CHAPTER XI.

A BRAWL AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.

Clodius, who had taken the lead in driving Cicero into exile, was of

course furious at his return, and continued to show him an unceasing

hostility. His first care was to hinder the restoration of his property.

He had contrived to involve part at least of this in a considerable

difficulty. Cicero's house on the Palatine Hill had been pulled down and

the area dedicated--so at least Clodius alleged--to the Goddess of

Liberty. If this was true, it was sacred forever; it could not be

restored. The question was, Was it true? This question was referred to

the Pontiffs as judges of such matters. Cicero argued the case before

them, and they pronounced in his favor. It was now for the Senate to

act. A motion was made that the site should be restored. Clodius opposed

it, talking for three hours, till the anger of his audience compelled

him to bring his speech to an end. One of the tribunes in his interest

put his veto on the motion, but was frightened into withdrawing it. But

Clodius was not at the end of his resources. A set of armed ruffians

under his command drove out the workmen who were rebuilding the house. A

few days afterwards he made an attack on Cicero himself. He was wounded

in the struggle which followed, and might, says Cicero, have been

killed, "but," he adds, "I am tired of surgery."

Pompey was another object of his hatred, for he knew perfectly well that

without his consent his great enemy would not have been restored. Cicero

gives a lively picture of a scene in the Senate, in which this hatred

was vigorously expressed. "Pompey spoke, or rather wished to speak; for,

as soon as he rose, Clodius' hired ruffians shouted at him. All through

his speech it was the same; he was interrupted not only by shouts but by

abuse and curses. When he came to an end--and it must be allowed that he

showed courage; nothing frightened him: he said his say and sometimes

even obtained silence--then Clodius rose. He was met with such an uproar

from our side (for we had determined to give him back as good as he had

given) that he could not collect his thoughts, control his speech, or

command his countenance. This went on from three o'clock, when Pompey

had only just finished his speech, till five. Meanwhile every kind of

abuse, even to ribald verses, were shouted out against Clodius and his

sister. Pale with fury he turned to his followers, and in the midst of

the uproar asked them, 'Who is it that is killing the people with

hunger?' 'Pompey,' they answered. 'Who wants to go to Alexandria?'

'Pompey,' they answered again. 'And whom do _you_ want to go?'

'Crassus,' they said. About six o'clock the party of Clodius began, at

some given signal, it seemed, to spit at our side. Our rage now burst

out. They tried to drive us from our place, and we made a charge. The

partisans of Clodius fled. He was thrust down from the hustings. I then

made my escape, lest any thing worse should happen."

A third enemy, and one whom Clodius was destined to find more dangerous

than either Cicero or Pompey, was Annius Milo. Milo was on the mother's

side of an old Latin family. The name by which he was commonly known was

probably a nickname given him, it may be, in joking allusion to the Milo

of Crotona, the famous wrestler, who carried an ox on his shoulders and

ate it in a single day. For Milo was a great fighting man, a well-born

gladiator, one who was for cutting all political knots with the sword.

He was ambitious, and aspired to the consulship; but the dignity was

scarcely within his reach. His family was not of the highest; he was

deeply in debt; he had neither eloquence nor ability. His best chance,

therefore, was to attach himself to some powerful friend whose gratitude

he might earn. Just such a friend he seemed to find in Cicero. He saw

the great orator's fortunes were very low, but they would probably rise

again, and he would be grateful to those who helped him in his

adversity. Hence Milo's exertions to bring him back from banishment and

hence the quarrel with Clodius. The two men had their bands of hired, or

rather purchased, ruffians about the city, and came into frequent

collisions. Each indicted the other for murderous assault. Each publicly

declared that he should take the earliest chance of putting his I enemy

to death. What was probably a chance collision brought matters to a

crisis.

On the twentieth of January Milo left Rome to pay a visit to Lanuvium, a

Latin town on the Appian road, and about fifteen miles south of Rome. It

was a small town, much decayed from the old days when its revolt

against Rome was thought to be a thing worth recording; but it

contained one of the most famous temples of Italy, the dwelling of Juno

the Preserver, whose image, in its goat-skin robe, its quaint, turned-up

shoes, with spear in one hand and small shield in the other, had a

peculiar sacredness. Milo was a native of the place, and its dictator;

and it was his duty on this occasion to nominate the chief priest of the

temple. He had been at a meeting of the Senate in the morning, and had

remained till the close of the sitting. Returning home he had changed

his dress and shoes, waited a while, as men have to wait, says Cicero,

while his wife was getting ready, and then started. He traveled in a

carriage his wife and a friend. Several maid-servants and a troop of

singing boys belonging to his wife followed. Much was made of this great

retinue of women and boys, as proving that Milo had no intention when he

started of coming to blows with his great enemy. But he had also with

him a number of armed slaves and several gladiators, among whom were two

famous masters of their art. He had traveled about ten miles when he met

Clodius, who had been delivering an address to the town council of

Aricia, another Latin town, nearer to the capital than Lanuvium, and was

now returning to Rome. He was on horseback, contrary to his usual

custom, which was to use a carriage, and he had with him thirty slaves

armed with swords. No person of distinction thought of traveling without

such attendants.

