CHAPTER XXI

THE BATTLE OF NANCY

1477

It was manifestly impossible for Charles to attempt to retrieve his

fortunes without having large sums of ready money at his command.

He therefore proceeded to appeal to the guardians of each and every

treasury in his various states. Flanders and Burgundy were, however,

the only quarters whence succour was in the least probable. The

Estates of the latter duchy met, deliberated, and resolved to make no

pretence nor to "yield anything contrary to the duty which every one

owes to his country."[1] A certain Sieur de Jarville, accompanied

by other true Burgundians, undertook to report the proceedings to

Charles,--a duty usually falling to the share of the presiding officer

of the ecclesiastical chamber. The message which he carried was

laconic but sturdy:

"Tell Monsieur that we are humble and brave subjects and servitors,

but as to what is asked in his behalf, it never has been done, it

cannot be done, it never will be done."

"Small people would never dare use such language," is the comment

of the Burgundian chronicler, proud of the temerity of his fellow

countrymen.

In the Netherlands, the individual Estates were equally emphatic in

their refusal to meet the duke's wishes. Charles, therefore, resolved

to call together a general assembly of deputies in the hope of finding

them, collectively, more amenable. Writs of summons were issued very

widely and a "States-general" was formally convened at Ghent on

Friday, April 26, 1476.[2] At the last assembly of this nature, in

1473, the duke had expressly promised, in consideration of an annual

grant of 500,000 crowns for six years then accorded to him, to refrain

from further demands, and there was a spirit of sullen resentment in

the air when this session, whose purpose was plain, was opened by

Chancellor Hugonet. He set forth three points for consideration.

Monseigneur wished his daughter Mary, "that most precious jewel," to

join him in Burgundy. A suitable escort was necessary to ensure her

safe journey and that the duke requested the States to provide.

Secondly he desired the States to endorse a levy of fresh troops to

meet his immediate requirements. Further, he requested each town to

equip a specified number of horses at its own expense; he demanded the

service of his tenants, fief and arrière-fief; and, in addition, he

required that all other men, no matter what their condition, able to

bear arms, should enlist or provide a substitute. A portion of the

troops should be set to guard the frontier, and the rest should be

sent to the duke in Burgundy.

It was a demand pure and simple for a universal call to arms, a

national levy. The duke's paternal desire to see his daughter was the

flimsiest of excuses that deceived no one for a moment.

After the chancellor's exposition there was probably adjournment for

discussion. The pensionary of Brussels, Gort Roelants, then acted as

spokesman to present the following report, as the result of their

deliberations, to the duchess-regent.

As for Mlle. of Burgundy, the deputies would ascertain the wishes

of their principals, but the second request did not call for a

referendum. The representatives were fully capable of settling the

matter at once. Considering the heavy burdens laid on the people, and

taking into account the promises made to them in 1473, that no

further demands should be made on the public purse, the three Estates

concurred in humbly petitioning Monseigneur to excuse them from

granting his request.

It was on a Sunday after dinner (April 28th) when this decision was

communicated to the duchess in her own hotel. After a private colloquy

between her and Hugonet, the chancellor told the messenger that it was

quite right for the deputies to consult their principals before the

heiress was permitted to leave the guardianship of her faithful

subjects. That was a grave matter, but surely there was no reason why

her "escort" could not be determined upon at once. In regard to the

levies, Madame was not empowered to take any excuse. It was beyond her

province. Since the opening of the assembly, fresh letters had

arrived from the duke urging the speedy execution of his previous

instructions. The chancellor then appointed a committee to meet a

committee from the States at 8 A.M. on the morrow at the convent of

the Augustines.

This was not satisfactory. Hugonet was speedily notified that the

States did not feel empowered to appoint a committee. The most they

could do was to resolve themselves into a committee of the whole. The

objection to this was that a small conference was far better suited

to free discussion. It was easy for unqualified persons to enter the

session of a large body. The States, however, were tenacious in their

opinion that their writs did not qualify them to appoint committees.

Every point must be threshed out in the presence of every deputy.

_Potestas delegata non deleganda est_.

[Illustration: PHILIBERT, DUKE OF SAVOY (AFTER THE DESIGN BY MATHEY)]

There was further negotiation, and it was not until Monday afternoon

that Hugonet's commissioner brought a conciliatory message that if the

gentlemen were so bent on it, he would, in spite of the difficulty of

discussion in an open meeting, talk over both points with them in

full assembly. Again the States objected. They had no instructions

whatsoever in regard to Mademoiselle, and could not discuss her

movements either in public or in private session. As to levies, they

repeated in detail all previous arguments, and expressed a fervent

hope that Monseigneur would withdraw the request. It would, in the

end, be more to Monseigneur's advantage, etc. Back and forth travelled

the commissioner between States and duchess. The latter simply

reiterated her dictum that Mary must certainly set forth to visit her

father in May, with an adequate escort, in whose ranks must appear

three prelates, three or four barons, fifty knights, and notable men

from the "good towns," well armed.

The States were then resolved into a committee of the whole, for a

private deliberation, an action that probably enabled them to exclude

the embarrassing spectators. In preparation for this, the diligent

commissioner called apart one deputy from each contingent, and

expatiated on the duke's need of proof of sturdy loyalty. Seven to

eight thousand combatants, besides Mademoiselle's escort and the fiefs

and arrière-fiefs, Monseigneur could manage to make suffice for the

present, and these must be provided. These confidences were at once

reported to the assembly, which then adjourned to think over the

matter during the night.[3]

When they met again on April 30th, the chancellor was ready with a new

message from Madame: "Go home now, consult your principals, and return

on May 15th." On the motion of some deputy, this date was changed to

May 24th. Precautions were taken to prevent any binding action in the

interim. Moreover, the exact phrasing of the reports to the separate

groups of constituents was also agreed upon by the majority of the

deputies. In this, Hainaut refused to participate, as in that province

there was a reluctance to deny the obligations of the fiefs.

When the deputies reassembled a month later, Hugonet tried to weaken

the effect of their answer by a suggestion that it had better not

be considered the final decision, but a mere informal expression of

opinion. "There were so many strangers present," etc. The States

determinedly refused to be trifled with. "Madame must not be

displeased if they gave the result of their deliberations in the

presence of the whole assembly, not by way of opinion, but as a formal

and conclusive report." Their charge was restricted to this manner

of procedure. The chancellor, interrupting them, asked, since their

charge was thus restricted, whether they had also been limited in the

number of times they might drink on their way.[4] The answer was:

"Chancellor, come now, say what you wish. The answer shall be given as

it was meant to be given."

[Illustration: PLAN OF BATTLE OF NANCY. REPRODUCED FROM KIRK'S

"CHARLES THE BOLD," BY PERMISSION OF J.B. LIPPINCOTT CO.]

The communication was so long that its delivery took from 3 to 8

P.M. It was nothing more than a detailed apology for refusing the

sovereign's demands. Several days more were consumed in unsuccessful

efforts to cajole or browbeat the deputies into a more genial mood.

The only concessions offered were insignificant, and to their

resolution the deputies held firmly. "According to current rumour

[concludes Gort Roelants's story] the ducal council would gladly have

accepted a notable sum in lieu of the service of towns and of the

fiefholders, but the States made no such offer."

There was evidently a hope that better results might be obtained from

a new assembly,[5] but none was held and the most earnest endeavours

of the duke's wife and daughter failed to arouse enthusiasm for his

plans. Moreover, when there seemed a prospect that the Netherlands

might be attacked from France, the sympathy of even the duchess and

council for offensive operations was chilled. Not only did Margaret

fail to send her husband the extra supplies demanded, but she decided

to appropriate the three months' subsidy, the chief item of regular

ducal revenue, for protection of the Flemish frontier--an action that

made Charles very angry. Defences at home! Yes, indeed, they were

necessary, but the people must provide them. The subsidy was lawfully

his and he needed every penny of it. His army had not been destroyed.

He was simply obliged to strengthen it. Burgundy was helping him.

Flanders must do her part. They were deaf to this appeal, although a

generous message was sent saying that if he were hard pressed they

would go in person to rescue him from danger.

The story of the assembly of the Estates of the two Burgundies is

equally interesting as a picture of the clash between sovereign will

and popular unreadiness to open the carefully guarded money-boxes.[6]

The deputies convened at Salins on July 8th, in the presence of the

duke himself. The session was opened by Jean de Grey, the president

of the _parlement_ of the duchy, with a brief statement of the

sovereign's needs. Then Charles took the floor, and delivered a

tremendous harangue with a marvellous command of language. Panigarola

declared that his allusions to parallel crises in ancient times were

so apt and so fluent that it seemed as though the book of history lay

opened before him and that he read from its pages.[7] The impression

he made was plain to see.

[Illustration: BATTLE OF NANCY CONTEMPORANEOUS MINIATURE IN ABBEY OF

ST. GERMAIN DES PRÉS (COMINES-LENGLET, III.)]

His demands for aid to retrieve the Swiss disasters were open and

aboveboard this time. There was no such pretence put forward as the

escort of Mary. The argument was that any ruler, backed by his people

unanimous in their willingness to give their last jewel for public

purposes, must inevitably succeed in his righteous wars, etc.

