There is an analogous phenomenon in the history of the world. Beliefs

altogether differ at the base of society, but they agree, or tend to

agree, at its summit. As society goes on, the standard of beauty, and of

morality, and of religion also, tends to become fixed. The creeds of the

higher classes throughout the world, though far from identical in these

respects, are not entirely unlike, approach to similarity, approach to it

more and more as cultivation augments, goodness improves, and disturbing

agencies fall aside.

‘The Ethiop gods have Ethiop lips,

Bronze cheeks, and woolly hair;

The Grecian gods are like the Greeks,

As keen-eyed, cold, and fair.’

Such is the various and miscellaneous religion of barbarism; but the

religion and the morality of all the best among all nations tend more

and more to be the same with ‘the progress of the suns,’ and as society

itself improves.

The instincts of morality and religion, though we have called them two

for facility of speech, run into one another, and in practical human

nature are not easily separated. The distinction, like so many others

in mental philosophy, is not drawn where accurate science would have

directed, but where the first notions of mankind, and the necessity of

easy speaking, in a language shaped according to those notions, have

suggested. In a refined analysis, the instinct of religion, as we have

called it, is a complex aggregate of various instincts, not a single and

homogeneous one. But to analyse these, or even to name them, would be

far from our purpose now. Our business is with the relation between the

instinct of morality and that of religion, and with no other perplexities

or difficulties. The instinct of morality is the basis, and the instinct

of moral religion is based upon it, and arises out of it. We feel first

the intrinsic qualities of good actions and bad actions; then, as the

Greek proverb expressed it, ‘Where there is shame there is fear;’ we

expect consequences apportioned to our actions, good and evil; lastly,

for within the limits of purely moral ideas there is no higher stage, we

rise to the conception of Him who in His wisdom adjusts and allots those

far-off consequences to those conspicuous actions. The higher instinct

is based on the lower; would fade in the mind should the lower fade.

The coalescence of instinct effects what no other contrivance known to

us could effect; it enables us to be disinterested, although we know

the consequences of evil actions, because conscience is the revealing

sensation, and we only know those consequences so long as we are

disinterested.

These fundamental difficulties of life and morals are little discussed.

Few think of them clearly, and still fewer speak of them much. But they

cloud the brain and confuse the hopes of many who never stated them

explicitly to themselves, and never heard them stated explicitly by

others. Meanwhile superficial difficulties are in every one’s mouth; we

are deafened with controversies on remote matters which do not concern

us; we are confused with ‘Aids to Faith’ which neither harm nor help

us. A tumult of irrelevant theology is in the air which oppresses men’s

heads, and darkens their future, and scatters their hopes. For such a

calamity there is no thorough cure; it belongs to the confused epoch of

an age of transition, and is inseparable from it. But the best palliative

is a steady attention to primary difficulties—if possible, a clear

mastery over them; if not, a distinct knowledge how we stand respecting

them. The shrewdest man of the world who ever lived tells us, ‘That he

who begins in certainties shall end in doubts; but he who begins in

doubts shall end in certainties;’ and the maxim is even more applicable

to matters which are not of this world than to those which are.

_ON THE EMOTION OF CONVICTION._[23]

(1871.)

What we commonly term Belief includes, I apprehend, both an Intellectual

and an Emotional element; the first we more properly call ‘assent,’ and

the second ‘conviction.’ The laws of the Intellectual element in belief

are ‘the laws of evidence,’ and have been elaborately discussed; but

those of the Emotional part have hardly been discussed at all—indeed, its

existence has been scarcely perceived.

In the mind of a rigorously trained inquirer, the process of believing

is, I apprehend, this:—First comes the investigation, a set of facts are

sifted, and a set of arguments weighed; then the intellect perceives the

result of those arguments, and, we say, assents to it. Then an emotion

more or less strong sets in, which completes the whole. In calm and quiet

minds, the intellectual part of this process is so much the strongest

that they are hardly conscious of anything else; and as these quiet,

careful people have written our treatises, we do not find it explained in

them how important the emotional part is.

But take the case of the Caliph Omar, according to Gibbon’s description

of him. He burnt the Alexandrine Library, saying, ‘All books which

contain what is not in the Koran are dangerous; all those which contain

what is in the Koran are useless.’ Probably no one ever had an intenser

belief in anything than Omar had in this. Yet it is impossible to imagine

it preceded by an argument. His belief in Mahomet, in the Koran, and in

the sufficiency of the Koran, came to him probably in spontaneous rushes

of emotion; there may have been little vestiges of argument floating here

and there, but they did not justify the strength of the emotion, still

less did they create it, and they hardly even excused it.

