CHAPTER I.

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THE

ETHNOLOGY

OF

THE BRITISH COLONIES

AND

DEPENDENCIES.

BY

R. G. LATHAM, M.D., F.R.S.,

CORRESPONDING MEMBER TO THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, NEW YORK,

ETC. ETC.

[Device]

LONDON:

JOHN VAN VOORST, PATERNOSTER ROW.

M.DCCC.LI.

LONDON:

Printed by SAMUEL BENTLEY and CO.,

Bangor House, Shoe Lane.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

DEPENDENCIES IN EUROPE.

PAGE

Heligoland and the Frisians.--Gibraltar and the Spanish Stock.--

Malta.--The Ionian Islands.--The Channel Islands. 1

CHAPTER II.

DEPENDENCIES IN AFRICA.

The Gambia Settlements.--Sierra Leone.--The Gold Coast.--The

Cape.--The Mauritius.--The Negroes of America. 34

CHAPTER III.

BRITISH COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES IN ASIA.

Aden.--The Mongolian Variety.--The Monosyllabic Languages.--Hong

Kong.--The Tenasserim Provinces; Maulmein, Ye, Tavoy, Tenasserim,

the Mergui Archipelago.--The Môn, Siamese, Avans, Kariens, and

Silong.--Arakhan.--Mugs, Khyens.--Chittagong, Tippera, and

Sylhet.--Kuki.--Kasia.--Cachars.--Assam.--Nagas.--Singpho.--Jili.

--Khamti.--Mishimi.--Abors and Bor-Abors.--Dufla.--Aka.--Muttucks

and Miri, and other Tribes of the Valley of Assam.--The Garo.--

Classification.--Mr. Brown's Tables.--The Bodo.--Dhimal.--Kocch.

--Lepchas of Sikkim.--Rawat of Kumaon.--Polyandria.--The Tamulian

Populations.--Rajmahali Mountaineers.--Kúlis, Khonds, Goands,

Chenchwars.--Tudas, &c.--Bhils.--Waralis.--The Tamul, Telinga,

Kanara, and Malayalam Languages. 92

CHAPTER IV.

The Sanskrit Language.--Its Relations to certain Modern Languages

of India; to the Slavonic and Lithuanic of Europe.--Inferences.--

Brahminism of the Puranas.--Of the Institutes of Menu.--Extract.

--Of the Vedas.--Extract.--Inferences.--The Hindús.--Sikhs.--

Biluchi.--Afghans.--Wandering Tribes.--Miscellaneous Populations.

--Ceylon.--Buddhism.--Devil-worship.--Vaddahs. 150

CHAPTER V.

British Dependencies in the Malayan Peninsula.--The Oceanic Stock

and its Divisions.--The Malay, Semang, and Dyak Types.--The Orang

Binua.--Jakuns.--The Biduanda Kallang.--The Orang Sletar.--The

Sarawak Tribes.--The New Zealanders.--The Australians.--The

Tasmanians. 203

CHAPTER VI.

DEPENDENCIES IN AMERICA.

The Athabaskans of the Hudson's Bay Country.--The Algonkin Stock.

--The Iroquois.--The Sioux.--Assineboins.--The Eskimo.--The

Kolúch.--The Nehanni.--Digothi.--The Atsina.--Indians of British

Oregon, Quadra's and Vancouver's Island.--Haidah.--Chimsheyan.--

Billichula.--Hailtsa.--Nutka.--Atna.--Kitunaha Indians.--

Particular Algonkin Tribes.--The Nascopi.--The Bethuck.--Numerals

from Fitz-Hugh Sound.--The Moskito Indians.--South American

Indians of British Guiana.--Caribs.--Warows.--Wapisianas.--

Tarumas.--Caribs of St. Vincent.--Trinidad. 224

PREFACE.

The following pages represent a Course of Six Lectures delivered at the

Royal Institution, Manchester, in the months of February and March of

the present year; the matter being now laid before the public in a

somewhat fuller and more systematic form than was compatible with the

original delivery.

ETHNOLOGY

OF

THE BRITISH DEPENDENCIES.

CHAPTER I.

DEPENDENCIES IN EUROPE.

HELIGOLAND AND THE FRISIANS.--GIBRALTAR AND THE SPANISH

STOCK.--MALTA.--THE IONIAN ISLANDS.--THE CHANNEL ISLANDS.

_Heligoland._--We learn from a passage in the _Germania_ of Tacitus,

that certain tribes agreed with each other in the worship of a goddess

who was revered as _Earth the Mother_; that a sacred grove, in a sacred

island, was dedicated to her; and that, in that grove, there stood a

holy wagon, covered with a pall, and touched by the priest only. The

goddess herself was drawn by heifers; and as long as she vouchsafed her

presence among men, there was joy, and feasts, and hospitality; and

peace amongst otherwise fierce tribes instead of war and violence. After

a time, however, the goddess withdrew herself to her secret

temple--satiated with the converse of mankind; and then the wagon, the

pall, and the deity herself were bathed in the holy lake. The

administrant slaves were sucked up by its waters. There was terror and

there was ignorance; the reality being revealed to those alone who thus

suddenly passed from life to death.