His learned and able discourse was well received, according to other

reporters besides the Milanese, but there was no hearty yielding to

sentiment in the reply. Four days were consumed in deliberation before

that was ready on July 12th. They had certainly considered that the

grant of 100,000 florins annually for six years, accorded two years

previously, was their share. But in view of the duke's appeal, they

would endeavour to aid him. Let him stipulate which cities he wished

fortified and they would assume charge of the work. Two favours they

begged--that Charles should not rashly expose his person "for he was

the sole prince of his glorious House," and that he should be ready

to receive overtures of peace. "We will give life and property for

defence, but we implore you to take no offensive step." Charles did

not, perhaps, feel the distrust of his military skill and of his

judgment that these words implied.

Financial stress was not the duke's only difficulty in 1476. The

defection of his allies continued, Yolande--that former good friend of

his--was now a fervent suppliant to Louis XI., begging him to restore

her to freedom and to her son's estates. Not that her restraint was

in itself hard to bear. At Rouvre, whither she had been removed from

Rochefort, she was free to do what she wished, except to depart.

Couriers, too, were at her service apparently, who carried uninspected

letters to Milan, Geneva, Nice, Turin, and to Louis XI. Commines

says that she hesitated to take refuge with the last lest he should

promptly return her to Burgundian "protection." Yet her brother's

hatred to Charles seemed a fairly strong assurance against such

action. Louis XI. was never so genial as when hearing some ill of

Charles. "From what I have learned, I believe his Turk, his devil

in this world, the person he loathes most intensely, is the Duke of

Burgundy, with whom he can never live in amity." These words were sent

by Petrasanta to the Duke of Milan,[8] who was also turning slowly,

with some periods of hesitation, to an alliance with Louis, now

engaged in "following the hare with a cart."[9]

On his side the king declared that he had no intention of troubling

further about his obligations to the Duke of Burgundy. "He has himself

broken the truce repeatedly. I can begin a war when I please. But I

have thought it best to temporise."

[Illustration: COLUMN COMMEMORATING CHARLES AT NANCY AFTER THE DRAWING

BY PERNOT]

In the succeeding weeks Louis plunged deeper and deeper into

negotiations with any and every one whom he could turn against

Charles. In October, Sire de Chamont, governor of Champagne, --the

territory that Edward IV. had failed to consign to the duke's

sovereignty,--made a descent on Rouvre and rescued Yolande of Savoy.

There was no attempt to stay her departure, and she was scrupulous, so

it is said, in leaving money behind to pay for the Burgundian property

carried off in her train--though it were nothing but an old crossbow.

"Welcome, Madame the Burgundian," was the fraternal salutation which

she received on her arrival at her brother's court. She replied that

she was a good French woman and quite ready to obey his majesty's

commands.[10]

During the summer, Charles remained at La Rivière exerting every

effort to levy an army. It was no easy task, and the review held on

July 27th showed a meagre return for his exertions. But he did not

slacken his efforts. Lists were immediately drawn up showing the

vacancies in each company, and his money stress did not prevent

his offering increased pay as an extra inducement to recruits. "An

excellent means of encouragement," comments Panigarola.

The necessity for his preparations was evident. An opportune legacy

inherited by René of Lorraine enabled that dispossessed prince to work

to better advantage than he had been able to do since Charles had

convened the Estates of Lorraine at Nancy. Moreover, on the very day

of the review of the deficient Burgundian troops, a Swiss diet at

Fribourg adopted resolutions regarding, a closer alliance with

René.[11] Louis XI. ostensibly maintained his truce with Charles but

he had intimated that a French army would wait in Dauphiné ready "to

help adjust the affairs of Savoy," and, at about the same time when

Yolande was at court, he gave a gracious reception to a Swiss embassy,

so that René did not feel himself without support as he advanced to

recover his city.

The mercenaries left by Charles at Nancy were weak and indifferent--a

brief siege, and the capital of Lorraine capitulated to Duke René.

Charles was too late to prevent this mortifying loss. His forces, too,

were a mere shadow. Three to four thousand men rallied round him in

the Franche-Comté, a few hundred joined him in Burgundy, and as he

skirted the frontier of Champagne he received slight reinforcements

from Luxemburg. Then came Campobasso and his mercenary troops, and

the Count of Chimay with such Flemish fiefs as had, individually,

respected the duke's appeal. In all, the forces at Charles's

disposition amounted to about ten thousand, far fewer than those at

Neuss or at Granson.

At a diet of October 17th, the compact between René and the Swiss was

confirmed, and the former was assured of efficient aid to help him

repulse Charles in his advance into Lorraine. There was need. The city

of Toul refused admission to both dukes, but furnished provision for

Charles's troops, so that for the moment he was the better off of the

two. René then proceeded to provision Nancy and to prepare it for a

siege, while he himself proceeded to Pont-à-Mousson, and for several

days the two adversaries were only separated by the Moselle. Charles's

army was augmented daily by slight accessions from Flanders, and

England, and by fragments of the garrisons of the towns in Lorraine

that had yielded to René and the latter fell back, little by little.

Charles in his turn held Pont-à-Mousson, and proceeded along the road

to Nancy, not deterred by the Lorrainers.

It was on October 22nd, that Charles of Burgundy laid siege for the

second time to Nancy. In thus entering into active hostilities, he was

ignoring the advice of his councillors who were unanimous in begging

him to devote the winter months to refitting his army in Luxemburg or

Flanders. His position was really very dangerous. He had no base on

which to rest as he had recovered no towns except Pont-à-Mousson. But

he ignored the patent obstacles and tried assault after assault upon

Nancy--all most valiantly repulsed. Within the walls, there was an

amazing display of courage, energy, and good humour. As a matter of

fact, the duke's reputation had waned, while the fear of his cruelty

emboldened the burghers to hold out to the last ditch. Any fate would

be better than falling into his hands, was the general opinion.

Throughout Lorraine, the captains of the garrisons seized every

occasion to harry the Burgundians. Familiar with the lay of the land,

with every cross-road and by-path, they were able to lie in wait for

the foragers and to do much damage. Four hundred cavaliers, coming

up from Burgundy, were attacked by one Malhortie de Rozière, and

literally cut to pieces, while their horses changed sides with ease.

Only a few escaped to report the fate of the others to Charles. Not

long after, Malhortie, encouraged by this success, crept up to the

Burgundian camp, fell upon the sleepers, and captured a goodly number

of horses.

The troops on which Charles counted most confidently were

Campobasso's. Several attempts were made to warn him that treachery

was possible in that quarter if the commander were too much

exasperated by delays in payment, too much tried by the ill-temper of

his employer. But the duke persisted in being oblivious to what was

passing under his eyes. Thus, while awaiting the moment for his final

defection, the Italian found it possible to enter into communication

with René and to retard the operations of the siege so as to give time

for the advance of the army of relief.

The weather of this year was a marked contrast to the mild season of

1473. The winter set in early and the cold became very severe, almost

at once. Their sufferings made the burghers very impatient for the

relief of whose coming they could get no certain assurance. The

Burgundian lines were held so rigidly that the interchange of messages

between the city and her friends was rendered very difficult.[12] One

Suffren de Baschi tried to slip through to Nancy, to tell the besieged

that René was levying troops in Switzerland and would soon be with

them. Baschi fell into the duke's hands and was immediately hanged.

One story says that Campobasso was among the interceders for his life

and received a box on the ear for his pains, an insult that proved the

last straw in his allegiance to Charles. Commines, however, declares

that the Italian urged the death of the captive, fearful of the

premature betrayal of his own intended treachery.

This execution was one of those arbitrary acts condemned by public

opinion as contrary to the code of warfare. Intense indignation among

the Lorrainers and the Swiss forced René to retaliatory measures, and

he ordered the execution of all the Burgundian prisoners. One hundred

and twenty bodies hung on the gibbets, each bearing an inscription

to the effect that their death was the work of _le téméraire_. The

rancour of the proceedings became terrible. No quarter was given in

any engagements. Slaughter was the only thought on either side.

Towards the end of December, one Thierry, a draper of Mirecourt,

proved more successful than Baschi in reaching Nancy. His information,

that René's army would leave Basel on December 26th, put heart into

the beseiged and the bells rang out joyfully.

Just at this epoch, there was an attempt at mediation between the

combatants. The King of Portugal,[13] nephew of Isabella, appeared at

his cousin's camp and implored him to put an end to the carnage, and

in the name of humanity to stop a war that was horrible to all the

world. In spite of his own stress, Charles managed to give his kinsman

a splendid reception, but he waved aside his petition, and simply

invited him to join him in his campaign.

A week sufficed for the Swiss contingent to march from Basel to Nancy,

across the plains of Alsace. Meantime René had rallied about four

thousand men under Lorraine captains, and to this was added an

Alsatian force which had joined him by way of St.-Nicolas-du-Port.

They were a rude, pitiless crowd, as they soon evinced by routing

a few Burgundians out of the houses where they had hidden, and

massacring them publicly. A reconnaissance, sent out by Charles, was

easily put to flight.

On January 4th, Charles learned that fresh troops had reached St.

Nicolas. He showed assurance, arrogance, and negligence. His belief in

his star was fully restored. He actually did not take the trouble to

try once more to ascertain the exact strength of the enemy. He had

commissioned the Bishop of Forli to negotiate for him at Basel, and

refused to credit the statement that the Swiss were throwing in their

fortunes with René. He thought that "the Child," as he contemptuously

termed his adversary, had simply gone right and left to hire

mercenaries, and he rather ridiculed the idea of taking such

_canaille_ seriously, saying that it was a host unworthy of a

gentleman. Still he resolved to meet and finish them once for all.[14]

It is a fact that the Swiss reinforcements were a different and far

less efficient body than the volunteers of Granson and Morat had been.

