This is a great exception to the transitoriness of political poetry. Such

a character as that of Napoleon displayed on so large a stage, so great a

genius amid such scenery of action, insures an immortality. ‘The page of

universal history’ which he was always coveting, he has attained; and it

is a page which, from its singularity and its errors, its shame and its

glory, will distract the attention from other pages. No one who has ever

had in his mind the idea of Napoleon’s character can forget it. Nothing

too can be more natural than that the French should remember it. His

character possessed the primary imagination, the elementary conceiving

power, in which they are deficient. So far from being restricted to the

poetry of society, he would not have even appreciated it. A certain

bareness marks his mind; his style is curt; the imaginative product is

left rude; there is the distinct abstraction of the military diagram. The

tact of light and passing talk, the detective imagination which is akin

to that tact, and discovers the quick essence of social things,—he never

had. In speaking of his power over popular fancies, Béranger has called

him ‘the greatest poet of modern times.’ No genius can be more unlike his

own, and therefore perhaps it is that he admires it so much. During the

Hundred Days, Béranger says he was never under the illusion, then not

rare, that the Emperor could become a constitutional monarch. The lion,

he felt, would not change his skin. After the return of the Bourbons,

he says, doubtless with truth, that his ‘_instinct du peuple_’ told him

they could never ally themselves with liberal principles, or unite with

that new order of society which, though dating from the Revolution, had

acquired in five-and-twenty years a half-prescriptive right. They and

their followers came in to _take_ possession, and it was impossible they

could unite with what _was_ in possession. During the whole reign of the

hereditary Bourbon dynasty, Béranger was in opposition. Representing the

natural sentiments of the new Frenchman, he could not bear the natural

tendency of the ruling power to the half-forgotten practices of old

France. The legitimate Bourbons were by their position the chieftains of

the party advocating their right by birth; they could not be the kings of

a people; and the poet of the people was against them. After the genius

of Napoleon, all other governing minds would seem tame and contracted;

and Charles X. was not a man to diminish the inevitable feeling. Béranger

despised him. As the poet warred with the weapons of poetry, the

Government retorted with the penalties of State. He was turned out of his

petty clerkship, he was twice imprisoned; but these things only increased

his popularity; and a firm and genial mind, so far from being moved, sang

songs at La Force itself. The Revolution of 1830 was willing to make his

fortune.

‘Je l’ai traitée,’ he says, ‘comme une puissance qui peut avoir

des caprices auxquels il faut être en mesure de résister. Tous

ou presque tous mes amis ont passé au ministère: j’en ai même

encore un ou deux qui restent suspendus à ce mât de cocagne. Je

me plais à croire qu’ils y sont accrochés par la basque, malgré

les efforts qu’ils font pour descendre. J’aurais donc pu avoir

part à la distribution des emplois. Malheureusement je n’ai

pas l’amour des sinécures, et tout travail obligé m’est devenu

insupportable, hors peut-être encore celui d’expéditionnaire.

Des médisants out prétendu que je faisais de la vertu. Fi donc!

je faisais de la paresse. Ce défaut m’a tenu lieu de bien des

qualités; aussi je le recommande à beaucoup de nos honnêtes

gens. Il expose pourtant à de singuliers reproches. C’est à

cette paresse si douce, que des censeurs rigides ont attribué

l’éloignement où je me suis tenu de ceux de mes honorables

amis qui ont eu le malheur d’arriver au pouvoir. Faisant trop

d’honneur à ce qu’ils veulent bien appeler ma bonne tête, et

oubliant trop combien il y a loin du simple bon sens à la

science des grandes affaires, ces censeurs prétendent que mes

conseils eussent éclairé plus d’un ministre. A les croire,

tapi derrière le fauteuil de velours de nos hommes d’état,

j’aurais conjuré les vents, dissipé les orages, et fait nager

la France dans un océan de délices. Nous aurions tous de la

liberté à revendre ou plutôt à donner, car nous n’en savons

pas bien encore le prix. Eh! messieurs mes deux ou trois amis,

qui prenez un chansonnier pour un magicien, on ne vous a donc

pas dit que le pouvoir est une cloche qui empêche ceux qui la

mettent en branle d’entendre aucun autre son? Sans doute des

ministres consultent quelquefois ceux qu’ils ont sous la main:

consulter est un moyen de parler de soi qu’on néglige rarement.