Now we know, by name at least, five of the tribes who are thus connected

by a common worship--mysterious and obscure as it is. They are the

Reudigni, the Aviones, the Eudoses, the Suardones, and the Nuithones.

Two others we know by something more than name--the Varini and the

Langobardi.

The eighth is our own parent stock--the _Angli_.

Such is one of the earliest notices of the old creed of our German

forefathers; and, fragmentary and indefinite as it is, it is one of the

fullest which has reached us. I subjoin the original text, premising

that, instead of _Herthum_, certain MSS. read _Nerthum_.

"----Langobardos paucitas nobilitat: plurimis ac valentissimis

nationibus cincti, non per obsequium sed pr[oe]liis et periclitando tuti

sunt. Reudigni deinde, et Aviones, et _Angli_, et Varini, et Eudoses, et

Suardones, et Nuithones, fluminibus aut silvis muniuntur: nec quidquam

notabile in singulis, nisi quod in commune Herthum, id est, Terram

matrem colunt, eamque intervenire rebus hominum, invehi populis,

arbitrantur. Est in insula Oceani Castum nemus, dicatumque in eo

vehiculum, veste contectum, attingere uni sacerdoti concessum. Is adesse

penetrali deam intelligit, vectamque bobus feminis multâ cum veneratione

prosequitur. Læti tunc dies, festa loca, quæcumque adventu hospitioque

dignatur. Non bella ineunt, non arma sumunt, clausum omne ferrum; pax et

quies tunc tantùm nota, tunc tantùm amata, donec idem sacerdos satiatam

conversatione mortalium deam templo reddat; mox vehiculum et vestes, et,

si credere velis, numen ipsum secreto lacu abluitur. Servi ministrant,

quos statim idem lacus haurit. Arcanus hinc terror, sanctaque

ignorantia, quid sit id, quod tantùm perituri vident."--"De Moribus

Germanorum," 40.

What connects the passage with the ethnology of Heligoland? Heligoland

is, probably, the _island of the Holy Grove_. Its present name indicates

this--_the holy land_. Its position in the main sea, or _Ocean_, does

the same. So does its vicinity to the country of Germans.

At the same time it must not be concealed from the reader that the Isle

of Rugen, off the coast of Pomerania, has its claims. It is an

island--but not an island of the _Ocean_. It is full of religious

remains--but those remains are _Slavonic_ rather than _German_.

I believe, for my own part, that the seat of the worship of _Earth the

Mother_, was the island which we are now considering.

In respect to its inhabitants, it must serve as a slight text for a long

commentary. A population of about two thousand fishers; characterized,

like the ancient Venetians, by an utter absence of horses, mules,

ponies, asses, carts, wagons, or any of the ordinary applications of

animal power to the purposes of locomotion, confined to a small rock,

and but little interrupted with foreign elements, is, if considered in

respect to itself alone, no great subject for either the ethnologist or

the geographer. But what if its relations to the population of the

continent be remarkable? What if the source of its population be other

than that which, from the occupants of the nearest portion of the

continent, we are prepared to expect? In this case, the narrow area of

an isolated rock assumes an importance which its magnitude would never

have created.

The nearest part of the opposite continent is German--Cuxhaven, Bremen,

and Hamburg, being all German towns. And what the towns are the country

is also--or nearly so. It is German--which Heligoland is _not_.

The Heligolanders are no Germans, but _Frisians_. I have lying before me

the Heligoland version of _God save the Queen_. A Dutchman would

understand this, easier than a Low German, a Low German easier than an

Englishman, and (I _think_) an Englishman easier than a German of

Bavaria. The same applies to another sample of the Heligoland muse--_the

contented Heligolander's wife_ (_Dii tofreden Hjelgelünnerin_), a pretty

little song in Hettema's collection of Frisian poems; with which,

however, the native literature ends. There is plenty of Frisian verse in

general; but little enough of the particular Frisian of Heligoland.

A difference like that between the Frisians of Heligoland and the

Germans of Hanover, is always suggestive of an ethnological alternative;

since it is a general rule, supported both by induction and common

sense, that, except under certain modifying circumstances, islands

derive their inhabitants from the nearest part of the nearest continent.

When, however, the populations differ, one of two views has to be taken.

Either some more distant point than the one which geographical proximity

suggests has supplied the original occupants, or a change has taken

place on the part of one or both of the populations since the period of

the original migration.

Which has been the case here? The latter. The present Germans of the

coast between the Elbe and Weser are not the Germans who peopled

Heligoland, nor yet the descendants of them. Allied to them they are;

inasmuch as Germany is a wide country, and German a comprehensive term;

but they are not the same. The two peoples, though like, are different.

Of what sort, then, were the men and women that the present Germans of

the Oldenburg and Hanoverian coast have displaced and superseded? Let us

investigate. Whoever rises from the perusal of those numerous notices of

the ancient Germans which we find in the classical writers, to the usual

tour of Rhenish Germany, will find a notable contrast between the

natives of that region as they _were_ and as they _are_. His mind may be

full of their _golden_ hair, expecting to find it _flaxen_ at least.