French gold, scattered freely, had done its work in exciting the

cupidity of every man who could bear arms. There were some staunch

leaders, like Waldemar of Zurich and Rudolph de Stein, but their kind

was in the minority. Berne aided with money rather than with men, but

she was not a generous ally as she insisted on having hostages to

ensure her repayment. A venal spirit was evident in every quarter. As

the troops made their way over the Jura their behaviour showed that

the late splendid booty had affected them. Plunder was their aim. When

René reviewed these fresh arrivals from Basel, one of his attending

officers was Oswald von Thierstein, late governor of Alsace.[15]

Disgraced by Sigismund he had passed over to the Duke of Lorraine, who

appointed him marshal.

On that January 4th, a Saturday, Charles held a council meeting. The

opinion of the wisest, already given on previous occasions, was urged

again:

"Do not risk battle. René is poor. If there are no immediate

engagements, his mercenaries will abandon him for lack of pay.

Raise the siege and depart for Flanders and Luxemburg. The army

can rest and be increased. Then at the approach of spring it will

be easy to fall upon René deprived of his troops."

Charles was absolutely deaf to these arguments. He was determined on

facing the issue at once. Leaving a small force to sustain the siege,

he ordered the camp to be broken on the evening of the 4th and a

movement made towards St.-Nicolas. He selected a ground favourable

for the manipulation of a large body, and placed his artillery on a

plateau situated between Jarville and Neuville. It was not a good

position, being hedged in on the right and in front by woods which

could conceal the movements of a foe without impeding them. Only one

way of retreat was open--towards Metz, whose bishop was Charles's

last ally. But to reach Metz, it was necessary to cross several small

streams and deceptive marshes, half frozen as they were, besides the

river Meurthe, a serious obstacle with the garrison of Nancy on the

flank. In short, there was ample reason to dread surprise, while

in case of defeat a terrible catastrophe was more than possible.

Curiously, the precise kind of difficulties which beset the field of

Morat were repeated here--proof that Charles had not the qualities of

a general who could learn by experience.[16]

The exact force at his disposal on this occasion has been variously

estimated. Considering the ravages of the sanguinary skirmishes during

the siege, and of the cold, it is probable that the actual combatants

did not number more than ten thousand, all told. And only half of

these were of any value--two thousand men under Galeotto, and

three thousand Burgundians commanded by Charles and his immediate

lieutenants. The remainder were unreliable mercenaries and the still

more unreliable troops of Campobasso already pledged to the foe. La

Marche estimates René's force at twelve thousand and adds: "The Duke

of Burgundy was far behind, for, on my conscience, he had not two

thousand fighting men."[17]

The allies adopted a plan of battle proposed by a Lorrainer, Vautrin

Wuisse. The first manoeuvre was to divert the foe and turn him towards

the woods, and then to attack his centre, which would at the same

time be pressed at the front by the Lorraine forces, headed by René

himself. The plan succeeded in every point. Surprised that they dared

take the offensive, Charles was alert to the harsh cries of the "bull"

of Uri and the "cow" of Unterwalden, which were heard across the

woods. A sudden presentiment saddened him. Putting on his helmet, he

accidentally knocked off the lion bearing the legend _Hoc est signum

Dei_. He replaced it and plunged into the mêlée.

The onslaught was terrific. Galeotto's troops and the duke's were the

only ones to make sturdy resistance. The right wing of the army gave

way under the fierce assault of the Swiss. The cry, "_Sauve qui

pent_!" raised possibly by Campobasso's traitors, produced a terrible

rout. Three quarters of the troops were in flight, while the duke

still fought on with superhuman ferocity.

Galeotto, seeing that the day was lost, protected his own mercenaries

as best he could, while Campobasso completed the treason that he had

plotted with René, which had been partially accomplished four days

previously, and calmly took up his position on the bridge of Bouxières

on the Meurthe, to make prisoners for the sake of ransom. Then the

besieged made a sudden sortie which increased the disorder. The battle

proper was of short duration, with little bloodshed, but the pursuit

was sanguinary in the extreme, because the Burgundian army had left no

loophole open for retreat.

The Swiss pursued the fugitives hotly as far as Bouxières and

inflicted carnage right and left on the route. It was easy work. The

morasses were traps and the Burgundians, encumbered with their arms,

found it impossible to free themselves, when they once were entangled.

They fell like flies before the fury of the mountaineers. The

Lorrainers and Alsatians were more humane or more mercenary, for they

took prisoners instead of killing indiscriminately. Charles fought

desperately to the very end. There is no doubt that he plunged into

the thick of the fight and risked his life in a reckless manner,

but there is absolute uncertainty as to how he met his death. It is

generally accepted that the last person to see him alive was one

Baptista Colonna, a page in the service of a Neapolitan captain. This

lad, with an extra helmet swung over his shoulder, found himself

close to the duke. He saw him surrounded by troops, noticed his horse

stumble, was sure that the rider fell. The next moment, Colonna's

attention was diverted to himself. He was taken prisoner and knew no

more of the day's events. The figure of Charles of Burgundy disappears

from the view of man. A curtain woven of vague rumour hides the

closing scenes of his life.

At seven o'clock the victorious Duke of Lorraine rode into the rescued

city and re-entered his palace. At the gates was heaped up a ghastly

memorial of the steadfastness of the burghers in their devotion to

his cause. This was a pile of the bones of the foul animals they had

consumed when other food was exhausted, rather than capitulate to

their liege's foe. To ascertain the fate of that foe now became René's

chief anxiety, and he despatched messengers to Metz and elsewhere

to find out where Charles had taken refuge. The reports were all

negative. The first positive assurance that the duke was dead came

from young Baptista Colonna, whom Campobasso himself introduced into

René's presence on Monday evening. The page told his tale and declared

that he could point out the precise place where he had seen the Duke

of Burgundy fall. Accordingly, on Tuesday morning, January 7th, a

party went forth from Nancy to the desolate battlefield and were

guided by Colonna to the edge of a pool which he asserted confidently

was the very spot where he had seen Charles. Circumstantial evidence

went to give corroboration to his word, for the dozen or more bodies

that lay strewn along the ground in the immediate vicinity of the pool

were close friends and followers of the duke, men who would, in all

probability, have stayed faithfully by their master's person, a

volunteer bodyguard as long as they drew breath. These bodies were all

stripped naked. Harpies had already gathered what plunder they could

find, and no apparel or accoutrements were left to show the difference

in rank between noble and page. But the faces were recognisable and

they were identified as well-known nobles of the Burgundian court.

Separated from this group by a little space at the very edge of the

pool, was another naked body in still more doleful plight. The face

was disfigured beyond all semblance of what it might have been in

life. One cheek was bitten by wolves, one was imbedded in the frozen

slime. Yet there was evidence on the poor forsaken remains that

convinced the searchers that this was indeed the mortal part of the

great duke. Two wounds from a pick and a blow above the ear--inflicted

by "one named Humbert"--showed how death had been caused. The missing

teeth corresponded to those lost by Charles, there was a scar just

where he had received his wound at Montl'héry, the finger nails were

long like his, a wound on the shoulder, a fistula on the groin, and an

ingrowing nail were additional marks of identification,--six definite

proofs in all. Among those who gazed at this wretched sight, on that

January morning, were men intimately acquainted with the duke's

person.

"There were his physician, a Portuguese named Mathieu, and his

valets, besides Olivier de la Marche[18] and Denys his chaplain

who were taken thither and there was no doubt that he was dead. It

has not yet been decided where he will be buried, and to know it

better it [the body] has been bathed in warm water and good wine

and cleansed. In that state it was recognisable by all who

had previously seen and known him. The page who had given the

information was taken to the king. Had it not been for him it

would never have been known what had become of him considering the

state and the place where he was found."[19]

Before the body could be freed from the ice in which it was imbedded,

implements had to be brought from Nancy. Four Lorraine nobles hastened

to the spot, when they heard the tidings, to show honour to the man

who had been their accepted lord for a brief period, and they acted

as escort as the burden was carried into the town and placed in a

suitable chamber in the home of one George Marquiez. There seems to

have been no insult offered to the fallen man, no lack of deference in

the proceedings. The very spot where the bier rested for a moment was

marked with a little black cross.

As the corpse was bathed, three wounds became evident--a deep cut

from a halberd in the head, spear thrusts through the thighs and

abdomen--proofs of the closeness of the last struggle. When all the

dignity possible had been given to the miserable human fragment and

the chamber hung with conventional mourning, René came thither clad

in black garments. Kneeling by the bier, he said: "Would to God, fair

cousin, that your misfortunes and mine had not reduced you to the

condition in which I see you."

For five days the body lay in state before the high altar of the

church of St. George, and the obsequies that followed were attended by

René and his nobles, and the coffin was honourably placed among the

ducal dead.