Mais il ne suffirait pas de consulter de bonne foi des gens

qui conseilleraient de même. Il faudrait encore exécuter: ceci

est la part du caractère. Les intentions les plus pures, le

patriotisme le plus éclairé ne le donnent pas toujours. Qui

n’a vu de hauts personnages quitter un donneur d’avis avec une

pensée courageuse, et, l’instant d’après, revenir vers lui,

de je ne sais quel lieu de fascination, avec l’embarras d’un

démenti donné aux résolutions les plus sages? “Oh!” disent-ils,

“nous n’y serons plus repris! quelle galère!” Le plus honteux

ajoute: “Je voudrais bien vous voir à ma place!” Quand un

ministre dit cela, soyez sûr qu’il n’a plus la tête à lui.

Cependant il en est un, mais un seul, qui, sans avoir perdu la

tête, a répété souvent ce mot de la meilleure foi du monde;

aussi ne l’adressait-il jamais à un ami.’

The statesman alluded to in the last paragraph is Manuel, his intimate

friend, from whom he declares he could never have been separated, but

whose death prevented his obtaining political honours. Nobody can

read the above passage without feeling its tone of political sense.

An enthusiasm for, yet half distrust of, the Revolution of July seems

as sound a sentiment as could be looked for even in the most sensible

contemporary. What he has thought of the present dynasty we do not know.

He probably has as little concurred in the silly encomiums of its mere

partisans as in the wild execrations of its disappointed enemies. His

opinion could not have been either that of the English who _fêted_ Louis

Napoleon in 1855, or of those who despised him in 1851. The political

fortunes of France during the last ten years must have been a painful

scene of observation to one who remembered the taking of the Bastille. If

there be such a thing as failure in the world, this looks like it.

Although we are very far from thinking that Béranger’s claims on

posterity are founded on his having utilised his talent in favour of

liberty, it is very natural that he should think or half-think himself

that it is so. His power over the multitude must have given him great

pleasure; it is something to be able to write mottoes for a revolution;

to write words for people to use, and hear people use those words.

The same sort of pleasure which Horace derived from his nearness to

the centre of great action, Béranger has derived from the power which

his thorough sympathy with his countrymen has given him over them.

A political satire may be ephemeral from the rapid oblivion of its

circumstances; but it is not unnatural that the author, inevitably proud

of its effect, may consider it of higher worth than mere verses of

society.

This shrewd sense gives a solidity to the verses of Béranger which the

social and amusing sort of poetry commonly wants; but nothing can redeem

it from the reproach of wanting _back_ thought. This is inevitable in

such literature; as it professes to delineate for us the light essence

of a fugitive world, it cannot be expected to dwell on those deep and

eternal principles on which that world is based. It ignores them as

light talk ignores them. The most opposite thing to the poetry of

society is the poetry of inspiration. There exists, of course, a kind

of imagination which detects the secrets of the universe—which fills

us sometimes with dread, sometimes with hope—which awakens the soul,

which makes pure the feelings, which explains nature, reveals what is

above nature, chastens ‘the deep heart of man.’ Our senses teach us

what the world is; our intuitions where it is. We see the blue and

gold of the world, its lively amusements, its gorgeous if superficial

splendour, its currents of men; we feel its light spirits, we enjoy its

happiness; we enjoy it, and we are puzzled. What is the object of all

this? Why do we do all this? What is the universe _for_? Such a book as

Béranger’s suggests this difficulty in its strongest form. It embodies

the essence of all that pleasure-loving, pleasure-giving, unaccountable

world in which men spend their lives,—which they are compelled to live

in, but which the moment you get out of it seems so odd that you can

hardly believe it is real. On this account, as we were saying before,

there is no book the impression of which varies so much in different

moods of mind. Sometimes no reading is so pleasant; at others you

half-despise and half-hate the idea of it; it seems to sum up and make

clear the littleness of your own nature. Few can bear the theory of their

amusements; it is essential to the pride of man to believe that he is

industrious. We are irritated at literary laughter, and wroth at printed

mirth. We turn angrily away to that higher poetry which gives the outline

within which all these light colours are painted. From the capital of

levity, and its self-amusing crowds; from the elastic _vaudeville_ and

the grinning actors; from _chansons_ and _cafés_ we turn away to the

solemn in nature, to the blue over-arching sky: the one remains, the many

pass; no number of seasons impairs the bloom of those hues, they are as

soft to-morrow as to-day. The immeasurable depth folds us in. ‘Eternity,’

as the original thinker said, ‘is everlasting.’ We breathe a deep breath.

