CHAPTER X

THE DUKE'S MARRIAGE

1468

For many months before Philip's death there had been negotiations

concerning Charles's marriage with Margaret of York. Always feeling a

closer bond with his mother than with his father, Charles's sympathy

had ever been towards the Lancastrian party in England, the family to

whom Isabella of Portugal was closely related. Only the necessity for

making a strong alliance against Louis XI. turned him to seek a bride

from the House of York. It was on this business that La Marche and

the great Bastard were engaged when Philip's death interrupted the

discussion, which Charles did not immediately resume on his own

behalf.

Pending the final decision in regard to this important indication of

his international policy, the duke busied himself with the adjustment

of his court, there being many points in which he did not intend to

follow his father's usage.[1] Philip's lavishness, without too close

a query as to the disposition of every penny, was naturally very

agreeable to his courtiers. There was a liberal air about his

households. It was easy to come and go, and it was pleasant to have

the handling of money and the giving of orders--orders which were

fulfilled and richly paid without haggling. Charles had other notions.

He was willing to pay, but he wanted to be sure of an adequate

return. How he started in on his administration with reform ideas is

delightfully told by Chastellain.[2]

One of his first measures when he was finally established at Brussels

was to secure more speedy execution of justice. He appointed a new

provost, "a dangerous varlet of low estate, but excellently fitted to

carry out perilous work." Then he determined to settle petty civil

suits himself, as there were many which had dragged on for a long

time. In order to do this and to receive complaints from poor people,

he arranged to give audience three times a week, Monday, Wednesday,

and Friday, after dinner. On these occasions he required the

attendance of all his nobles, seated before him on benches, each

according to his rank. Excuses were not pleasantly accepted, so that

few places were empty. Charles himself was elevated on a high throne

covered with cloth of gold, whence he pompously pronounced judgments

and heard and answered petitions, a process that sometimes lasted two

or three hours and was exceedingly tiresome to the onlookers.

"In outer appearance it seemed a magnificent course of action and

very praiseworthy. But in my time I have never heard of nor seen

like action taken by prince or king, nor any proceedings in the

least similar.

"When the duke went through the city from place to place and from

church to church, it was wonderful how much state and order was

maintained and what a grand escort he had. Never a knight so old

or so young who dared absent himself and never a squire was bold

enough to squeeze himself into the knights' places."

At the levee, the same rigid ceremony was observed. Every one had

to wait his turn in his proper room--the squires in the first, the

knights in the second, and so on. All left the palace together to go

to mass. As soon as the offering was made all the nobles were free

to dine, but they were obliged to report themselves to the duke

immediately after his repast. Any failure caused the forfeiture of the

fee for the day. It was all very orderly and very dull.

Thus Charles of Burgundy felt that he was law-giver, paternal guide,

philosopher, and friend to his people. From time to time he delivered

harangues to his court, veritable sermons. He obtained hearing, but

certainly did not win popularity. The adulatory phrases used as mere

conventionalities seemed to have actually turned his head. And those

stock phrases were very grandiloquent. There is no doubt that such

comparisons were used as Chastellain puts into the mouths of the first

deputation from Ghent to ask pardon for the sins committed at the

dolorous unjoyous entry into the Flemish capital.[2]

"My very excellent seigneur, when you who hold double place, place

of God and place of man, and have in yourself the double nature

by office and commission in divine estate, and as your noble

discretion knows and is cognisant, like God the Father, Creator,

of all offences committed against you, and who may be appeased

by tears and by weeping as He permits Himself to be softened by

contrition, entreaties, etc., and resumes His natural benignity by

forgetting things past [etc.].... Alas, what kindness did He use

toward Adam, His first offender, upon whom through his son Seth He

poured the oil of pity in five thousand future years, and then to

Cain the first born of mother He postponed vengeance for his crime

for ten generations etc. What did he do in Abraham's time, when He

sent word to Lot that if there were ten righteous men in Sodom and

Gomorrah He would remit the judgment on the two cities? In Ghent,"

etc.[4]

In the chancellor's answer to this plea, the duke's consent to grant

forgiveness to Ghent is again compared to God's own mercy. The divine

attributes were referred to again and again, not only on the pages

of contemporaneous chroniclers who may be accused of desiring ducal

patronage, but also in sober state papers.

There was one antidote to this homage universally offered to Charles

wherever there was no rebellion against him. One of the rules of the

Order of the Golden Fleece was that all alike should be subject to

criticism by their fellows. In May, 1468, at Bruges, Charles held an

assembly of the Order, the first over which he had presided. It was a

fitting opportunity for the knights to express their sentiments. When

it came to his turn to be reviewed, Charles listened quietly to the

representations that his conduct fell short of the ideals of chivalry

because he was too economical, too industrious, too strenuous, and not

sufficiently cognisant of the merits of his faithful subjects of high

degrees.[5]

In these plaints, respectful as they are, there is perhaps a note of

regret for the lavish and amusing good cheer of the late duke's times.

