandoning _Felix_, returned to _Liberius_,

which is representing him as a Man swayed by no other Principles but

those of Interest and Ambition, and therefore always siding with those

who were uppermost. This is all we know of _Damasus_ before his

Election.

[Sidenote: _He is chosen Bishop of_ Rome, _and likewise_ Ursinus.]

_Liberius_ dying on the 23d or 24th of _September_ 366. as I have

related above, great Disturbances were raised in _Rome_ by the Election

of Two Bishops to succeed him, _viz._ _Damasus_ and _Ursinus_, whom the

later Writers style _Ursicinus_, a Deacon of that Church. This double

Election gave Rise to a dangerous Schism, and a kind of Civil War,

within the Walls of the City, which did not end without a great deal of

Bloodshed. I shall impartially relate what I find concerning this

important Transaction in the contemporary Writers of either Side;

leaving the Reader to judge which of the Two Pretenders was the Cause of

so much Mischief, and which legally chosen. I shall begin with the

Account which _Marcellinus_ and _Faustinus_, who were then at _Rome_,

give us of these Elections. They were both Presbyters of that Church,

but, being strict Followers of _Lucifer_ Bishop of _Cagliari_, of whom I

have spoken above, they and their whole Party were deemed Schismatics,

and consequently cruelly persecuted by the Catholic Bishops, especially

_Damasus_. Finding themselves thus oppressed, the Two Presbyters,

between 383. and 388. drew up a Petition in Behalf of themselves and

their afflicted Brethren, addressed to _Valentinian_ II. _Theodosius_,

and _Arcadius_, intreating those Princes to protect their Innocence, and

put a Stop to the unbridled Rage of their Enemies. With this Request the

Two Presbyters repaired to _Constantinople_, being driven from _Rome_ by

_Damasus_, and there presented it to _Theodosius_, who, pitying their

Condition, in his Rescript directed to _Cynegius_ the _Præfectus

Prætorio_, treated them as Catholics, granted them the free Exercise of

their Religion, and declared all those wicked Men, nay, and Heretics,

who had presumed, or should for the future presume, to persecute or

molest them[984]. In the Preface, prefixed to this Petition, I find the

following Account of both the above-mentioned Elections. _Ursinus_, say

they, was chosen in the Basilic of _Julius_ by the Deacons _Amantius_

and _Lupus_, and the People, who had continued in the Communion of

_Liberius_; but _Damasus_, by those who had adhered to _Felix_,

assembled for that Purpose in the Church of St. _Laurence_, called _in

Lucinis_. _Ursinus_ was ordained the first, by _Paul_ Bishop of

_Tivoli_; which _Damasus_, who had always panted after the Episcopal

Dignity, no sooner knew, than he hired a great Number of Chariot

drivers, and other such despicable Wretches, who, violently breaking

into the Basilic of _Julius_, massacred a great many People there. Seven

Days afterwards they made themselves Masters of the _Lateran_ Basilic,

and there was _Damasus_ ordained Bishop[985]. [Sidenote: _Different

Accounts of these Elections._] This Account charges _Damasus_ alone with

the Schism, and the Evils attending it. On the other hand, the Council

of _Rome_, held about Twelve Years after, lays the whole Blame on

_Ursinus_, who, say they, boldly attempted to usurp a Dignity, which on

no Score was due to him[986]; and that which met at _Aquileia_ in 381.

and consisted of all the most eminent Bishops of the West, ascribes to

_Ursinus_, and his Temerity, the many Calamities the Church had

suffered; paints him as a Man of no Credit, Character, or Reputation;