Yet doubt of the man's existence was not buried with the bones to

which his name was given. When the Swiss turned their way homeward,

their farewell words to René were: "If the Duke of Burgundy has

escaped and should reopen war, tell us." "If he has assured his

safety," René answered, "we will fight again when summer comes." There

was no delay, however, in the division of the spoils. The Burgundian

treasure was distributed among René's allies, and the ignorant

soldiers received articles worth many times their pay, which they, in

many cases, disposed of for an infinitesimal part of their value.

As late as January 28th, Margaret of York and Mary of Burgundy wrote

to Louis XI. from Ghent:

"We are still hoping that Monseigneur is alive in the hands of his

enemies." Other rumours continued to be current, not only for weeks

but for years. In 1482, it was gravely recounted that the vanished

duke had retired to Brucsal in Swabia, where he led an austere life,

_genus vitae horridum atque asperum_. Bets were made, too, on the

chances of his return.[20]

Louis XI. was a very pleasant person when news was brought him that he

liked to hear. Commines and Bouchage together had told him about the

defeat of Morat and had each received two hundred silver marks. It was

a Seigneur de Lude who had the good luck to bring him letters from

Craon recounting the battle of Nancy. It was "really difficult for the

king to keep his countenance so surprised was he with joy."[21] His

letter to Craon was written on January 9th and ran as follows.[22]

"M. the Count, my friend, I have received your letter and heard

the good news that you impart to me, for which I thank you as much

as I can. Now is the time to use all your five natural senses to

deliver the duchy and county of Burgundy into my hands. If the

duke be dead, do you and the governor of Champagne take your

troops and put yourselves within the land, and, if you love me,

keep as good order among your men as if you were in Paris, and

prove that I mean to treat them [the Burgundians] better than any

one in my realm."

The "five natural senses" of the king's lieutenant were employed most

loyally to his master's service. The duchy of Burgundy returned to the

French crown. Before Easter, the Estates were convened by Louis XI,

and there was no longer any duke in Burgundy to be an over powerful

peer in France.

With the exception of Guelders the lands acquired by Charles fell

away, but the remainder as inherited by him passed under the rule of

his daughter Mary, who carried her heritage into the House of Austria,

through which it passed finally to the King of Spain.

On that fatal fifth of January, Charles of Burgundy had only just

passed middle life. He was forty-four years, one month, and twenty-six

days old, an age when a man has the right to look forward to new

achievements. Every circumstance of the dreary and premature death was

in glaring contrast to his prospects at his birth in 1433, in insolent

contradiction to his own estimation of the obligations assumed by Fate

in his behalf. In certain details of the catastrophe there are, of

course, accidents. No one could have predicted that the duke whose

chief title was a synonym for magnificence, that this cherished heir

to his House, who had been bathed in all the luxury known to his

epoch, should have thus lain in death, many hours long, unattended and

uncared-for, naked and frozen on a bed of congealed mud, with a winter

sky as canopy. The actual adversity as it overwhelmed him was too

appalling for any foresight. But the great dream of the man's life

that vanished with his vitality owed its annihilation to no mere

chance of warfare. Had it not been rudely ended by the battle of

Nancy, other means of destruction, inevitable and sure, would have

appeared. The projected erection of a solidified kingdom stretching

from the North Sea to Switzerland and possibly to the Mediterranean,

one that could hold the balance of power between France and Germany,

contained elements of disintegration, latent at its foundation. It is

clear, from a consideration of the Duke of Burgundy and his position

in the Europe of his time, that the materials which he expected to

mould into a realm were a collection of sentient units. Each separate

one was instinct with individual life, individual desires, conscious

of its own minute past, capable of directing its own contracted

future. That the hereditary title of overlord to each political unity

had lodged upon a head already dignified by a plurality of similar

titles, was a mere chance and viewed by the burghers in a wholly

different light from that in which this same overlord regarded it. The

fishers in Holland, the manufacturers in Brabant, the merchants in

Flanders, the vintners in Burgundy, cared nothing for being the wings

of an imperial idea. They wanted safe fishing grounds, unmolested

highways of commerce, vineyards free from the tramp of armies. And

with their desires fixed on these as needful, their attitude towards

the political centralisation planned by their common ruler, often

betrayed both ignorance and inconsistency. At various epochs some

degree of imperialism for the Netherland group had been quite to

popular taste. In Holland, Zealand and Hainaut, it had been conceded

that Jacqueline of Bavaria was less efficient to maintain desirable

conditions than her cousin of Burgundy, and the exchange of sovereigns

had been effected in spite of the manifest injustice involved in the

transaction. But while there was willingness to accept any advantages

that might accrue to a people from the reputation of a local overlord,

it was never forgotten for an instant that his relation to his

subjects was as their own count and strictly limited by conditions

that had long existed within each petty territory. While Charles

seemed to be on the straight road towards his goal, the people within

each body politic of his inherited states were profoundly preoccupied

with their own local concerns, and only alive to his schemes when they

feared demands upon their internal revenues for external purposes.

It does not seem probable, however, that the abstract question of the

projected kingdom was ever taken very seriously among those to be

directly affected by the proposed change. The bars interposed by his

own subjects in the duke's progress towards royalty were obstructions

to his successive steps rather than to his theory. Indeed, strenuous

opposition to details was allied to a vague and passive acceptance of

the whole. Moreover when the idea was phrased it was distinctly as

a revival, not as a novelty. The previous existence of a kingdom of

Burgundy was undoubtedly a potent factor in the degree of progress

made by Charles towards conjuring into new life a reincarnation of

that ancient realm. Yet it was a factor clothed with a shadow rather

than with the substance of truth. Geographically there was very little

in common between the dominion projected more or less definitely in

1473 and any one of the kingdoms of Burgundy as they had successively

existed. That of Charles corresponded very nearly to the ancient

kingdom of Lorraine. Franche-Comté was the only ground common to the

territories actually held by the duke and to the latest kingdom of

Burgundy. His possessions in Picardy and Alsace lay wholly beyond the

limits of either Burgundy or Lorraine. But the old name survived in

his ducal title, and it was that name that lent a semblance of reality

to this fifteenth-century dream of a middle kingdom as outlined in the

duke's mind more or less definitely or as bounded by his ambition.

In retrospect it is clear that more was requisite for the realisation

of the vision of the wished-for nation, than imperial investiture of

a crowned monarch with sovereignty over a group of lands. A modern

writer has pointed out how infinitely subtle is the vital principle

of a nation, one not even to be created by common interests. A

_Zollverein_ is no _patria_. An element of sentiment is needful, and

an element of growth.[23] The nation like the individual is the result

of what has gone before. An heroic past, great men, glory that can

command respect at home and abroad--that is the capital on which

is based a national idea. To have wrought in common, to wish to

accomplish more in the future, are essential conditions to be a

people. "The existence of a nation is a plebiscite of every day, just

as the existence of the individual is a perpetual affirmation of

life."

Now it is evident, in summing up the salient features of this failure,

that a vital principle was not germinating in the inchoate mass.

Charles himself never attained the rank of a national hero. More than

that, with all his individual states, he never had any nation, great

or small, at his back. Personally he was a man without a country. His

father, Philip, was French, pure and simple, quite as French as his

grandfather, Philip the Hardy, the first Duke of Burgundy out of the

House of Valois, even though Philip the Good had extended his sway

to many non-French-speaking peoples and was able to use the Flemish

speech if it suited his whim. But that was as a condescension and as

something extraneous. The chief of French peers remained his proudest

title; his ability to influence French affairs, the task he liked

best.

His son was quite different in his attitude towards France. He

minimised his degree of French blood royal. More than once he boasted

of his kinship with Portuguese, with English stock. He had certain

characteristics of an immigrant, who has abandoned family traditions

and is proudly confident that his bequest to posterity is to outshine

what he has inherited. Charles was not exactly a stupid man, but he

certainly was dazzled by his early surroundings into an overestimate

of himself, into a conceit that was a tremendous stumbling-block in

his path. He had not the kind of intelligence that would have enabled

him to take at their worth the rhetorical phrases of adulation heaped

upon him on festal occasions. Yet this same conceit, this very

self-confidence, gave him a high conception of his duties. At his

accession, he showed a sense of his responsibilities, a definite

theory of conduct which he fully intended to act upon. His very belief

in his own powers gave him an intrinsic honesty of purpose. He was

convinced that he could maintain law, order, justice in his domain,

and he fully intended to do so in a paternal way, but he left out of

consideration the rights of the people, rights older than his dynasty.

In his military career, too, at the outset, he evinced the strongest

bent towards preserving the best conditions possible amid the

brutalities of warfare. He curbed the soldiers' passions, he protected

women, and was as relentless towards miscreants in his ranks as

towards his foe. In civil matters he exerted himself to secure

impartial equity for all alike. When he gave a promise, he fully

intended to make his words good. It was only in the face of repeated

deceptions of the cleverer and more unscrupulous Louis XI. that

Charles changed for the worse. Exasperated by the knowledge that the

king's solemn pledges were given repeatedly with no intention of

fulfilment, he attempted to adopt a similar policy and was singularly

infelicitous in his imitation. His political methods degenerated into

mere barefaced lying, softened by no graces, illumined by no clever

intuition of where to draw the line. From 1472 on, the duke's word was

worth no more than the king's, and words were assuredly at a discount

just then. A perusal of the international correspondence of the period

leaves the reader marvelling why time was wasted in covering paper,

with flimsy, insincere phrases, mendacious sign-posts which gave no

true indication of the road to be travelled. There are, however,

differences in the art of dissimulation and Charles never attained a

mastery of the science.