The two men passed each other, but Milo's gladiators fell out with the

slaves of Clodius. Clodius rode back and accosted the aggressors in a

threatening manner. One of the gladiators replied by wounding him in the

shoulder with his sword. A number of Milo's slaves hastened back to

assist their comrades. The party of Clodius was overpowered, and Clodius

himself, exhausted by his wound, took refuge in a roadside tavern, which

probably marked the first stage out of Rome. Milo, thinking that now he

had gone so far he might go a little further and rid himself of his

enemy forever, ordered his slaves to drag Clodius from his refuge and

finish him. This was promptly done. Cicero indeed declared that the

slaves did it without orders, and in the belief that their master had

been killed. But Rome believed the other story. The corpse of the dead

man lay for some time upon the road uncared for, for all his attendants

had either fallen in the struggle or had crept into hiding-places. Then

a Roman gentleman on his way to the city ordered it to be put into his

litter and taken to Rome, where it arrived just before nightfall. It was

laid out in state in the hall of his mansion, and his widow stood by

showing the wounds to the sympathizing crowd which thronged to see his

remains. Next day the excitement increased. Two of the tribunes

suggested that the body should be carried into the market-place, and

placed on the hustings from which the speaker commonly addressed the

people. Then it was resolved, at the suggestion of another Clodius, a

notary, and a client of the family, to do it a signal honor. "Thou shalt

not bury or burn a man within the city" was one of the oldest of Roman

laws. Clodius, the favorite of the people, should be an exception. His

body was carried into the Hall of Hostilius, the usual meeting-place of

the Senate. The benches, the tables, the platform from which the orators

spoke, the wooden tablets on which the clerks wrote their notes, were

collected to make a funeral pile on which the corpse was to be consumed.

The hall caught fire, and was burned to the ground; another large

building adjoining it, the Hall of Porcius, narrowly escaped the same

fate. The mob attacked several houses, that of Milo among them, and was

with difficulty repulsed.

It had been expected that Milo would voluntarily go into exile; but the

burning of the senate-house caused a strong reaction of feeling of which

he took advantage. He returned to Rome, and provided to canvass for the

consulship, making a present in money (which may be reckoned at

five-and-twenty shillings) to every voter. The city was in a continual

uproar; though the time for the new consuls to enter on their office was

long past, they had not even been elected, nor was there any prospect,

such was the violence of the rival candidates, of their being so. At

last the Senate had recourse to the only man who seemed able to deal

with the situation, and appointed Pompey sole consul. Pompey proposed

to institute for the trial of Milo's case a special court with a

special form of procedure. The limits of the time which it was to occupy

were strictly laid down. Three days were to be given to the examination

of witnesses, one to the speeches of counsel, the prosecution being

allowed two hours only, the defense three. After a vain resistance on

the part of Milo's friends, the proposal was carried, Pompey threatening

to use force if necessary. Popular feeling now set very strongly against

the accused. Pompey proclaimed that he went in fear of his life from his

violence; refused to appear in the Senate lest he should be

assassinated, and even left his house to live in his gardens, which

could be more effectually guarded by soldiers. In the Senate Milo was

accused of having arms under his clothing, a charge which he had to

disprove by lifting up his under garment. Next a freedman came forward,

and declared that he and four others had actually seen the murder of

Clodius, and that having mentioned the fact, they had been seized and

shut up for two months in Milo's counting-house. Finally a sheriff's

officer, if we may so call him, deposed that another important witness,

one of Milo's slaves, had been forcibly taken out of his hands by the

partisans of the accused.

On the eighth of April the trial was begun. The first witness called was

a friend who had been with Clodius on the day of his death. His evidence

made the case look very dark against Milo, and the counsel who was to

cross-examine him on behalf of the accused was received with such angry

cries that he had to take refuge on the bench with the presiding judge.

Milo was obliged to ask for the same protection.

Pompey resolved that better order should be kept for the future, and

occupied all the approaches to the court with troops. The rest of the

witnesses were heard and cross-examined without interruption. April 11th

was the last day of the trial. Three speeches were delivered for the

prosecution; for the defense one only, and that by Cicero. It had been

suggested that he should take the bold line of arguing that Clodius was

a traitor, and that the citizen who slew him had deserved well of his

country. But he judged it better to follow another course, and to show

that Clodius had been the aggressor, having deliberately laid an ambush

for Milo, of whose meditated journey to Lanuvium he was of course aware.

Unfortunately for his client the case broke down. Milo had evidently

left Rome and the conflict had happened much earlier than was said,

because the body of the murdered man had reached the capital not later

than five o'clock in the afternoon. This disproved the assertion that

Clodius had loitered on his way back to Rome till the growing darkness

gave him an opportunity of attacking his adversaries. Then it came out

that Milo had had in his retinue, besides the women and boys, a number

of fighting men. Finally there was the damning fact, established, it

would seem, by competent witnesses, that Clodius had been dragged from

his hiding-place and put to death. Cicero too lost his presence of mind.

The sight of the city, in which all the shops were shut in expectation

of a riot, the presence of the soldiers in court, and the clamor of a

mob furiously hostile to the accused and his advocate, confounded him,

and he spoke feebly and hesitatingly. The admirable oration which has

come down to us, and professes to have been delivered on this occasion,

was really written afterwards. The jury, which was allowed by common

consent to have been one of the best ever assembled, gave a verdict of

guilty. Milo went into banishment at Marseilles--a punishment which he

seems to have borne very easily, if it is true that when Cicero excused

himself for the want of courage which had marred the effect of his

defense, he answered, "It was all for the best; if you had spoken

better I should never have tasted these admirable Marseilles mullets."

Naturally he tired of the mullets before long. When Caesar had made

himself master of Rome, he hoped to be recalled from banishment. But

Caesar did not want him, and preferred to have him where he was. Enraged

at this treatment, he came over to Italy and attempted to raise an

insurrection in favor of Pompey. The troops whom he endeavored to

corrupt refused to follow him. He retreated with his few followers into

the extreme south of the peninsula, and was there killed.

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