and adds, that he seized by Force what he had no Hopes of attaining by

lawful Means[987]. _Ambrose_ writes, that the Suffrage of Heaven

concurred in the Election of _Damasus_[988]. According to these

Authorities _Damasus_ was lawfully elected, and _Ursinus_ unlawfully. As

to the Particulars of his Election, _Jerom_, who perhaps was then at

_Rome_, tells us, that _Damasus_ was first chosen, and then _Ursinus_,

who, after his Election, seized by Force on the Basilic of

_Sicinus_[989], that is, according to the most probable Opinion, the

Basilic of _Liberius_, now _Saint Mary the Greater_. _Socrates_ says,

that _Ursinus_ having near as many Votes as _Damasus_, he was thereby

encouraged to hold separate Assemblies, and to get himself ordained in a

dark and retired Corner of the Basilic of _Sicinus_[990]. _Ruffinus_

assures us, that _Damasus_ was already ordained, when _Ursinus_,

transported with Rage at his being preferred to him, assembled a great

Number of seditious People, and, supported by them, caused himself, in

Defiance of the Canons of the Church, to be ordained, in the Basilic of

_Sicinus_, by _Paul_ Bishop of _Tivoli_; whereas the Bishops of _Rome_

were always ordained and consecrated by those of _Ostia_. After his

Consecration, continues this Author, he ordained several Persons; which

was adding a Sacrilege to his unlawful Election[991]. Both _Ruffinus_,

and _Socrates_, who follows him, were certainly mistaken as to the Place

of this Ordination, since we are told by _Marcellinus_ and _Faustinus_,

that _Ursinus_ was ordained, not in the Basilic of _Sicinus_, but in

that of _Julius_[992]. These Two Writers, who were in _Rome_ at the Time

of the Elections, tell us, in express Terms, that _Ursinus_ was chosen

before _Damasus_; and _Jerom_, who was probably in _Rome_ at the same

Time, assures us, in Terms no less express, that _Damasus_ was chosen

before _Ursinus_. The former were greatly addicted to _Ursinus_, and the

latter no less attached to _Damasus_. As for the Two Councils, which I

have quoted above, they were held some Years after, when the Party of

_Damasus_ had universally prevailed, and it was a Crime to acknowlege

_Ursinus_. _Jerom_ has been followed by most of the Writers who came

after, and the Authority of the other Two quite disregarded, for no

other Reason but because they were Schismatics; for they joined

_Lucifer_, as I have observed above, and refused to communicate with the

Bishops who had signed the Confession of _Rimini_, nay, and with those

who communicated with them.

[Sidenote: _Great Disturbances in_ Rome, _occasioned by this double

Election_.]

By this double Election the Citizens of _Rome_ saw themselves, before

they were aware, involved in a Civil War. The whole People were divided,

some siding with _Damasus_, and some with _Ursinus_; and neither of the

Competitors shewed the least Inclination to yield to the other. No Day

passed without Skirmishes and Bloodshed; insomuch that _Juventius_

Governor of the City, and _Julian_ the _Præfectus Annonæ_, to put a Stop

to the present, and prevent greater Disturbances, agreed to banish

_Ursinus_, whose Party seemed less powerful, together with his Two

Deacons _Amantius_ and _Lupus_. The Two Authors I have often quoted

write, that both _Juventius_ and _Julian_ were bribed by _Damasus_, who,

taking Advantage of the Absence of his Competitor, armed his Followers

with Clubs and Swords, hoping thus to intimidate the Friends of the

exiled Bishop, and bring them in the End to acknowlege him. Seven

Presbyters of the Party of _Ursinus_ were seized, at the Request of

_Damasus_, in order to be sent into Exile, but rescued by the People of

the same Party, and carried in Triumph to the Basilic of _Liberius_;

which _Damasus_ no sooner heard, than, arming all his Followers, both

Clergy and Laymen, with Clubs, Swords, Axes, _&c._ he marched at the

Head of the seditious and enraged Multitude to the Basilic, which he and

his Partisans immediately invested, and attacked with the utmost Fury.

[Sidenote: _Several Persons massacred._] It was set on fire in several

Places; the Doors were forced, the Roof uncovered, and thence Showers of

Tiles discharged on the People assembled there: great was the Massacre;

One hundred and Sixty Persons, Men and Women, were inhumanly murdered on

the Side of _Ursinus_, and a great many more wounded, some of whom died

of their Wounds. On the Side of _Damasus_ not one single Person was

killed. This Riot began on the 25th of _October_ 366. at Eight in the

Morning.

[Sidenote: _The Sedition becomes general._]

Thus the above-mentioned Writer[993] _Ruffinus_ writes in general Terms,

that the illegal Election of _Ursinus_, in Opposition to _Damasus_,

occasioned such a Tumult, or rather Civil War among the People, some

siding with the one, and some with the other, that the Places destined

for Prayer streamed with Human Blood[994]. The Heathen _Ammianus

Marcellinus_ assures us, that the Partisans of _Damasus_ and _Ursinus_

were so implacably incensed against each other, that several Persons

were wounded in the Quarrel, and some killed: nay, it is certain, adds

he, that in the Basilic of _Sicinus_ One hundred and Thirty-seven

Persons were found dead, all killed the same Day: but _Damasus_ in the

End, by the Efforts of his Party, got the better of his Antagonist[995].

_Jerom_, however partial, owns, that _Ursinus_ having got Possession of

the Basilic of _Sicinus_, the Partisans of _Damasus_ repaired thither in

Crouds, and that several Persons were thereupon inhumanly

massacred[996]. The Sedition became general, and the Seditious on either

Side so numerous and powerful, that _Juventius_, not thinking it

adviseable to punish, nor being able to appease, the enraged Populace,

abandoned the City, and retired to the Country[997]. He was perhaps for

_Ursinus_, whose Party being over-matched by that of _Damasus_, he might

not think it safe to continue in _Rome_. Three Days after the Massacre

in the Basilic of _Liberius_, that is, on the 28th of _October_, the

Partisans of _Ursinus_, say _Marcellinus_ and _Faustinus_, assembling,

cried out aloud against _Damasus_, complaining of his Conduct, and

begging that a sufficient Number of Bishops might be convened, and the

Controversy referred to their Judgment and Decision[998]. _Damasus_ was

greatly favoured, and chiefly supported, by the _Roman_ Ladies, which

probably gave Occasion to the Charge of Adultery that was brought

against him. But _Jerom_, either to clear him of this Charge, or to

obviate the like Suspicions, naturally arising from his familiar

Conversation with the Female Sex, styles him a _Virgin Doctor of the

Virgin Church_[999].

[Sidenote: Damasus _not easily cleared from all Guilt_.]

The History of the Popes: From the Foundation of the See of Rome, to the Present Time, 3rd Ed. Vol. 1 · 第 16 / 25 题