The adjective which has attached itself to his name in English in an

inaccurate rendering of _le téméraire_ which belongs to him in French.

There were other terms too applied to Charles at different periods of

his career. He was Charles the Hardy in his early youth, Charles the

Terrible in those last months when he tried to fortify himself with

wine unsuited to his constitution, but at all times he might have been

called Charles the self-absorbed, Charles the solitary. There have

been many men more passionate, more uncontrolled, than Charles of

Burgundy, whose personal magnetism yet enabled them to win friends and

to keep them, as the duke was powerless to do. The failure to command

personal devotion, unquestioning loyalty, was one of his chief

personal misfortunes. Philip, magnificent, lavish, debonair, found

many lenient apologists for his crimes, while his son received

criticism for his faults even from the faithful among his servitors.

How a reflection of his bearing glows out from the mirror turned

casually upon him by Commines' skilful hand! Take the glimpse of Louis

XI. as he lures on St. Pol's messenger to imitate Charles. The Sire

de Créville inspired by the royal interest in his narration about an

incident at the court of Burgundy, puffs out his cheeks, stamps his

feet in a dictatorial manner, and swears by St. George as he quotes

the duke's words. Behind a screen are hidden Commines, and a

Burgundian envoy aghast at hearing his liege lord so mocked. It is

a time when St. Pol is trying to ride three horses at once and

the French king takes this method to have Charles informed of his

duplicity. "Speak louder" he says, "I grow a little deaf," and the

flattered envoy repeats his dramatic performance in a way to engrave

it on the memory of the duke's retainer.

[Illustration: THE TOMB OF CHARLES OF BURGUNDY]

In thus touching on the traits of his former master, Commines does not

show malice or even a dislike for the duke. He is much more severe

about Louis--only he found the latter easier to serve.

In his family life, too, Charles does not seem to have found any

companionship that affected his life. He is lauded as a faithful

husband to Isabella of Bourbon but her death seemed to make little

difference. Neither she nor Margaret of York had the actual

significance enjoyed by Isabella of Portugal as consort to Philip the

Good with his notoriously roving fancy.

Thus at home as well as abroad the last Duke of Burgundy tried to

stand alone. Perhaps his chief happiness in life was that he never

knew how insufficient for his desired task he was and how the new art

of printing, the birth of Erasmus of Rotterdam, were the really great

events of his brief decade of sovereignty. It was his good fortune

that he never knew that no splendid achievement gave significance to

his device: "I have undertaken it"--_Je lay emprins_.

[Footnote 1: _Mém. de la soc. bourg. de géog. et d' hist_. Article by

A. Cornereau, vi., 229.]

[Footnote 2: Les états de Gand en 1476. (Gachard, _Études et notices

hist,. des Pays-Bas_, i., I.)

This is a study of the report made by Gort Roelants, pensionary of

Brussels, one of the deputies to the assembly of 1476. This so-called

"States-general" was by no means a legislative assembly. When Philip

the Good convened deputies from the various states at Bruges in 1463,

it was to save himself the trouble of going to the separate capitals

to ask for _aides_. Assemblies of similar nature occurred several

times before 1477, when Mary of Burgundy granted the privilege of

self-convention and when a constitutional rôle was assured to the

body; though not used for many years (_See_ Pirenne, ii., 379.)]

[Footnote 3: _Pour y penser la nuit jusques aw lendemain_.]

[Footnote 4: _S'ils n'avaient point charge limitée quantefois ils

devaient boire en chemin_.]

[Footnote 5: Compte-rendu par Antoine Rolin, Sr. d' Aymeries, Oct. 1,

1475-Sept. 30, 1476. In the archives of Hainaut there are proofs that

another assembly was confidently expected.]

[Footnote 6: Gingins la Sarra, ii., 354.]

[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., 359. Scorende queste cose come avesse il libro

avanti, parse ad ogniuno imprimesse bene questo suo intento.]

[Footnote 8: Petrasanta to the Duke of Milan Aug. 12th. Quoted in

Kirk, iii., 487.]

[Footnote 9: An Italian phrase signifying to run down his game

slowly.]

[Footnote 10: Commines, v., ch. iv.]

[Footnote 11: Toutey calls the diet at Fribourg a veritable congress

of central Europe, the first of international congresses.]

[Footnote 12: Huguénin Jeune, _Hist. de la guerre de Lorraine_, p.

217.]

[Footnote 13: This monarch, Alphonse V., called the African, asking

Louis XI. for assistance against Ferdinand of Castile, was refused on

the score that Charles the Bold was menacing the safety of the French

frontier. Alphonse's prayer for peace might have been instigated by

thoughts of his own needs as well as those of humanity. (Toutey, p.

386.)]

[Footnote 14: Toutey, p. 387.]

[Footnote 15: See Scott's _Anne of Geierstein_. This is the man whom

the author makes the appointed instrument of the _Vehmgericht_ to slay

Charles.]

[Footnote 16: Toutey, p. 388.]

[Footnote 17: _Mémoires_, iii., 239.]

[Footnote 18: It is strange that La Marche does not make more of

this scene if he were really there. His sole statement is: "The duke

remained dead on the field of battle, stretched out like the poorest

man in the world and I was taken and others." iii., 240.]

[Footnote 19: _La déconfiture de Monseigneur de Bourgogne faite par

Monseigneur de Lorraine_. Comines-Lenglet, iii., 493.

This brief account was drawn up evidently before the duke's burial was

known by the writer. It may have been written solely to please Louis

XI. Still there is a simplicity about it that holds the attention,

in spite of the fact that the story is not accepted by critical

historians.]

[Footnote 20: La Marche, iii., 240.]

[Footnote 21: Comines v., ch. x.]

[Footnote 22: _Lettres_ vi., p. 111.]

[Footnote 23: Renan, _Qu'est ce qu'une nation_.]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

There is an enormous mass of literature bearing upon the later years

of Philip of Burgundy and the brief career of Charles the Bold. Fairly

adequate bibliographies can be found in Pirenne and Molinier (see

list). The following list contains the full titles of the chief works

to which direct reference is made in the text but falls far short of a

complete description of the matter, contemporaneous or critical, which

has coloured the treatment of the subject.

When extracts have been taken from matter quoted by other writers the

reference is to the later books only.

_Archives curieuses de l'histoire de France_. Vol. i. (Paris, 1834.)

Contains _Le cabinet du roy Louis XI.; Discours du siège de Beauvais,

en_ 1472, etc.

BARANTE, M. DE. _Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne de la maison de

Valois. Avec des remarques par le baron de Reiffenberg._ 6th ed. 10

vols. (Brussels, 1835.)

BASIN, THOMAS, 1412-1491. _Histoire des règnes de Charles VII. et de

Louis XI._ (Latin text). Ed. J.E.J. Quicherat. 2 vols. (Paris, 1855.)

BEAUCOURT, G. DU FRESNE, MARQUIS DE. _Histoire de Charles VII_ . 6

vols. (Paris, 1890.)

BLOK, P.J. _Eene Hollandsche stad onder de Bourgondisch-Oostenrijksche

Heerschappij._ (The Hague, 1884.)

BRANTÔME, PIERRE DE BOURDEILLE, SEIGNEUR DE. _OEuvres complètes de_.

Ed. Ludovic Lalanne. (Paris, 1876.)

BUDT, ADRIAN DE. _Chronicon Flandriæ. De Smet Corpus chron. Flandr.

I_. (Brussels, 1837-65.)

BUSSIÈRE, BARON MARIE-THÉODORE DE. _Histoire de la ligue formée contre

Charles le téméraire_. (Paris, 1846.)

_Cent nouvelles nouvelles, Les_. Édition revue sur les textes

originaux, etc., par A.J.V. Le Roux de Lincy. (Paris, 1841.)

CHABEUF, H. _Deux portraits bourguignons du XV^{e} siècle_. (Dijon,

1893.) (Mémoires de la société bourguignonne de géographie et

d'histoire. Vol. ix.)

CHASTELLAIN, GEORGES, 1404-1475. _OEuvres._ (Ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove.)

8 vols. (Brussels, 1863-66.)

CHMEL, JOSEPH. _Geschichte Kaiser Friedrichs IV._ 2 vols. (Hamburg,

1843.)

CHMEL, JOSEPH. _Urkunden zur Geschichte von Österreich, Steiermark,_

etc. [Monumenta Habsburgica.] 2 vols. (Vienna, 1849.)

CLÉMART, PIERRE. _Jacques Coeur et Charles VII_. (Paris, 1873.)

_Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France_.

"Mélanges." (Ed. M. Champollion-Figeac.) (Paris, 1843.)

COMMINES, PHILIP DE. _The Historie of_, Englished by Thomas Dannett.

Anno 1596. With an introduction by Charles Whibley. (London, 1897.)

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Messieurs Godefroy, augmentée par M. l'Abbé Lenglet du Fresnoy. 4

vols. Ref. (Comines-Lenglet.) (Paris, 1747.)

This edition contains many letters, documents, etc., collected by

M. Lenglet du Fresnoy. Their accuracy has been impugned in many

instances. Those cited have been taken with a view to the later

criticism upon them.

_Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes_. Nouvelle édition publiée avec

une introduction et des notes par Bernard de Mandrot. 2 vols. Ref.