There is so commonly some considerable argument for our modern beliefs,

that it is difficult now-a-days to isolate the emotional element,

and therefore, on the principle that in Metaphysics ‘egotism is the

truest modesty,’ I may give myself as an example of utterly irrational

conviction. Some years ago I stood for a borough in the West of England,

and after a keen contest was defeated by seven. Almost directly

afterwards there was accidentally another election, and as I would not

stand, another candidate of my own side was elected, and I of course

ceased to have any hold upon the place, or chance of being elected there.

But for years I had the deepest conviction that I should be Member for

‘Bridgwater’; and no amount of reasoning would get it out of my head. The

borough is now disfranchised; but even still, if I allow my mind to dwell

on the contest,—if I think of the hours I was ahead in the morning, and

the rush of votes at two o’clock by which I was defeated,—and even more,

if I call up the image of the nomination day, with all the people’s hands

outstretched, and all their excited faces looking the more different on

account of their identity in posture, the old feeling almost comes back

upon me, and for a moment I believe that I shall be Member for Bridgwater.

I should not mention such nonsense, except on an occasion when I may

serve as an intellectual ‘specimen,’[24] but I know I wish that I could

feel the same hearty, vivid faith in many conclusions of which my

understanding says it is satisfied, that I did in this absurdity. And

if it should be replied that such folly could be no real belief, for it

could not influence any man’s action, I am afraid I must say that it

did influence my actions. For a long time the ineradicable fatalistic

feeling, that I should some time have this constituency, of which I

had no chance, hung about my mind, and diminished my interest in other

constituencies, where my chances of election would have been rational, at

any rate.

This case probably exhibits the _maximum_ of conviction with the

_minimum_ of argument, but there are many approximations to it. Persons

of untrained minds cannot long live without some belief in any topic

which comes much before them. It has been said that if you can only get a

middle-class Englishman to think whether there are ‘snails in Sirius,’ he

will soon have an opinion on it. It will be difficult to make him think,

but if he does think, he cannot rest in a negative, he will come to some

decision. And on any ordinary topic, of course, it is so. A grocer has a

full creed as to foreign policy, a young lady a complete theory of the

sacraments, as to which neither has any doubt whatever. But in talking to

such persons, I cannot but remember my Bridgwater experience, and ask

whether causes like those which begat my folly may not be at the bottom

of their ‘invincible knowledge.’

Most persons who observe their own thoughts must have been conscious of

the exactly opposite state. There are cases where our intellect has gone

through the arguments, and we give a clear assent to the conclusions. But

our minds seem dry and unsatisfied. In that case we have the intellectual

part of Belief, but want the emotional part.

That belief is not a purely intellectual matter is evident from dreams,

where we are always believing, but scarcely ever arguing; and from

certain forms of insanity, where fixed delusions seize upon the mind

and generate a firmer belief than any sane person is capable of. These

are, of course, ‘unorthodox’ states of mind; but a good psychology must

explain them, nevertheless, and perhaps it would have progressed faster

if it had been more ready to compare them with the waking states of sane

people.

Probably, when the subject is thoroughly examined, ‘conviction’ will be

proved to be one of the intensest of human emotions, and one most closely

connected with the bodily state. In cases like the Caliph Omar’s, it

governs all other desires, absorbs the whole nature, and rules the whole

life. And in such cases it is accompanied or preceded by the sensation

that Scott makes his seer describe as the prelude to a prophecy:—

‘At length the fatal answer came,

In characters of living flame—

Not spoke in word, nor blazed in scroll,

But borne and branded on my soul.’

A hot flash seems to burn across the brain. Men in these intense states

of mind have altered all history, changed for better or worse the creed

of myriads, and desolated or redeemed provinces and ages. Nor is this

intensity a sign of truth, for it is precisely strongest in those points

in which men differ most from each other. John Knox felt it in his

anti-Catholicism; Ignatius Loyola in his anti-Protestantism; and both, I

suppose, felt it as much as it is possible to feel it.

Once acutely felt, I believe it is indelible; at least, it does something

to the mind which it is hard for anything else to undo. It has been often

said that a man who has once really loved a woman, never can be without

feeling towards that woman again. He may go on loving her, or he may

change and hate her. In the same way, I think, experience proves that

no one who has had real passionate conviction of a creed, the sort of

emotion that burns hot upon the brain, can ever be indifferent to that

creed again. He may continue to believe it, and to love it; or he may

change to the opposite, vehemently argue against it, and persecute it.

But he cannot forget it. Years afterwards, perhaps, when life changes,

when external interests cease to excite, when the apathy to surroundings

which belongs to the old, begins all at once, to the wonder of later

friends, who cannot imagine what is come to him, the grey-headed man

returns to the creed of his youth.