Charles was undoubtedly husbanding his resources at this period. The

vision of wide dominions was already in his dreams, and he was prudent

enough to begin his preparations. And prudence is not a popular

quality. Still his courtiers were not quite bereft of the gorgeous and

spectacular entertainments to which the "good duke" had accustomed

them. Soon after the assembly of the Order, the alliance between Duke

Charles and Margaret of York was celebrated at Bruges. Our Burgundian

Chastellain is not pleased with this marriage. That Charles inclined

towards England at all was due to the French king, whom both he and

his father had found untrustworthy. Again, had there been any other

eligible _partie_ in England Charles would never have allied himself

with King Edward when all his sympathies were with the blood of

Lancaster. But when King Louis forsook his cousin Margaret of Anjou,

whose woes should have commanded pity, simply for the purpose of

undermining the Duke of Burgundy, the latter felt it wise to make

Edward his friend.

"That it was sore against his inclination he confessed to one who

later revealed it to me, but he decided that it was better to

injure another rather than be down-trodden and injured himself.[6]

"For a long time there had been little love lost between him and

the king. The monarch feared the pride and haughtiness of his

subject, and the subject feared the strength and profound subtilty

of the king who wanted, he thought, to get him under the whip. And

all this, alas, was the result of that cursed War of Public Weal

cooked up by the French against their own king. When Charles was

deeply involved in it he was deserted by the others and the whole

weight of the burden fell on his shoulders, so that he alone was

blamed by the king, and he alone was forced to look to his own

safety and comfort. It is a pity when such things occur in a realm

and among kinsfolk."

[Illustration: CHARLES, DUKE OF BURGUNDY, PRESIDING OVER A CHAPTER OF

THE GOLDEN FLEECE

FROM CONTEMPORANEOUS MINIATURE REPRODUCED IN LENGLET DU FRESNOY

EDITION OF COMINES]

Louis was busied with his own affairs in Touraine when news came to

him that the marriage was to take place immediately. "If he mourned,

it is not marvellous when I myself mourn it for the future result. But

the king used all kinds of machinations to break off the alliance....

God suffered two young proud princes to try their strength each at

his will, often in ways that would have been incompatible in common

affairs."

The fullest account of the wedding is given by La Marche, an

eyewitness of the event[7]:

"Gilles du Mas, maître d'hôtel du Duc de Bretagne--to you I

recommend myself. I have collected here roughly according to my

stupid understanding what I saw of the said festival, to send it

to you, beseeching you as earnestly as I can to advise me of the

noble states and high deeds in your quarter ... as becomes two

friends of one rank and calling in two fraternal, allied and

friendly houses.

"My lady and her company arrived at l'Écluse on a Saturday, June

25th, and on the morrow Madame the Duchess of Burgundy, mother

of the duke, Mlle. of Burgundy and various other ladies and

demoiselles visited Madame Margaret[8] and only

stayed till dinner. The duchess was greatly pleased with her

prospective daughter-in-law and could not say enough of her character

and her virtues. There remained with Dame Margaret, on the part of

the duchess, the Charnys, Messire Jehan de Rubempré and various other

ladies and gentlemen to act the hosts to the strange ladies and

gentlemen who had crossed from England with the bride. The Count and

Countess de Charny met Madame as she disembarked and never budged from

her side until she had arrived at Bruges.

"The day after the duchess's visit, Monseigneur of Burgundy made his

way to l'Écluse with a small escort and entered the chateau at the

rear. After supper, accompanied only by six or seven knights of the

Order, he went very secretly to the hôtel of Dame Margaret, who had

been warned of his intention, and was attended by the most important

members of her suite, such as the Seigneur d'Escalles, the king's

brother.

"At his arrival when they saw each other the greetings were very

ceremonious and then the two sat down on one bench and chatted

comfortably together for some time. After some conversation, the

Bishop of Salisbury, according to a prearranged plan of his own,

kneeled before the two and made complimentary speeches. He was

followed by M. de Charny, who spoke as follows:

"'Monseigneur, you have found what you desired and since God has

brought this noble lady to port in safety and to your desire, it

seems to me that you should not depart without proving the

affection you bear her, and that you ought to be betrothed now

at this moment and give her your troth.'

"Monseigneur answered that it did not depend upon him. Then the

bishop spoke to Margaret and asked her what she thought. She

answered that it was just for this and nothing else that the king

of England had sent her over and she was quite ready to fulfil

the king's command. Whereupon the bishop took their hands and

betrothed them. Then Monseigneur departed and returned on the

morrow to Bruges.

"Dame Margaret remained at l'Écluse until the following Saturday

and was again visited by Monseigneur. On Saturday the boats were

richly decorated to conduct my lady to Damme, where she was

received very honourably according to the capacity of that little

town. On the morrow, the 3rd of July, Monseigneur the duke set out

with a small escort between four and five o'clock in the morning,

and went to Damme, where he found Madame quite ready to receive

him as all had been prearranged, and Monseigneur wedded her as was

suitable, and the nuptial benediction was duly pronounced by the

Bishop of Salisbury. After the mass, Charles returned to his hotel

at Bruges, and you may believe that during the progress of the

other ceremonies he slept as if he were to be on watch on the

following night.