(Commynes-Mandrot.) (Paris, 1901.)

_Mémoires de Philippe de Commynes_. Nouvelle édition, revue sur les

manuscrits de la bibliotheque royale, etc., par Mlle. Dupont. 3 vols.

Ref. (Commynes-Dupont.) (Paris, 1840.)

CORNEREAU, A. _Le palais des états de Bourgogne à Dijon_. (Dijon,

1890.) (Mémoires de la soc. bourguignonne de géog. et d'hist., v.)

COURTÉPÉE, M. _Description, générale et particulière du duché de

Bourgogne_. 4 vols. (Dijon, 1847.)

DESCHAMPS, EUSTACHE. _Oeuvres complètes_. (Paris, 1878- 1904.) (Soc.

des anciens textes français.) 11 vols.

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siècle_. (Bruxelles, 1903-04.) (Mémoires couronnés de l'acad. royale

de Belgique. Vol. lxv.-lxvi.)

DEWEZ, M. _Histoire particulière des provinces belgiques sous le

gouvernement des ducs et des comtes, pour servir de complément à

l'histoire générale_. 3 vols. (Brussels, 1834.)

DU CLERCQ, JACQUES, 1420-1501. _Mémoires_. (Ed. Baron F. de

Reiffenberg.) 4 vols. (Brussels, 1823.)

DUCLOS, CHARLES P. _(Oeuvres complètes de_. Nouvelle édition. 9 vols.

(Paris, 1820.)

ESCOUCHY, MATHIEU D'(DE COUCY). _Chronique_. (1420?-1482 +.) (Ed. G.

du Fresne de Beaucourt.) 3 vols. (Paris, 1863.) (Soc. de l'hist. de

France.)

FREDERICQ, PAUL. _Le rôle politique et social des ducs de Bourgogne_.

(Brussels, 1875.)

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edition, edited by G. B. Berry. (London, 1903.)

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etc. Vol. i. (Brussels, 1830.)

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Pays-Bas._ 4 vols. (Brussels, 1830.)

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Belgique_. 3 vols. (Brussels, 1833.)

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des Pays-Bas._ 3 vols. (Brussels, 1890.)

_Gesta Episcoporum Leodiensium_. (Marténe Coll. Vol. iv.) (Paris,

1729.).

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ambassadeurs milanais sur les campagnes de Charles le Hardi_,

1474-1477. 2 vols. (Paris, 1858.)

GOLLUT, M. LOYS. _Les mémoires historiques de la république séquanoise

et des princes de la Franche-Comté de Bourgogne._ (Arbois, 1846.)

JEUNE, HUGUÉNIN. _Histoire de la guerre de Lorraine et du siège de

Nancy, par Charles le Téméraire, duc de Bourgogne,_ 1473-1477. (Metz,

1837.)

KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE, LE BARON. [Ed. of works of Chastellain, Budt,

etc.]; see article in _Bullétin de l'académie royale de Belgique_,

1887, etc.

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1853-54.)

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vols. (Philadelphia, 1864-1868.)

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lettres, les arts et l'industrie pendant le XV^{e} siècle_, etc.

"Preuves." 3 vols. (Paris, 1849-52.)

LACOMBLET, TH. J. _Urkundenbuch für die Geschichte des Niederrheins._

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etc. (Paris, 1893-.)

The volume covering periods of Charles VII. and Louis XI. is written

by Ch. Petit-Dutaillis, Professor at the University of Lille.

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LE FÉVRE, JEAN, SEIGNEUR DE ST. RÉMY. (_Toison d'or._) (1395-1463.)

_Chronique._ 2 vols. (Paris, 1876.)

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VII. et de Louis XI_.

_Lettres de Louis XI_. (Paris, 1883-.) (Eds., Joseph Vaesen, et

Étienne Charavay,

LOOMIS, LOUISE ROPES. _Medieval Hellenism_. (Columbia University,

1906.)

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Dogmaticorum, Moralium, Amplissium Collectio_. Vol. iv. (Paris, 1729.)

_Mémoires et documents publiés par la société d'histoire de la suisse

romande_. Vol. viii. "Mélanges." (Lausanne, 1849.)

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1561.)

MOLINET, JEAN. _Chronique_ (1474-1506.) (Paris, 1824-29.)

This is a continuation of Chastellain and is interesting especially

for the siege of Neuss.

MONSTRELET, ENGUERRAND DE (d. 1453). _La Chronique_. (Paris, 1861.)

MOLINIER, AUGUSTE. _Les sources de l'histoire de France des origines

aux guerres d'Italie_. Vols. iv., v., 1461-1494. (Paris, 1904.)

_Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde_.

Vol. xxv. (Leipzig, 1900.)

OMAN, CHARLES W.C. _Warwick the Kingmaker_. 1890. ONUFRIUS DE SANCTA

CROCE, Bishop of Tricaria. _Mémoire sur les affaires de Liege_ (1468).

(Ed., S. Bormans.) (Brussels, 1885.)

OUDENBOSCH. _Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum, historicorum_, etc.

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INDEX

A

Abbeville

Agincourt

Aire

Aix

Alkmaar

Alsace

Alsace

Amboise

Amiens

Amont

Andernach

Angers

Anjou

Anjou, Margaret of, Queen of England

Anjou, René, King of

Anjou, Yolande of, _see_ Vaudemont

Antwerp

Appiano, Antoine d' (Antonius de Aplano), Milanese ambassador

Aragon

Argau

Armagnac

Arras, Bishop of

Arras, treaty

Arson, Jehan d

Arthur, King

Artois

Artois, Bonne of, Duchess of Burgundy, _see_ Burgundy

Atclyff, William

Ath

Augsburg, Diet of

Austria

Austria, House of

Austria, Maximilian, Archduke of, _see_ Maximilian

Austria, Sigismund of (Count of Tyrol;

mortgages lands to Charles of Burgundy;

resumes sovereignty of mortgaged lands;

Auvergne, Marshal d'

Auxonne

Auxy, Jehan, Seigneur d

Avesnes

Avranches, Bishop of

Aydie, Odet d'

B

"Bad Penny," the, tax

Balue, Cardinal

Bar, duchy of

Barante, cited

Bari, Duc de (Sforza)

Barnet, battle of

Barre, Corneille de la

Barrois

Baschi, Suffren de

Basel

Basel, Bishop of

Basin, Thomas, cited

_Basse-Union_

Baume-les-Dames

Bavaria, elector of

Bavaria, Stephen of

Beaujeu, Lord of

Beaumont, château of

Beauvais, siege of

Bedford, John, Duke of, death of

Begars, Abbé de

Belfort

Bellière, Vicomte de la

Berne

Berry, Bailiff of

Berry, Charles of France, Duke of (Normandy and Guienne),

heads League of Public Weal;

character of;

Normandy given to;

won over by Louis;

Guienne given to;

proposed marriage of;

suspicious death of

Besançon

Biche, Guillaume de

Biscay, Bay of

Black Forest

Bladet

Blamont, Count of

Blaumont, Seigneur de, Marshal of Burgundy

Boccaccio

Bohemia

Bonn

Borselen, Adrian van, Seigneur of Breda

Borselen, Frank van (Count of Ostrevant;

death of

Borselen, Henry van

Boscise

Bouchage, Monseigneur du

Boudault, Jehan

Boulogne

Bourbon, Catharine of, _see_ Guelders

Bourbon, Duchess of

Bourbon, duchy of

Bourbon, Duke of

Bourbon, Isabella of (Countess of Charolais), _see_ Charolais

Bourbon, Louis of, Bishop of Liege

Bourges

Bouvignes

Bouxières

Brabant, Anthony, Duke of

Brabant, duchy of

Brabant, Duke of

Brandenburg, Albert, elector of

Brandenburg, Margrave of

Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de, cited

Breda

Brederode, Gijsbrecht of

Breisgau

Bresse, Philip de

Brie

Brisac (Breisach)

Brittany, Duchess of

Brittany, duchy of

Brittany, Francis, Duke of,

joins League of Public Weal;

ally of Charles of Burgundy;

is reconciled to Louis XI.