Blue and grey eyes, too, he will expect to preponderate over the black

and hazel. This is what he will have read about, and what he will _not_

find--at least along the routine lines of travel. As little will there

be of massive muscularity in the limbs, and height in the stature. Has

the type changed, or have the old records been inaccurate? Has the wrong

part of Germany been described? or has the contrast between the Goth and

the Italian engendered an exaggeration of the differences? It is no part

of the present treatise to enter upon this question. It is enough to

indicate the difference between the actual German of the greater part of

Germany in respect to the colour of his hair, eyes, and skin, and the

epithets of the classical writers.

But all is not bare from Dan to Beersheba. The German of the old

Germanic type is to be found if sought for. His locality, however, is

away from the more frequented parts of his country. Still it is the part

which Tacitus knew best, and which he more especially described. This is

the parts on the Lower rather than the Upper Rhine; and it is the parts

about the Ems and Weser rather than those of the Rhine at all--sacred as

is this latter stream to the patriotism of the Prussian and Suabian. It

is Lower rather than Upper Germany, Holland rather than Germany at all,

and Friesland rather than any of the other Dutch provinces. It is

Westphalia, and Oldenburg, as much, perhaps, as Friesland. The tract

thus identified extends far into the Cimbric Peninsula,--so that the

Jutlander, though a Dane in tongue, is a Low German in appearance.

The preceding observations are by no means the present writer's, who has

no wish to be responsible for the apparent paradox that the _Germans in

Germany are not Germanic_. It is little more than a repetition of one of

Prichard's,[1] in which he is supported by both Niebuhr and the

Chevalier Bunsen. The former expressly states that the yellow or red

hair, blue eyes, and light complexion has now become uncommon, whilst

the latter has "often looked in vain for the auburn or golden locks and

the light cerulean eyes of the old Germans, and never verified the

picture given by the ancients of his countrymen, till he visited

Scandinavia; there he found himself surrounded by the Germans of

Tacitus."

For _Scandinavia_, I would simply substitute the _fen districts of

Friesland, Oldenburg, Hanover, and Holstein_--all of them the old area

of the Frisian.

Such is the physiognomy. What are the other peculiarities of the

Frisian? His language, his distribution, his history.

The Frisian of Friesland, is not the Dutch of Holland; nor yet a mere

provincial dialect of it. Instead of the infinitive moods and plural

numbers ending in -_n_ as in Holland, the former end in -_a_, the latter

in -_ar_. And so they did when the language was first reduced to

writing,--which it has been for nearly a thousand years. So they did

when the laws of the Old Frisian republic were composed, and when the

so-called _Old_ Frisian was the language of the country. So they did in

the sixteenth century, when the popular poet, Gysbert Japicx, wrote in

the _Middle_ Frisian; and so they do now--when, under the auspices of

Postumus and Hettema, we have Frisian translations of Shakespeare's "As

You Like it," "Julius Cæsar," and "Cymbeline."

Now the oldest Frisian is older than the oldest Dutch; in other words,

of the two languages it was the former which was first reduced to

writing. Yet the doctrine that it is the mother-tongue of the Dutch, is

as inaccurate as the opposite notion of its being a mere provincial

dialect. I state this, because I doubt whether the Dutch forms in -_n_,

could well be evolved out of the Frisian in -_r_, or -_a_. The -_n_

belongs to the older form,--which at one time was common to both

languages, but which in the Frisian became omitted as early as the tenth

century; whereas, in the Dutch, it remains up to the present day.

If the Frisian differ from the Dutch, it differs still more from the

proper Low German dialects of Westphalia, Oldenburg, and Holstein; all

of which have the differential characteristics of the Dutch in a greater

degree than the Dutch itself.

The closest likeness to the Frisian has ceased to exist as a language.

It has disappeared on the Continent. It has changed in the island which

adopted it. That island is Great Britain.

No existing nation, as tested by its language, is so near the Angle of

England as the Frisian of Friesland. This, to the Englishman, is the

great element of its interest.

The history of the Frisian Germans must begin with their present

distribution. They constitute the present agricultural population of the

province of Friesland; so that if Dutch be the language of the towns, it

is Frisian which we find in the villages and lone farm-houses. And this

is the case with that remarkable series of islands which runs like a row

of breakwaters from the Helder to the Weser, and serves as a front to

the continent behind them. Such are Ameland, Terschelling, Wangeroog,

and the others--each with its dialect or sub-dialect.

But beyond this, the continuity of the range of language is broken.

Frisian is _not_ the present dialect of Groningen. Nor yet of Oldenburg

generally--though in one or two of the fenniest villages of that duchy a

remnant of it still continues to be spoken; and is known to philologists

and antiquarians as the _Saterland_ dialect.

It was spoken in parts of East Friesland as late as the middle of the

last century--but only in parts; the Low German, or Platt-Deutsch, being

the current tongue of the districts around.

It is spoken--as already stated--in Heligoland.

And, lastly, it is spoken in an isolated locality as far north as the

Duchy of Sleswick, in the neighbourhood of Husum and Bredsted.

It was these Frisians of Sleswick who alone, during the late struggle of

Denmark against Germany, looked upon the contest with the same

indifference as the frogs viewed the battles of the oxen. They were not

Germans to favour the aggressors from the South, nor Danes to feel the

patriotism of the Northmen. They were neither one nor the other--simply

Frisians, members of an isolated and disconnected brotherhood.