And perhaps we have higher moments. We comprehend the ‘unintelligible

world;’ we see into ‘the life of things;’ we fancy we know whence we

come and whither we go; words we have repeated for years have a meaning

for the first time; texts of old Scripture seem to apply to _us_....

And—and—Mr. Thackeray would say, You come back into the town, and order

dinner at a _restaurant_, and read Béranger once more.

And though this is true—though the author of _Le Dieu des Bonnes Gens_

has certainly no claim to be called a profound divine—though we do not

find in him any proper expression, scarcely any momentary recognition,

of those intuitions which explain in a measure the scheme and idea of

things, and form the back-thought and inner structure of such minds

as ours,—his sense and sympathy with the people enable him, perhaps

compel him, to delineate those essential conditions which constitute the

structure of exterior life, and determine with inevitable certainty the

common life of common persons. He has no call to deal with heaven or the

universe, but he knows the earth; he is restricted to the boundaries of

time, but he understands time. He has extended his delineations beyond

what in this country would be considered correct; _Les Cinq Étages_ can

scarcely be quoted here; but a perhaps higher example of the same kind of

art may be so:

‘_Le Vieux Vagabond._

‘Dans ce fossé cessons de vivre;

Je finis vieux, infirme et las;

Les passants vont dire: “Il est ivre.”

Tant mieux! ils ne me plaindront pas.

J’en vois qui détournent la tête;

D’autres me jettent quelques sous.

Courez vite, allez à la fête:

Vieux vagabond, je puis mourir sans vous.

‘Oui, je meurs ici de vieillesse,

Parce qu’on ne meurt pas de faim.

J’espérais voir de ma détresse

L’hôpital adoucir la fin;

Mais tout est plein dans chaque hospice,

Tant le peuple est infortuné.

La rue, hélas! fut ma nourrice:

Vieux vagabond, mourons où je suis né.

‘Aux artisans, dans mon jeune âge,

J’ai dit: “Qu’on m’enseigne un métier.”

“Va, nous n’avons pas trop d’ouvrage,”

Répondaient-ils, “va mendier.”

Riches, qui me disiez: “Travaille,”

J’eus bien des os de vos repas;

J’ai bien dormi sur votre paille:

Vieux vagabond, je ne vous maudis pas.

‘J’aurais pu voler, moi, pauvre homme;

Mais non: mieux vaut tendre la main.

Au plus, j’ai dérobé la pomme

Qui mûrit au bord du chemin.

Vingt fois pourtant on me verrouille

Dans les cachots, de par le roi.

De mon seul bien on me dépouille:

Vieux vagabond, le soleil est à moi.

‘Le pauvre a-t-il une patrie?

Que me font vos vins et vos blés,

Votre gloire et votre industrie,

Et vos orateurs assemblés?

Dans vos murs ouverts à ses armes

Lorsque l’étranger s’engraissait,

Comme un sot j’ai versé des larmes:

Vieux vagabond, sa main me nourrissait.

‘Comme un insecte fait pour nuire,

Hommes, que ne m’écrasiez-vous!

Ah! plutôt vous deviez m’instruire

A travailler au bien de tous.

Mis à l’abri du vent contraire,

Le ver fût devenu fourmi;

Je vous aurais chéris en frère:

Vieux vagabond, je meurs votre ennemi.’

Pathos in such a song as this enters into poetry. We sympathise with

the essential lot of man. Poems of this kind are doubtless rare in

Béranger. His commoner style is lighter and more cheerful; but no poet

who has painted so well the light effervescence of light society can,

when he likes, paint so well the solid, stubborn forms with which it is

encompassed. The genial, firm sense of a large mind sees and comprehends

all of human life, which lies within the sphere of sense. He is an

epicurean, as all merely sensible men by inevitable consequence are; and

as an epicurean, he prefers to deal with the superficial and gay forms of

life; but he can deal with others when he chooses to be serious. Indeed,

there is no melancholy like the melancholy of the epicurean. He is alive

to the fixed conditions of earth, but not to that which is above earth.