The explanation of these facts in metaphysical books is very imperfect.

Indeed, I only know one school which professes to explain the emotion,

as distinguished from the intellectual element in belief. Mr. Mill

(after Mr. Bain) speaks very instructively of the ‘animal nature of

belief,’ but when he comes to trace its cause, his analysis seems, to me

at least, utterly unsatisfactory. He says that ‘the state of belief is

identical with the activity or active disposition of the system at the

moment with reference to the thing believed.’ But in many cases there

is firm belief where there is no possibility of action or tendency to

it. A girl in a country parsonage will be sure ‘that Paris never can

be taken,’ or that ‘Bismarck is a wretch,’ without being able to act

on these ideas or wanting to act on them. Many beliefs, in Coleridge’s

happy phrase, slumber in the ‘dormitory of the soul’; they are present to

the consciousness, but they incite to no action. And perhaps Coleridge

is an example of misformed mind in which not only may ‘Faith’ not

produce ‘works,’ but in which it had a tendency to prevent works. Strong

convictions gave him a kind of cramp in the will, and he could not act

on them. And in very many persons much-indulged conviction exhausts the

mind with the attached ideas; teases it, and so, when the time of action

comes, makes it apt to turn to different, perhaps opposite ideas, and to

act on them in preference.

As far as I can perceive, the power of an idea to cause conviction,

independently of any intellectual process, depends on four properties.

1st. _Clearness._ The more unmistakable an idea is to a particular mind,

the more is that mind predisposed to believe it. In common life we may

constantly see this. If you once make a thing quite clear to a person,

the chances are that you will almost have persuaded him of it. Half the

world only understand what they believe, and always believe what they

understand.

2nd. _Intensity._ This is the main cause why the ideas that flash on

the minds of seers, as in Scott’s description, are believed; they come

mostly when the nerves are exhausted by fasting, watching, and longing;

they have a peculiar brilliancy, and therefore they are believed. To this

cause I trace too my fixed folly as to Bridgwater. The idea of being

member for the town had been so intensely brought home to me by the

excitement of a contest, that I could not eradicate it, and that as soon

as I recalled any circumstances of the contest it always came back in all

its vividness.

3rd. _Constancy._ As a rule, almost everyone does accept the creed of the

place in which he lives, and everyone without exception has a tendency

to do so. There are, it is true, some minds which a mathematician might

describe as minds of ‘contrary flexure,’ whose particular bent it is to

contradict what those around them say. And the reason is that in their

minds the opposite aspect of every subject is always vividly presented.

But even such minds usually accept the _axioms_ of their district, the

tenets which everybody always believes. They only object to the variable

elements; to the inferences and deductions drawn by some, but not by all.

4th. On the _Interestingness_ of the idea, by which I mean the power of

the idea to gratify some wish or want of the mind. The most obvious is

curiosity about something which is important to me. Rumours that gratify

this excite a sort of half-conviction without the least evidence, and

with a very little evidence a full, eager, not to say a bigoted one. If a

person go into a mixed company, and say authoritatively ‘that the Cabinet

is nearly divided on the Russian question, and that it was only decided

by one vote to send Lord Granville’s despatch,’ most of the company will

attach some weight more or less to the story, without asking how the

secret was known. And if the narrator casually add that he has just seen

a subordinate member of the Government, most of the hearers will go away

and repeat the anecdote with grave attention, though it does not in the

least appear that the lesser functionary told the anecdote about the

Cabinet, or that he knew what passed at it.

And the interest is greater when the news falls in with the bent of the

hearer. A sanguine man will believe with scarcely any evidence that good

luck is coming, and a dismal man that bad luck is coming. As far as I can

make out, the professional ‘Bulls’ and ‘Bears’ of the City _do_ believe a

great deal of what they say, though, of course, there are exceptions, and

though neither the most sanguine ‘bull’ nor the most dismal ‘bear’ can

believe _all_ he says.

Of course, I need not say that this ‘quality’ peculiarly attaches to

the greatest problems of human life. The firmest convictions of the

most inconsistent answers to the everlasting questions ‘whence?’ and

‘whither?’ have been generated by this ‘interestingness’ without evidence

on which one would invest a penny.

In one case, these causes of irrational conviction seem contradictory.

Clearness, as we have seen, is one of them; but obscurity, when obscure

things are interesting, is a cause too. But there is no real difficulty

here. Human nature at different times exhibits contrasted impulses. There

is a passion for sensualism, that is, to eat and drink; and a passion for

asceticism, that is, not to eat and drink; so it is quite likely that the

clearness of an idea may sometimes cause a movement of conviction, and

that the obscurity of another idea may at other times cause one too.