Broeck, M. van der

Bruchsal

Bruges

_Brunette_

Brussels

Bureau, Jehan

Buren, castle of

Burgundy, duchy of;

Estates of

Burgundy, Franche-Comté of

Burgundy, Anthony, Grand Bastard of

Burgundy, Baldwin, Bastard of

Burgundy, Charles the Bold, (Count of Charolais), Duke of;

birth of;

elected knight of the Golden Fleece;

description of;

ancestry of;

imperial ambitions of;

education of;

weds Catherine of France;

takes official part in public affairs;

character of;

first campaign of;

entrusted with regency of Holland;

English sympathies of;

weds Isabella of Bourbon;

judicial methods of;

rejoices over birth of daughter;

strained relations with his father;

enmity between Louis and ;

at coronation of Louis XI;

fears plots against his life;

joins League of Public Weal;

allies of;

letters of, to cities;

to Louis;

to Duchess Isabella;

to French council;

to Duke of Brittany;

to Sigismund;

to Edward IV.;

to Duke of Milan;

at battle of Montl'héry;

armies of;

dictates terms of treaty of Conflans;

marches against Liege;

destroys Dinant;

underestimates character and strength of enemies;

accedes to the dukedom;

invested with titles;

unpopularity of;

punishes Ghent;

reforms of;

weds Margaret of York;

ducal state of;

demands _aides_;

receives Louis at Peronne;

crushes revolt of Liege;

makes treaty of Peronne;

proposed sons-in-law for;

signs treaty of St. Omer;

takes lands from Sigismund;

relations of, with Swiss;

invested with Order of the Garter;

_Remonstrance_ presented to;

embassies to;

truces of, with Louis XI;

besieges Beauvais;

reverses of;

acquires duchy of Guelders;

negotiations between Emperor Frederic and;

interview of, with emperor at Trèves;

becomes "protector" of Lorraine;

interferes in Cologne affairs;

visits Alsace;

troubles with Alsace;

besieges Neuss;

war declared against;

makes truce with Frederic;

defeated at Héricourt;

besieges Nancy;

allies desert;

defeated at Granson;

at Morat;

convenes states-general;

last battle of;

death and burial of

Burgundy, Cornelius, Bastard of

Burgundy, David of, Bishop of Utrecht

Burgundy, Isabella of Portugal, Duchess of;

ancestry of;

English sympathies of;

retires to convent;

burial of

Burgundy, John the Fearless, Duke of;

death of

Burgundy, Margaret, Bastard of

Burgundy, Margaret of York, Duchess of

Burgundy, Mary of (Duchess of Austria;

godfather of;

proposed marriages for

Burgundy, Philip the Good, Duke of, marriages of;

institutes Order of Golden Fleece;

children of;

alliance of;

signs treaty of Arras;

territories acquired by;

suppresses revolt in Bruges;

wealth and magnificence of;

crushes rebellion of Ghent;

gives Feast of the Pheasant;

plans crusade;

chooses second wife for Charles;

character of;

interferes in affairs of Utrecht, of Liege, and of Cologne;

hospitality of, to dauphin;

influenced by the Croys;

attends coronation of Louis XI;

illnesses of;

witnesses punishment of Dinant;

death and burial of;

epitaph of;

description of;

popularity of

Burgundy, Philip the Hardy, Duke of

Burgundy, Yolande, Bastard of

C

Cagnola

Calabria, Duke of, _see_ Lorraine

Calais

Calixtus III.

Cambray

Campobasso, Antonello de, mercenary captain;

treachery of

Canterbury

Casanova

Castile

Castile, Henry IV., King of

Castile, Jeanne of

Cat, Gilles le

Catto, Angelo

Caux;

Bailiff of

_Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, les_

_Cento Novelle_, by Boccaccio

Cesner, Balthasar

Chambéry

Chambes, Helen de

Chamont, Sire de

Champagne

Channel

Charenton

Charlemagne

Charles IV.

Charles (V.) the Wise, King of France

Charles VII., King of France,

reconciliation of, with Philip of Burgundy;

character of;

letters of;

refuses to join crusade;

breach between dauphin and;

illness and death of;

institutes standing army

Charles VIII., King of France

Charles the Simple, King of France

Charmes

Charny, Count de

Charny, Countess de

Charolais, Catherine of France, Countess of;

death and burial of

Charolais, Count of, _see_ Charles of Burgundy

Charolais, Isabella of Bourbon, Countess of;

death of

Chassa, Jehan de

Chastellain, cited;

death of

Château-Chinon

Châtenois

Chauny,

Chesny, Guiot du

Chevelast, Louis de

Chimay, Count of

Citeaux, Abbé of

Clarence, Duke of

Cléry

Cleves, Adolph, Duke of

Cleves, duchy of

Cleves, Marie of, Duchess of Orleans

Cods, the (party name)

Colmar

Cologne

Cologne, Robert, Archbishop of

Colonna, Baptista

Commines (Commynes, Comines), Philip de,

enters service of Duke of Burgundy;

defection of;

cited

Compiègne

Compostella

Conflans, treaty of

Constance;

League of

Constantinople

Cordes, Monsieur de

Corguilleray

Cornwallis, Lord

Corvinus, Matthias, King of Hungary

Cosmo

Court, Jehan de la

Coutault, Monsieur

Craon, Seigneur de

Cret, Dion du

Crèvecoeur, Philip of

Crèvecoeur, Seigneur of

Créville, Sire de

Croy, A. de

Croy, J. de

Croy, Philip de

Croy family, the

_Cueillotte_, the (tax)

Cyprus

D

Damian

Dammartin, Count of

letters of Louis to

Damme

Dauphiné

Dauxonne, Jacquemin

De Bussière, cited

Décapole, Alsatian, the

De la Loere, secretary

Dendermonde

Denmark

Denys, Chaplain

Deschamps, Eustache, _Lay de Vaillance_ by

Deventer

Dieppe

Diesbach, Ludwig von

Dijon

Dinant;

destruction of

Dôle

Dombourc

Dompaire

Dordrecht

Du Clercq, cited

Duclos, cited

Dunois, Count

Dunois, François

Du Plessis, Seigneur

E

Easterlings

l'Écluse

Edward IV., King of England;

aided by Charles of Burgundy;

plans conquest of France;

character of;

makes peace with Louis XI.

Edward of Lancaster, Prince of Wales;

death of

Émeries, Antoine Raulin, Sire d' (Aymeries)

Engelburg

England alliance of,

with Burgundy;

with France;

French possessions of;

commercial relations of;

wars of the Roses in

Ensisheim

Épinal

Erasmus

Escalles, Seigneur d'

Escouchy, Mathieu d,'

cited

Estampes, Count d'

Étampes

Eu

Eu, Count d'

_Ewige Richtung_

Exeter, Duke of

Eyb, Ludwig von

F

Faret (or Farrel), Guillaume

Favre, Jourdain

Ferrara

Ferrette, county of

Flanders;

Estates of;

commerce of

Flanders, Count of

Florence

Foix, Count de

Foix, Eleanor de

Foix, Gaston de

Forli, Bishop of

Fossombrone, Bishop of

Fou, Ivon du

France, alliance of, with Burgundy;

waning power of England in;

changed conditions in;

assembly of states-general of;

invasion of

France, Admiral of, the

France, Catherine, Daughter of, _see_ Charolais

France, Charles of, Duke of Berry, _see_ Berry

France, Jeanne of

France, Michelle of, _see_ Burgundy

Franche-Comté

Franchimont

Frankfort

Frederic, elector palatine

Frederic III., Emperor;

character of;

negotiations of, with Charles of Burgundy;

meets Charles at Trèves;

description of;

signs treaty with Charles

Fribourg

Friesland;

title of Lord of

Friesland, West

G

_Gabelle_

Gachard, cited

Galeotto

Garter, Order of the

Gauthier, Dan

Gautier, cited

Gaveren;

battle of;

treaty of

Gelthauss, Johannes

Genappe

Geneva

Geneva

Genoa

Gex

Ghent;

rebellion of;

submission of;

insurrection in;

humiliation of

Gilles, Frère

Givry, Sire de

Gloucester, Duke of

Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of

Golden Fleece, Order of the, instituted;

assemblies of;

knights of

Gorcum

Görlitz, Elizabeth of

Granson, battle of

Grave

Grenoble

Grey, Jean de

Groothuse, Louis de la

Groothuse, Mathys de la

Guelders, Adolf, Duke of;

imprisonment of

Guelders, Arnold, Duke of;

death of

Guelders, Catharine of Bourbon, Duchess of

Guelders, Charles of

Guelders, duchy of

Guelders, Philippa of

Guérin, Jean de

Guienne, Charles of France, Duke of, _see_ Berry

Guienne, duchy of

Guise

Guisnes

H

Haarlem

Hagenbach, Peter von;

Governor of Alsace;

trial and execution of

Hagenbach, Stephen von

Hague, The

Hainaut

Ham

Hanseatic League

Heers, Raes de la Rivière, Lord of

Heinsberg, John of, Bishop of Liege

Hemricourt, Jacques de

Henry IV., of Castile

Henry V., King of England

Henry VI., King of England;

character of;

death of

Henry VII., King of England

Héricourt

Hermite, Tristan l'

Hesdin

Hesse, Hermann of

Holland;

title of Count of

Holland, Jacqueline of Bavaria, Countess of

Holland, South

Holland, William VI., Count of

Honfleur

Hooks, the (party name)

Houthem

Howard, Lord

Hugonet, Chancellor

Humbercourt, Seigneur de

Hungary;

King of

Huy

I

Innsbruck

Irma, Jean

Isabella of Portugal, Duchess of Burgundy, _see_ Burgundy

J

Jarville

Jarville, Sieur de

Jerusalem

Joan of Arc

Joinville, castle of;

treaty of

Jomini

Jougne

Jouvençal

Juliers, Duke of

Jura, the

K

Kaisersberg

Kennemerland

Kervyn de Lettenhove, Baron, cited

Knebel, Johannes R.