He muses on the temporary, as such; he admits the skeleton, but not the

soul. It is wonderful that Béranger is so cheerful as he is.

We may conclude as we began. In all his works, in lyrics of levity, of

politics, of worldly reflection,—Béranger, if he had not a single object,

has attained a uniform result. He has given us an idea of the essential

French character, such as we fancy it must be, but can never for

ourselves hope to see that it is. We understand the nice tact, the quick

intelligence, the gay precision; the essence of the drama we know—the

spirit of what we have seen. We know his feeling:—

‘J’aime qu’un Russe soit Russe,

Et qu’un Anglais soit Anglais;

Si l’on est Prussien en Prusse,

En France soyons Français.’

He has acted accordingly: he has delineated to us the essential Frenchman.

_MR. CLOUGH’S POEMS._[14]

(1862.)

No one can be more rigid than we are in our rules as to the publication

of remains and memoirs. It is very natural that the friends of a

cultivated man who seemed about to do something, but who died before

he did it, should desire to publish to the world the grounds of their

faith, and the little symptoms of his immature excellence. But though

they act very naturally, they act very unwisely. In the present state

of the world there are too many half-excellent people: there is a

superfluity of persons who have all the knowledge, all the culture, all

the requisite taste,—all the tools, in short, of achievement, but who

are deficient in the latent impulse and secret vigour which alone can

turn such instruments to account. They have all the outward and visible

signs of future success; they want the invisible spirit, which can

only be demonstrated by trial and victory. Nothing, therefore, is more

tedious or more worthless than the posthumous delineation of the possible

successes of one who did not succeed. The dreadful remains of nice young

persons which abound among us prove almost nothing as to the future fate

of those persons, if they had survived. We can only tell that any one

is a man of genius by his having produced some work of genius. Young

men must practise themselves in youthful essays; and to some of their

friends these may seem works not only of fair promise, but of achieved

excellence. The cold world of critics and readers will not, however,

think so; that world well understands the distinction between promise and

performance, and sees that these laudable _juvenilia_ differ from good

books as much as legitimate bills of exchange differ from actual cash.

If we did not believe that Mr. Clough’s poems, or at least several

of them, had real merit, not as promissory germs, but as completed

performances, it would not seem to us to be within our province to notice

them. Nor, if Mr. Clough were now living among us, would he wish us to

do so. The marked peculiarity, and, so to say, the _flavour_ of his

mind, was a sort of truthful scepticism, which made him anxious never

to overstate his own assurance of anything; which disinclined him to

overrate the doings of his friends; and which absolutely compelled him

to underrate his own past writings, as well as his capability for future

literary success. He could not have borne to have his poems reviewed with

‘nice remarks’ and sentimental epithets of insincere praise. He was equal

to his precept:—

‘Where are the great, whom thou wouldst wish to praise thee?

Where are the pure, whom thou wouldst choose to love thee?

Where are the brave, to stand supreme above thee,

Whose high commands would cheer, whose chiding raise thee?

Seek, seeker, in thyself; submit to find

In the stones, bread, and life in the blank mind.’

To offer petty praise and posthumous compliments to a stoic of this

temper, is like buying sugar-plums for St. Simon Stylites. We venture to

write an article on Mr. Clough, because we believe that his poems depict

an intellect in a state which is always natural ‘to such a being as man

in such a world as the present,’ which is peculiarly natural to us just

now; and because we believe that many of these poems are very remarkable

for true vigour and artistic excellence, although they certainly have

defects and shortcomings, which would have been lessened, if not removed,

if their author had lived longer and had written more.

In a certain sense there are two great opinions about everything. There

are two about the universe itself. The world as we know it is this.

There is a vast, visible, indisputable sphere, of which we never lose

the consciousness, of which no one seriously denies the existence, about

the most important part of which most people agree tolerably and fairly.