The epithet _free_ originated with the Frisians of Friesland Proper, and

it has adhered to them. With their language they have preserved many of

their old laws and privileges, and from first to last, have always

contrived that the authority of the sovereigns of the Netherlands should

sit lightly on them.

Nevertheless, they are a broken and disjointed population; inasmuch, as

the natural inference from their present distribution is the doctrine

that, at some earlier period, they were spread over the whole of the

sea-coast from Holland to Jutland, in other words, that they were the

oldest inhabitants of Friesland, Oldenburg, Lower Hanover, and Holstein.

If so, they must have been the _Frisii_ of Tacitus. No one doubts this.

They must also have been the _Chauci_ of that writer, the German form of

whose names, as we know from the oldest Anglo-Saxon poems, was _Hocing_.

This is not so universally admitted; nevertheless, it is difficult to

say who the Chauci were if they were not Frisians, or why we find

Frisians to the north of the Elbe, unless the population was at one time

continuous.

When was this continuity disturbed? From the earliest times the

sea-coast of Germany seems to have been Frisian, and from the earliest

times the tribes of the interior seem to have moved from the inland

country towards the sea. Their faces were turned towards Britain; or, if

not towards Britain, towards France, or the Baltic. I believe, then,

that as early as 100 B.C. the displacement of some of the occupants of

the Frisian area had begun; this being an inference from the statement

of Cæsar, that the Batavians of Holland were, in his own time,

considered to have been an immigrant population. From these Batavians

have come the present Dutch, and as the present Dutch differ from the

Frisians of A.D. 1851, so did their respective great ancestors in B.C.

100--there, or thereabouts. But the encroachment of the Dutch upon the

Frisian was but slow. The map tells us this. Just as in some parts of

Great Britain we have _Shiptons_ and _Charltons_, whereas in others the

form is _Skipton_ and _Carlton_; just as in Scotland they talk of the

_kirk_, and in England of the _church_;[2] and just as such differences

are explained by the difference of dialect on the part of the original

occupants, so do we see in Holland that certain places have the names in

a Dutch, and others in a Frisian form. The Dutch compounds of _man_ are

like the English, and end in -_n_. The Frisians never end so. They drop

the consonant, and end in -_a_; as _Hettema_, _Halberts-ma_, &c.

Again--all three languages--English, Dutch, and Frisian--have numerous

compounds of the word _hám_=_home_, as _Threekingham_, _Eastham_,

_Petersham_, &c. In English the form is what we have just seen. In

Holland the termination is -_hem_, as in _Arn-hem_, _Berg-hem_. In

Frisian the vowel is _u_, and the _h_ is omitted altogether, _e.g._,

_Dokk-um_, _Borst-um_, &c.

Bearing this in mind, we may take up a map of the Netherlands. Nine

places out of ten in Friesland end in -_um_, and none in -_hem_. In

Groningen the proportion is less; and in Guelderland and Overijssel, it

is less still. Nevertheless, as far south as the Maas, and in parts of

the true Dutch Netherlands, where no approach to the Frisian language

can now be discovered, a certain per-centage of Frisian forms for

geographical localities occurs.[3]

The remainder of the displacement of the Frisians was, most probably,

effected by the introduction of the Low Germans of the empire of

Charlemagne, into the present countries of Oldenburg and Hanover; and I

believe that the same series of conquests, which then broke up the

speakers of the Frisian, annihilated the Germanic representatives of the

Anglo-Saxons of England; since it is an undeniable fact that of the

numerous dialects of the country called Lower Saxony, all (with the

exception of the Frisian) are forms of the Platt-Deutsch, and none of

them descendants of the Anglo-Saxon. Hence, as far as the language

represents the descent, whatever we Anglo-Saxons may be in Great

Britain, America, Hindostan, Australia, New Zealand, or Africa, we are

the least of our kith and kin in Germany. And we can afford to be so.

Otherwise, if we were a petty people, and given to ethnological

sentimentality, we might talk about the Franks of Charlemagne, as the

Celts talk of us; for, without doubt, the same Franks either

exterminated or denationalized us in the land of our birth, and

displaced the language of Alfred and Ælfric in the country upon which it

first reflected a literature.

There are no absolute descendants of the ancestors of the English in

their ancestral country of Germany; the Germans that eliminated them

being but step-brothers at best. But there is something of the sort. The

conquest that destroyed the Angles, broke up the Frisians. Each shared

each other's ruin. This gives the common bond of misfortune. But there

is more than this. It is quite safe to say that the Saxons and

Frisians[4] were closely--_very_ closely--connected in respect to all

the great elements of ethnological affinity--language, traditions,

geographical position, history. Nor is this confined to mere

generalities. The opinion, first, I believe, indicated by Archbishop

Usher, and recommended to further consideration by Mr. Kemble, that the

Frisians took an important part in the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Great