L

La Hogue

Laisné, Jeanne (Fouquet), _La Hachette_

Lalaing, Jacques de, prowess of;

death of

La Marche, Olivier de, cited;

knighted;

loyalty and zeal of

Lambert, Bishop of Tongres

Lancaster, House of

Lannoy, Jehan, Seigneur de

Lanternier, Jehan

Laon

La Rivière

La Rochelle

Lauffen

Lauffenberg

Laurentian Library, the

Lausanne

Lavin, Étienne de

League of Constance

League of Public Weal

Le Grand, Abbé

Le Gros, Jehan

Le Quesnoy

Lescun, Seigneur de

Liege, description of;

government of;

bishop-princes of;

rebellion of;

aided by Louis XI.;

punishment of

Liege, bishopric of

Lille

Limbourg

Livornia

Loches

Loisey, Anthony de

Lombardy

London

Longjumeau

Longueval, Hugues de

Loreille, Thomas de

Lorraine, duchy of

Lorraine, Estates of

Lorraine, Duke of

Lorraine, Nicholas of Anjou, Duke of (Calabria);

death of

Lorraine, René, Duke of, accepts Burgundian protection;

joins league against Charles

Louis XI., King of France;

rebels against Charles VII.;

marries Charlotte of Savoy;

letters of, to Charles VII.;

to Dammartin;

to envoys;

to Count de Foix;

to Lorenzo de' Medici;

to Duke of Milan;

to Amiens;

to chancellor;

flees to Duke of Burgundy;

generosity of Duke Philip to;

is godfather of Mary of Burgundy;

tastes of;

duplicity of;

accession of;

ingratitude of;

character of;

enmity between Charles and;

nobles in league against;

policy of;

signs treaty of Conflans;

incites opposition to Charles of Burgundy;

breaks treaties;

makes visit to Peronne;

signs treaty at Peronne;

ally of the Swiss;

makes nucleus of standing army;

aids Earl of Warwick and Margaret of Anjou;

birth of son of;

makes truce with Charles;

suspected of death of brother;

rewards Beauvais;

wins over Edward IV.;

rejoices in death of Charles

Louvain;

University of

Lower Union, the, _see_ Basse-Union

Lucerne

Lude, Seigneur de

Luxemburg, duchy of

Luxemburg, John of

Luxeuil

Luzine River, the

Lyme

Lyons

M

Maestricht

Maine

Malhortie

Mandrot, Bernard Édouard,

editor of Commynes' _Mémoires, Jean de Roye_, etc.,

cited

Manton, Seigneur de

Marchant, Ythier

Marck, Adolph de la

Marne River, the

Marquiez, George

Mas, Gilles du

Mathieu

Maximilian, Archduke of Austria;

proposed marriage of

Mayence

Mayence, Archbishop of

Mayence, Duke of

Mazilles, Jehan de

Mechlin

Medici, Lorenzo de'

Metz

Metz

Meurin, secretary to Louis XI.

Meurthe River, the

Meuse River, the

Meyer, J., cited

Michel, the Rhetorician, cited

Middelburg

Milan

Milan

Mirecourt

Mongleive

Mons

Montbazon

Montereau, bridge of

Montfort, Ulrich von

Montgomery, Sir Thomas (Mongomere)

Montl'héry, battle of

Monulphe, Bishop of Tongres

Morat, battle of

Morges

Morvilliers, Chancellor

Moselle River, the

Moutils-lès-Tours

Mulhouse

N

Namur

Namur

Nancy;

sieges of;

battle of

Naples

Naples, King of

Napoleon

Narbonne, Archbishop of

Nassau, Engelbert of

Nassau, John of

_Nations_, the

Nesle

Netherlands, the;

states-general of

Neufchâtel

Neufchâtel, Isabelle of

Neuss

Neuville

Nevers

Nevers, Charles, Count of

Neville, Anne

Nice

Nimwegen

Norfolk, Duchess of

Normandy, Charles of France, Duke of, _see_ Berry

Normandy, duchy of

Norway

Noseret

Noyon

Nuremberg

O

Obernai

Oise River, the

Onofrio de Santa Croce

Orange, Prince of

Oriole, Pierre d'

Orleans

Orleans, duchy of

Orleans, Duke of

Osterlings, the

Ostrevant, Count of, _see_ Borselen

Oudenarde

Ourré, Gerard

Oxford

P

Palatinate, the

Palatine, Count;

the elector;

Frederic, elector

Panigarola, Johannes Petrus,

Milanese ambassador, cited

Paris

Paris, University of

Paston, Sir John, letters of

Paston, John, the younger

(brother of above), letter of

Paston, Margaret

Pavia

Pellet, Jean

Pepin

Perdriel, Henry

Périgny

Périgord

Peronne, interview of Louis XI. and Charles at;

treaty of

"Peronne, the Peace of"

Perrenet

Petit-Dutaillis, Ch., author of Vol. IV^{II}, Lavisse,

_Hist. de France, see_ Lavisse.

Petitpas

Petrasanta, Franciscus, Milanese ambassador

Pheasant, Feast of the

Picardy

Picquigny

Plessis-les-Tours

Pleume

Podiebrad, George, ex-king of Bohemia

Poictiers, Alienor de

Poinsot, Jean

Poitiers

Poland

Pont-à-Mousson

Pont de Cé

Porcupine, Order of the

Portinari, Thomas

Portugal

Portugal, Alphonse V., King of

Portugal, Isabella of, Duchess of Burgundy, _see_ Burgundy

Pot, Philip de

Poucque, castle of

Prussia

Public Weal, War of, _see_ League

Q

Quaux River, the

Quercy

Quiévrain, Seigneur de

Quingey, Simon de

R

Rampart, Jean

Ratellois

Ratisbon

Ravestein, Madame de

Ravestein, Monseigneur de

Renty, Monseigneur de

Rethel

Rheims

Rheims, Archbishop of

Rheinfelden

Rhine, the;

Valley

Rhinelands, the

Rhodes

Rivers, Earl

Roche, Henri de la

Rochefort

Rochefort, Sire of

Rochefoucauld

Roelants, Gort

Romans, King of the

Rome

Romont, Count of

Romorantin

Roses, Wars of the

Rossillon

Rottelin, Marquise Hugues de

Rotterdam

Rouen

Rousillon

Rouvre

Roye

Rozière, Malhortie de

Rubempré, the bastard of

Rubempré, Jehan de

Ruple, G.

Russia

S

Saeckingen

St. Bavon, Abbot of

Ste. Beuve, cited

St. Blaise, Abbé of

St. Claude

St. Cloud

St. Denis

St. Lievin, feast of

St. Michel-sur-Loire

St. Nicolas-du-Port

St. Omer;

treaty of

St. Pol, Count of

made constable of France;

treachery of;

execution of

St. Quentin

St. Remy, Jean le Févre, Seigneur de

St. Thierry

St. Trond

Sale, Anthony de la

Salesart

Salins

Salisbury, Bishop of

Savoy, Charlotte of, marries the dauphin

Savoy, duchy of

Savoy, dukes of

Savoy, Yolande, Duchess of;

ally of Charles the Bold;

kidnapped;

rescued

Saxony, Duke of

Saxony, elector of

Schellhass, Karl

Schiedam

Schlestadt

Scotland, Eleanor of, wife of Sigismund of Austria

Scotland, Margaret of, wife of Louis, the dauphin

Seine River, the

Sforza, Galeazzo-Maria, Duke of Milan

Sicily

Sigismund, Archduke of Austria, _see_ Austria

Sigismund, Emperor

Sluis

Snoy, Renier, cited

Soleure

Somerset, Duke of

Somme, towns on the river,

ceded to Duke of Burgundy;

redemption of towns on the

Sorel, Agnes

Soulz, Rudolf de

Spain

Spain, King of

Stein, Hertnid von

Stein, Rudolph de

Stephen, Martin

Strasburg

Strasburg, Bishop of

Stuttgart

Sundgau, the

Swabia

Swiss, the, valour of;

victories of;

allies of Louis XI.

Swiss Cantons, the;

declare war against Charles the Bold

Swynaerde

Sylvius, Æneas

T

Talmont, Prince of

Tewkesbury, battle of

Texel, island of

Thann

Thérain, the

Thérouanne, Bishop of

Thierry

Thierry, Monsieur de

Thierstein, Oswald von

Thionville

Thouan, Mme. de

Thouars, Guillaume de

Thurgau

Tilhart, secretary to Louis XI.

Tongres;

bishops of

Tonnerre, Count of

Toul

Touraine

Tournay

Tournay, Bishop of

Tournehem

Tours

Toustain, Aloysius (Toussaint)

Toustain, Guillaume

Toutey, E., cited

Trausch, cited

Tree of Gold, jousts of the

Trémoille, Jehan de la

Trèves

Trèves, Archbishop of

Tuin

Turin

Turks, the, capture Constantinople;

proposed crusade against

U

Unterwalden

Uri

Ursé, Seigneur d'

Utenhove, Richard

Utrecht

V

Vaesen, Joseph Frederic Louis (editor of _Lettres de Louis XI_.)

Valenciennes

Valois, House of

Vaudemont, Yolande of Anjou, Duchess of

Vendôme, Count of

Venice

Verard, Antoine

Verdun

Vere

Vermandois

Vermandois, Count de

Vesoul

Villeclerc, Demoiselle de

Virnenbourg, Count of

Visen, Charles de

Vosges, the

W

Wailly

Waldemar of Zürich

Waldshut

Walloon language, the

Warwick, Earl of;

death of

Wavrin, Philip de

Wellington, Duke of

Wenlock, governor of Calais

Weymouth

Wieringen, island of

Woodville, Elizabeth

Wuisse, Vautrin

Wyler, Hans

X

Xaintes

Y

York, House of

York, Margaret of, Duchess of Burgundy, _see_ Burgundy

Ypres

Z

Zealand

Zürich

Zutphen