On the other hand, there is the invisible world, about which men are

not agreed at all, which all but the faintest minority admit to exist

somehow and somewhere, but as to the nature or locality of which there

is no efficient popular demonstration, no such compulsory argument as

will _force_ the unwilling conviction of any one disposed to denial.

As our minds rise, as our knowledge enlarges, as our wisdom grows, as

our instincts deepen, our conviction of this invisible world is daily

strengthened, and our estimate of its nature is continually improved.

But—and this is the most striking peculiarity of the whole subject—the

more we improve, the higher we rise, the nobler we conceive the unseen

world which is in us and about us, in which we live and move, the more

unlike that world becomes to the world which we _do_ see. The divinities

of Olympus were in a very plain and intelligible sense part and parcel

of this earth; they were better specimens than could be found below, but

they belonged to extant species; they were better editions of visible

existences; they were like the heroines whom young men imagine after

seeing the young ladies of their vicinity—they were better and handsomer,

but they were of the same sort; they had never been seen, but they

might have been seen any day. So too of the God with whom the Patriarch

wrestled: he might have been wrestled with even if he was not; he was

that sort of person. If we contrast with these the God of whom Christ

speaks—the God who has not been seen at any time, whom no man hath seen

or can see, who is infinite in nature, whose ways are past finding out,

the transition is palpable. We have passed from gods—from an invisible

world which is similar to, which is a _natural appendix_ to, the world in

which we live,—and we have come to believe in an invisible world, which

is altogether unlike that which we see, which is certainly not opposed

to our experience, but is altogether beyond and unlike our experience;

which belongs to another set of things altogether; which is, as we speak,

transcendental. The ‘possible’ of early barbarism is like the reality of

early barbarism; the ‘may be,’ the ‘great perhaps,’ of late civilisation

is most unlike the earth, whether barbaric or civilised.

Two opinions as to the universe naturally result from this fundamental

contrast. There are plenty of minds like that of Voltaire, who have

simply no sense or perception of the invisible world whatever, who have

no ear for religion, who are in the technical sense unconverted, whom no

conceivable process could convert without altering what to bystanders

and ordinary observers is their identity. They are, as a rule, acute,

sensible, discerning, and humane; but the first observation which the

most ordinary person would make as to them is, that they are ‘limited;’

they understand palpable existence; they elaborate it, and beautify and

improve it; but an admiring bystander, who can do none of these things,

who can beautify nothing, who, if he tried, would only make what is ugly

uglier, is conscious of a latent superiority, which he can hardly help

connecting with his apparent inferiority. We cannot write Voltaire’s

sentences; we cannot make things as clear as he made them; but we do

not much care for our deficiency. Perhaps we think ‘things ought not

to be so plain as all that.’ There is a hidden, secret, unknown side

to this universe, which these picturesque painters of the visible,

these many-handed manipulators of the palpable, are not aware of, which

would spoil their dexterity if it were displayed to them. Sleep-walkers

can tread safely on the very edge of a precipice; but those who see,

cannot. On the other hand, there are those whose minds have not only

been converted, but in some sense _inverted_. They are so occupied with

the invisible world as to be absorbed in it entirely; they have no true

conception of that which stands plainly before them; they never look

coolly at it, and are cross with those who do; they are wrapt up in their

own faith as to an unseen existence; they rush upon mankind with ‘Ah,

there it is! there it is!—don’t you see it?’ and so incur the ridicule of

an age.

The best of us try to avoid both fates. We strive, more or less, to ‘make

the best of both worlds.’ We know that the invisible world cannot be duly

discerned, or perfectly appreciated. We know that we see as in a glass

darkly; but still we look on the glass. We frame to ourselves some image

which we know to be incomplete, which probably is in part untrue, which

we try to improve day by day, of which we do not deny the defects,—but

which nevertheless is our ‘all;’ which we hope, when the accounts are

taken, may be found not utterly _unlike_ the unknown reality. This is,

as it seems, the best religion for finite beings, living, if we may say

so, on the very edge of two dissimilar worlds, on the very line on which

the infinite, unfathomable sea surges up, and just where the queer little

bay of this world ends. We count the pebbles on the shore, and image to

ourselves as best we may the secrets of the great deep.

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