These laws, however, are complex—can they be reduced to any simpler

law of human nature? I confess I think that they can, but at the same

time I do not presume to speak with the same confidence about it that

I have upon other points. Hitherto I have been dealing with the common

facts of the adult human mind, as we may see it in others and feel it

in ourselves. But I am now going to deal with the ‘prehistoric’ period

of the mind in early childhood, as to which there is necessarily much

obscurity.

My theory is, that in the first instance a child believes everything.

Some of its states of consciousness are perceptive or presentative,—that

is, they tell it of some heat or cold, some resistance or

non-resistance, then and there present. Other states of consciousness

are representative,—that is, they say that certain sensations could be

felt or certain facts perceived, in time past or in time to come, or at

some place, no matter at what time, then and there out of the reach of

perception and sensation. In mature life, too, we have these presentative

and representative states in every sort of mixture, but we make a

distinction between them. Without remark and without doubt, we believe

the ‘evidence of our senses,’ that is, the facts of present sensation

and perception; but we do not believe at once and instantaneously the

representative states as to what is non-present, whether in time or

space. But I apprehend that this is an acquired distinction, and that in

early childhood every state of consciousness is believed, whether it be

presentative or representative.

Certainly at the beginning of the ‘historic’ period we catch the mind

at a period of extreme credulity. When memory begins, and when speech

and signs suffice to make a child intelligible, belief is almost

omnipresent, and doubt almost never to be found. Childlike credulity is a

phrase of the highest antiquity, and of the greatest present aptness.

So striking, indeed, on certain points, is this impulse to believe,

that philosophers have invented various theories to explain in detail

some of its marked instances. Thus it has been said that children have

an intuitive disposition to believe in ‘testimony’—that is, in the

correctness of statements orally made to them. And that they do so is

certain. Every child believes what the footman tells it, what its nurse

tells it, and what its mother tells it, and probably every one’s memory

will carry him back to the horrid mass of miscellaneous confusion which

he acquired by believing all he heard. But though it is certain that a

child believes all assertions made to it, it is not certain that the

child so believes in consequence of a special intuitive predisposition

restricted to such assertions. It may be that this indiscriminate belief

in all sayings is but a relic of an omnivorous acquiescence in all states

of consciousness, which is only just extinct when childhood is plain

enough to be understood, or old enough to be remembered.

Again, it has been said much more plausibly that we want an intuitive

tendency to account for our belief in memory. But I question whether

it can be shown that a little child _does_ believe in its memories

more confidently than in its imaginations. A child of my acquaintance

corrected its mother, who said that ‘they should never see’ two of

its dead brothers again, and maintained, ‘Oh yes, mamma, we shall; we

shall see them in heaven, and they will be so glad to see us.’ And then

the child cried with disappointment because its mother, though a most

religious lady, did not seem exactly to feel that seeing her children

in that manner was as good as seeing them on earth. Now I doubt if

that child did not believe this expectation quite as confidently as it

believed any past fact, or as it could believe anything at all, and

though the conclusion may be true, plainly the child believed, not

from the efficacy of the external evidence, but from a strong rush of

inward confidence. Why, then, should we want a special intuition to make

children believe past facts when, in truth, they go farther and believe

with no kind of difficulty future facts as well as past?

If on so abstruse a matter I might be allowed a graphic illustration,

I should define doubt as ‘a hesitation produced by collision.’ A child

possessed with the notion that all its fancies are true, finds that

acting on one of them brings its head against the table. This gives it

pain, and makes it hesitate as to the expediency of doing it again. Early

childhood is an incessant education in scepticism, and early youth is

so too. All boys are always knocking their heads against the physical

world, and all young men are constantly knocking their heads against the

social world. And both of them from the same cause—that they are subject

to an eruption of emotion which engenders a strong belief, but which is

as likely to cause a belief in falsehood as in truth. Gradually, under

the tuition of a painful experience, we come to learn that our strongest

convictions may be quite false, that many of our most cherished ones are

and have been false; and this causes us to seek a ‘criterion’ as to which

beliefs are to be trusted and which are not; and so we are beaten back to

the laws of evidence for our guide, though, as Bishop Butler said, in a

similar case, we object to be bound by anything so ‘poor.’

That it is really this contention with the world which destroys

conviction and which causes doubt, is shown by examining the cases where

the mind is secluded from the world. In ‘dreams,’ where we are out of

collision with fact, we accept everything as it comes, believe everything

and doubt nothing. And in violent cases of mania, where the mind is shut

up within itself, and cannot, from impotence, perceive what is without,

it is as sure of the most chance fancy, as in health it would be of the

best proved truths.

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