Britain is gaining ground. True, indeed, it is that the current texts

from Beda and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle make no mention of them. They

speak only of Saxons, Angles, and Jutes. And true it is, that no

provincial dialect has been discovered in England which stands in the

same contrast to the languages of the parts about it, as the Frisian

does to the Dutch and Low German. Yet it is also true that, according to

some traditions, Hengist was a Frisian hero. And it is equally true

that, in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, we find more than one incidental

mention of Frisians in England--their presence being noticed as a matter

of course, and without any reference to their introduction. This is

shown in the following extract:--"That same year, the armies from among

the East-Anglians, and from among the North-Humbrians, harassed the land

of the West-Saxons chiefly, most of all by their _æscs_, which they had

built many years before. Then King Alfred commanded long ships to be

built to oppose the æscs; they were full-nigh twice as long as the

others; some had sixty oars, and some had more; they were both swifter

and steadier, and also higher than the others. They were shapen neither

like the Frisian nor the Danish, but so as it seemed to him that they

would be most efficient. Then some time in the same year, there came six

ships to Wight, and there did much harm, as well as in Devon, and

elsewhere along the sea-coast. Then the king commanded nine of the new

ships to go thither, and they obstructed their passage from the port

towards the outer sea. Then went they with three of their ships out

against them; and three lay in the upper part of the port in the dry;

the men were gone from them ashore. Then took they two of the three

ships at the outer part of the port, and killed the men, and the other

ship escaped; in that also the men were killed except five; they got

away because the other ships were aground. They also were aground very

disadvantageously, three lay aground on that side of the deep on which

the Danish ships were aground, and all the rest upon the other side, so

that no one of them could get to the others. But when the water had

ebbed many furlongs from the ships, the Danish men went from their three

ships to the other three which were left by the tide on their side, and

then they there fought against them. There was slain Lucumon the king's

reeve, and Wulfheard the Frisian, and Æbbe the Frisian, and Æthelhere

the Frisian, and Æthelferth the king's _geneat_, and of all the men,

Frisians and English, seventy-two; and of the Danish men one hundred and

twenty."

Lastly, we have the evidence of Procopius that "three numerous nations

inhabit Britain,--the Angles, the Frisians, and the Britons."[5]

Whatever interpretation we may put upon the preceding extracts, it is

certain that the Frisians are the nearest German representatives of our

Germanic ancestors; whilst it is not uninteresting to find that the

little island of Heligoland, is the only part of the British Empire

where the ethnological and political relations coincide.

_Gibraltar._--This isolated possession serves as a text for the

ethnology of Spain; and there is no country wherein the investigation is

more difficult.

It is difficult, if we look at the analysis of the present population,

and attempt to ascertain the proportion of its different ingredients.

There is Moorish blood, and there is Gothic, Roman, and Ph[oe]nician;

some little Greek, and, older than any, the primitive and original

Iberic. Perhaps, too, there is a Celtic element,--at least such is the

inference from the term _Celtiberian_. Yet it is doubtful whether it be

a true one; and, even if it be, there still stands over the question

whether the _Celtic_ or the _Iberic_ element be the older.

When this is settled, the hardest problem of all remains behind; _viz._,

the ethnological position of the Iberians. What they were, in

themselves, we partially know from history; and what their descendants

are we know also from their language. But we only know them as an

isolated branch of the human species. Their _relation_ to the

neighbouring families is a mystery. Reasons may be given for connecting

them with the Celts of Gaul; reasons for connecting them with the

Africans of the other side of the Straits; and reasons for connecting

them with tribes and families so distant in place, and so different in

manners as the Finns of Finland, and the Laps of Lapland. Nay

more,--affinities have been found between their language and the Hebrew,

Arabic, and Syriac; between it and the Georgian; between it and half the

tongues of the Old World. Even in the forms of speech of America,

_analogies_ have been either found or fancied.

Be this, however, as it may, the oldest inhabitants of the Spanish

peninsula were the different tribes of the Iberians proper, and the

Celtiberians; the first being the most easily disposed of. They it was,

whose country was partially colonized by Ph[oe]nician colonists; either

directly from Tyre and Sidon, or indirectly from Carthage. They it was

who, at a somewhat later period, came in contact with the Greeks of

Marseilles and their own town of _Emporia_. They it was who could not

fail to receive some intermixture of African blood; whether it were from

Africans crossing over on their own account, or from the Libyans,

Gætulians, and Mauritanians of the Carthaginian levies.

And now the great western peninsula becomes the battle-ground for Rome

and Carthage; the theatre of the Scipios on the one side, and the great

family of the Barcas on the other. On Iberian ground does Hannibal swear

his deadly and undying enmity to Rome. At this time, the numerous

primitive tribes of Spain may boast a civilization equal to that of the

most favoured spots of the earth,--Greece, and the parts between the

Nile, the Euphrates and the Mediterranean alone being excepted. As

tested by their agricultural mode of life, their commercial and mining

industry, their susceptibility of discipline as soldiers, and, above

all, by the size and number of their cities, the Iberian of Spain is on

the same level with the Celt of Gaul, and the Celt of Gaul on that of

the Italian of Italy,--_i.e._, _as far as the civilization of the latter

is his own, and not of Greek origin_. But this is a point of European

rather than Spanish ethnology.

That the obstinate spirit of resistance to organized armies by means of

a _guerilla_ warfare, the savage patriotism which suggests such

expressions as _war even to the knife_, and the endurance behind stone

walls, which characterizes the modern Spaniards, is foreshadowed in the

times of their earliest history, has often been remarked, and that

truly. Numantia is an early Saragossa, Saragossa a modern Numantia.

Viriathus has had innumerable counterparts. Where the indomitable

Cantabrian held out against the power of Rome, the Biscayan of the year

1851 adheres to his privileges and his language; and what the Cantabrian

was to the Roman, the Asturian was to the Moor. Both trusted their

freedom to their impracticable mountains and stubborn spirits--and kept

it accordingly. It is an easy matter to refer the peculiarities of the

Spanish character to the infusion of Oriental blood; and with some of

them it may be the case. But with many of them, the reference is a false

one. Half the Spanish character was Iberic and Lusitanian before either

Jew or Saracen had seen the Rock of Gibraltar.

Of the early Spanish religion, we know but little. A remarkable passage

in Strabo speaks to their literature. They had an _alphabet_. This is

known from coins and inscriptions. And it was of foreign origin--Greek

or Ph[oe]nician. This nothing but the most inconsiderate and uncritical

patriotism can deny. Denied, however, it has been; and the indigenous

and independent evolution of an alphabet has been claimed; the

particular tribe to which it has more especially been ascribed being the

_Turdetani_. These--and the passage I am about to quote is the passage

of Strabo just alluded to--are "put forward as the wisest of the Iberi,

and they have the use of letters; and they have records of ancient

history, and poems, and metrical laws for six thousand years--as they

say."[6]

Now, whatever may be the doubts implied by the last three words of this

extract, the evidence is to the effect that the old Iberians were a

lettered nation; the antiquity of their civilization being another

question. To modify our scepticism on the point, the text has been

tampered with, and it has been proposed to read _poems_ ({epôn}) instead

of years ({etôn}). The change, to be sure, is slight enough--that of a

single letter--from _p_ ({p}) to _t_ ({t}); nevertheless, as it is more

than cautious criticism will allow, the reading must stand as it is, and

the claim of the Turdetanians must be for a literature nearly as old as

the supposed age of the world in the current century,--a long date, and

a date which would be improbable, even if we divided it by twelve, and

rendered {etos} by _month_ instead of _year_. It denotes either some

shorter period (perhaps a day) or nothing at all.

So much for the Iberians; of which the Lusitanians of Portugal were a

branch; and of which there were several divisions and subdivisions

involving considerable varieties both of manners and language. In

respect to the latter there is the special evidence of Strabo that their

tongues and alphabets differed. And so did their mythologies. The

Callaici had the reputation of being _atheists_; whilst the Celtiberi

worshipped an anonymous God,[7] at the full of the moon, with feasts and

dances.

But who were the Celtiberi? I have already said that there were

difficulties upon this point. The name makes them a mixed people; half

Celt and half Iberic. If so, the French influence in the Spanish

Peninsula was as great in the time of Hannibal, as it was wished to be

in the time of Louis XIV.

With the exception of Niebuhr, the chief authorities have considered the

Iberi as the aborigines, and the Celts as emigrants from Gaul. To this,

however, Niebuhr took exceptions. He considered the warlike character of

the Iberians; and this made him unwilling to think that any invader from

the north had displaced them. And he considered the geographical

_distribution_ of the Celtiberi. This was not in the fertile plains nor

along the banks of fertilizing rivers, nor yet in the districts of the

golden corn and the precious wool of Hispania, but in the rougher

mountain tracts, in the quarters whereto an aboriginal inhabitant would

be more likely to retire, than an invading conqueror to covet, I admit

the difficulty implied in his objection; but I admit it only as a

_presumption_--against which there is a decided preponderance of

material facts.

In the first place, there are the oldest names of the geographical

localities throughout Spain. These, as shown by the well-known monograph

of Humboldt, are _not_ Celtic, and are _Iberic_.

In the next place, the Celtic frontier was by no means so near the

geographical boundary of the Peninsula as it is often supposed to have

been. Instead of the Celtic of Gaul reaching the Pyrenees, the Iberic of

Spain reached the Loire--so that the province of Aquitania, although

Gallic in politics, was Iberic in ethnology. This, again, is shown by

Humboldt.

For my own part, instead of discussing the relation of the Celts of

Celtiberia to the other inhabitants of Spain, I would open a new

question, and investigate the grounds upon which we believe in an

intermixture at all. Whatever respect we may pay to the statements of

the classical writers, the _name_ itself is not conclusive; since it

would be just as likely to be given from an approach on the part of an

Iberic population to the Celtic manners, or from the adoption of any

_supposed_ Celtic characteristic, as from absolute ethnological

intermixture. Like modern observers, the ancient writers were too fond

of gratuitously assuming an intermixture of blood for the explanation

of the results of common physical or social conditions. Hence--without

pressing my opinion on the reader--I confine myself to an expression of

doubt as to the existence of Celts amongst the Celtiberi _at all_.

But this only simplifies the question as to the ethnological position of

the Iberic variety of the human species. It does not even suggest an

answer. They were the aborigines of Spain. They are the ancestors of the

present Biscayans. Their tongue survives in the north-west provinces of

Spain, and in the north-east corner of France. It _has no recognized

affinity with any known tongue; and it has undeniable points of contrast

with all the languages of the countries around._

Yet it is only by means of the Basque language that the problem can be

attempted. The physical conformation of the still extant Iberians, has

nothing definitely characteristic about it. The ancient mythology has

died away. The tribes most immediately allied have ceased to be other

than unmixed. So the language alone remains--and that has yet to find

its interpreter.

An Iberic basis--Greek, Ph[oe]nician, and Mauritanian

intermixtures--possibly a Celtic element--Roman sufficient to change the

language through four-fifths of the Peninsula--Gothic blood introduced

by the followers of Euric--Arabian influences, second in importance to

those of Rome only--such is the analysis of ethnological elements of the

Spanish stock. The proportions, of course, differ in different parts of

the Peninsula, and, although they are nowhere ascertained, it is

reasonable to suppose that the Arab blood increases as we go southwards,

and the Gothic and Iberic as we approach the Pyrenees. This makes

Gibraltar the most Moorish part of Europe; and such I believe it to be.

_Malta._--When we have subtracted the English, Italians, Greeks, and

other nations of the Levant from the population of Malta, there still

remain the primitive islanders, with their peculiar language.

Now this language is a form of the Arabic; and, with the exception of

some of the dialects of Syria, it is the only instance of that language

in the mouth of a Christian population. So thoroughly are the language

and the religion of the Koran co-extensive.

At what period this tongue found its way to Malta is undetermined. As

compared with any of the present languages of the island it is

_ancient_. But it is not certain that, though old, it is the earliest.

Carthaginians may have preceded the Arabs; Greeks the Carthaginians;

and, possibly, Sicanians, or the earliest occupants of Sicily, the

Greeks. I am unable, however, to carry my reader beyond the simple fact

of the _language being Arabic_.

The only other Arabic dependency of Great Britain is Aden.[8]

_The Ionian Islands._--The reader may have remarked the peculiar

character of European ethnology. It consists chiefly in the _analysis_

of the component parts of particular populations; and this it

investigates so exclusively as to leave no room for the description of

manners, customs, physiognomy, and the like--paramount in importance as

these matters are when we come to the other quarters of the world. There

are two reasons for this difference. First--the peculiarities of the

European nations are by no means of the same extent and character with

those of the ruder families of mankind. A similar civilization, and a

similar religion, have effected a remarkable amount of uniformity; and,

hence, the differences are those that the historian deals with more

appropriately than the ethnologist. Secondly--such external and palpable

differences as exist are generally known and appreciated. The

_analysis_ of blood, or stock, which, partially, accounts for them, is

less completely understood.

Hence, in treating of the Maltese, there was no description of the

Arabic stock at all. All that was stated was a reason for believing that

the Maltese belonged to it. Such also, to a great degree, was the case

with the Gibraltar population, and the Heligolanders. And such will be

the case with the Ionian Islanders. It will not be thought necessary to

enlarge upon the Greeks; it will only be requisite to ask how far the

group in question is Grecian.

The very oldest population of the Ionian Islands I believe to have been

_barbarous_--a term which, in the present classical localities, is

convenient.

In the smaller islands, such as Ithaca and Zacynthus, the population had

become Hellenized at the time of the composition of the Homeric poems.

In Corcyra, on the other hand, the original barbarism lasted longer.

Such, at least, is the way in which I interpret the passages in the

Odyssey concerning the Phæacians (who were certainly not Greek), and the

later language of Thucydides respecting the relations of the Corinthian

colonies of Epidamnus, and Corcyra. The whole context leads to the

belief that, originally, the {apoikoi} were Greeks in contact with a

population which was _not_ Greek.

In respect to the stock to which these early and ante-Hellenic

islanders belonged, the presumption is in favour of its having been the

Illyrian; a stock known only in its probable remains--the Skipitar

(Albanians, or Arnaouts) of Albania.

Time, however, made them all equally Hellenic, a result which was,

probably, completed before the decline of Greek independence; since

which epoch there have been the following elements of intermixture:--

1. Albanian blood, from the opposite coast.

2. Slavonic, from Dalmatia.

3. Italian, from Italy.

4. Turk--I have no pretence to the minute ethnological knowledge which

would enable me even to guess at the proportions.

Upon the whole, however, I believe the Ionian islanders to be what their

language represents them--Greek. At the same time they are Greeks of an

exceedingly mixed blood.[9]

Again--of the foreign elements I imagine the Italian to be the chief.

This, however, is an impression rather than a matured opinion.

The Slavonic element, too, is likely to be considerable. The Byzantine

historians speak of numerous and permanent settlements, during the

twelfth and thirteenth centuries, both in Thessaly, and in the Morea;

statements which the frequency of Slavonic names for Greek geographical

localities confirms.[10] Neither, however, outweighs the undoubted

Hellenic character of the language, which is still the representative of

the great medium of the fathers of literature and philosophy.

_The Channel Islands._--As Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, and Sark, are no

parts of Great Britain, and are, nevertheless, European, I make a brief

mention of them; although they are neither colonies nor dependencies:

indeed, in strict history, Great Britain is a dependency of theirs.

They are _Norman_ rather than _French_, and the illustration of this

distinction, which will re-appear when we come to the Canadas--concludes

the chapter.

The _earliest_ population of France was twofold--Celtic for the north,

Iberic for the south.

Its _second_ population was Roman.

Its language is Roman--all that remains of the old tongues of the tribes

which Cæsar conquered being (1) certain words in the present French,

(2) the Breton of Brittany, which is closely akin to the Welsh Celtic,

and (3) the Basque dialects of Gascony, which is Iberic.

Now whether the old Gallic blood be as fully displaced by that of the

Roman conquerors, as the old Gallic language has been displaced by the

Latin is uncertain. It is only certain that the old and indigenous

elements of the French nation, however indeterminate in amount--were not

of a uniform character, _i.e._, neither wholly Celtic, nor wholly

Iberic; but Celtic for one part of the country, and Iberic for another.

The ancient tribes of Normandy were _Celtic_. Hence, when the third

element of the present Norman population was introduced, all that was

not Italian was Welsh--just as it was in Picardy and Orleans, and just

as it was _not_ in Gascony and Poitou. _There_ the old element was

Iberic.

The _third element_--just alluded to--was Germanic; Germanic of

different kinds, but chiefly Frank or Burgundian.

The _fourth_ great element was the Norse or Scandinavian; introduced by

the so-called _Sea-kings_ of Denmark and Norway in the ninth and tenth

centuries. These, as the empire of Charlemagne declined, insulted and

dismembered it. They converted Neustria in _Normandy_=_the country of

the Northmen_. The exact amount of their influence has not been

ascertained; nor is the investigation easy. The process, however, by

which we measured the original extent of the Frisian area is applicable

to that of the Northmen. There are Norse names for French localities. Of

these the most important are the compounds of -_tot_, -_fleur_, and

-_bec_; like Yve-_tot_, Har-_fleur_, and Caude-_bec_.

FRENCH. NORSE. ENGLISH.

-tot toft _village_.

-fleur flöt _stream_.

-bec beck _brook_.[11]

Names of places thus ending are almost exclusively limited to Normandy;

occurring, even there, most numerously within a few miles of either the

sea or the Seine.

Furthermore, there is a fresh element suggested by a term of the

"Notitia Utriusque Imperii," a document of the latter end of the fourth

century. This is _Litus Saxonicum per Britannias_, a tract extending

from the Wash to Portsmouth. Now the opposite shore of the continent was

a _litus Saxonicum_ also; within which lay Normandy. I believe that

these Saxons were part of the same branch of Germans which invaded

England; in other words, that portions of France, like portions of

England, were _Anglicized_; the two processes differing in respect to

their extent and duration. What was general and permanent on the

island, was partial and temporary on the continent. That there were

Saxons at Bayeux in the tenth century is asserted by express evidence.

Taking in the account the preceding invasions, and remembering that,

both from Germany and Italy, Normandy is one of the most distant of the

French provinces, we arrive at the following analysis.

The Channel Islanders are what the Normans are.

The Normans are Romanized Celts; the Roman element being somewhat less

than it is elsewhere.

The Frank and Burgundian elements are also less.

But a Saxon element is greater.

And a Norse element is pre-eminently Norman.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] "Natural History of Man," p. 197.

[2] The form in _c_ and _sk_ (_Skipton_ and _Carlton_) being of Danish,

whilst those in _ch_ and _sh_ are of Anglo-Saxon origin.--_See_

"Quarterly Review," No. CLXIV.

[3] The details of this investigation are given in full in the present

writer's "Taciti Germania with Ethnological notes," now in course of

publication.

[4] I include in this term the so-called old Saxons of Westphalia.

[5] The original passage is as follows:--"{Brittian de tên nêson ethnê

tria polyanthrôpotata echousi, basileus te heis autôn hekastô

ephestêken, onomata de keitai tois ethnesi toutois Angiloi te kai

Phrissones kai hoi tê nêsô homônymoi Brittônes. Tosautê de hê tônde tôn

ethnôn polyanthrôpia phainetai ousa hôste ana pan etos kata pollous

enthende metanistamenoi xyn gynaixi kai paisin es Phrangous

chôrousin.}"--Procop. B. G. iv. 20.

Reasons which have induced me to go farther than any previous writer in

respect to the importance of the Frisian element in the Anglo-Saxon

invasion, and to believe that instead of _Saxon_ being a native German

name for any portion of the Germanic population, it was only a Celtic

and Roman term for the Germans of the sea-coast, and (amongst these) for

the Frisians most especially, are given, at large, in my ethnological

edition of the "Germania of Tacitus."

[6] {Sophôtatoi d' exetazontai tôn Ibêrôn houtoi, kai grammatikê

chrôntai; kai tês palaias mnêmês echousi ta syngrammata, kai poiêmata

kai nomous emmetrous hexakischiliôn etôn, hôs phasi.}

[7] This was probably the case with the Callaici.

[8] The famous Knighthood of Malta--_without fear_, but (though,

perhaps, the best of its class) not _without reproach_, has no place

here. Its ethnology belongs to the different countries which it

dignified by its valour, or dishonoured by its profligacy.

[9] This I believe to have been the case with the ancient Greeks also;

though the proof would require an elaborate monograph.

[10] The two together have led to a doctrine which has been best

developed by Fallmerayer. It is this--_that the modern Greeks are

Sclavonians_. The Russian school are the chief believers of this. In the

few countries where ethnology is scientific rather than political, the

more moderate opinion of the modern Greeks being a mixed stock prevails.

[11] Or _beck_.

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