"Immediately after, Adolph of Cleves, John of Luxemburg, John of

Nassau, and others returned to Damme and paid their homage to the

new duchess, and then my lady entered a horse litter, beautifully

draped with cloth of gold. She was clad in white cloth of gold made

like a wedding garment as was proper. On her hair rested a crown

and her other jewels were appropriate and sumptuous. Her English

ladies followed her on thirteen hackneys, two close by her litter

and the others behind. Five chariots followed the thirteen

hackneys, the Duchess of Norfolk, the most beautiful woman in

England, being in the first. In this array Madame proceeded to

Bruges and entered at the gate called Ste. Croix."

There were too many names to be enumerated, but La Marche cannot

forbear mentioning a noble Zealander, Adrian of Borselen, Seigneur of

Breda, who had six horses covered with cloth of gold, jewelry, and

silk.

"I mention him for two reasons [he explains[9]]: first, that he

was the most brilliant in the procession, and the second is that

by the will of God he died on the Wednesday from a trouble in his

leg, which was a pity and much regretted by the nobility.

"The procession from Ste. Croix to the palace was magnificent,

with all the dignitaries in their order. So costly were the

dresses of the ducal household that Charles expended more than

forty thousand francs for cloth of silk and of wool alone.

"Prominent in this stately procession were the nations or foreign

merchants in this order: Venetians, Florentines--at the head of

the latter marched Thomas Portinari, banker and councillor of

the duke at the same time that he was chief of their nation and

therefore dressed in their garb; Spaniards; Genoese--these latter

showed a mystery, a beautiful girl on horseback guarded by

St. George from the dragon.--Then came the Osterlings, 108 on

horseback, followed by six pages, all clad in violet.

"Gay, too, was Bruges and the streets were all decorated with

cloth of gold and silk and tapestries. As to the theatrical

representations I can remember at least ten. There were Adam and

Eve, Cleopatra married to King Alexander, and various others.

"The reception at the palace was very formal. The dowager duchess

herself received her daughter-in-law from the litter and escorted

her by the hand to her chamber, and for the present we will leave

the ladies and the knighthood and turn to the arrangement of the

hôtel.

"In regard to the service, Mme. the new duchess was served

_d'eschançon et d'escuyer tranchant et de pannetier_. All English,

all knights and gentlemen of great houses, and the chief steward

cried 'Knights to table,' and then they went to the buffet to get

the food, and around the buffet marched all the relations of

Monseigneur, all the knights of the Order and of great houses. And

for that day Mme. the duchess the mother declined to be served _à

couvert_ but left the honour to her daughter-in-law as was right.

"After dinner the ladies retired to their rooms for a little rest

and there were some changes of dress. Then they all mounted their

chariots and hackneys and issued forth on the streets in great

triumph and wonderful were the jousts of the Tree of Gold. Several

days of festivity followed when the usual pantomimes and shows were

in evidence.

"Tuesday, the tenth and last day of the fête, the grand _salle_ was

arranged in the same state as on the wedding day itself, except the

grand buffet which stood in the middle of the hall. This banquet,

too, was a grand affair and concluded the festivities.

On the morrow, Wednesday, July 15th, Monseigneur departed for

Holland on a pressing piece of business, and he took leave of the

Duchess of Norfolk and the other lords and ladies of quality and

gave them gifts each according to his rank. Thus ends the story

of this noble festival, and for the present I know nothing worth

writing you except that I am yours."

To this may be added the letter of one of the Paston family who was in

Margaret's train.[10]

"John Paston the younger to Margaret Paston:

"To my ryght reverend and worchepfull Modyr Margaret Paston

dwelling at Caster, be thys delyveryed in hast.

"Ryth reverend & worchepfull Modyr, I recommend me on to you as

humbylly as I can thynk, desyryng most hertly to her of your

welfare & hertsese whyche I pray God send you as hastyly as my

hert can thynk. Ples yt you to wete that at the makyng of thys

byll my brodyr & I & all our felawshep wer in good helle, blyssyd

be God.

"As for the gydyn her in thys countre it is as worchepfull as all

the world can devyse it, & ther wer never Englyshe men had so good

cher owt of Inglong that ever I herd of.

"As for tydyngs her but if it be of the fest I can non send yow;

savyng my Lady Margaret was maryed on Sonday last past at a town

that is called Dame IIj myle owt of Brugge at v of the clok in the

morning; & sche was browt the same day to Bruggys to hyr dener;

& ther sche was receyvyd as worchepfully as all the world cowd

devyse as with presession with ladys and lordys best beseyn of eny

pepell that ever I sye or herd of. Many pagentys were pleyed in

hyr way to Brugys to hyr welcoming, the best that ever I sye.

And the same Sonday my Lord the Bastard took upon hym to answere

xxiiij knyts & gentylmen within viij dayis at jostys of pese &

when that they wer answered, they xxiiij & hymselve shold torney

with other xxv the next day after, whyche is on Monday next

comyng; & they that have jostyd with hym into thys day have been

as rychly beseyn, & hymselfe also, as clothe of gold & sylk &

sylvyr & goldsmith's werk might mak hem; for of syche ger & gold

& perle & stonys they of the dukys coort neyther gentylmen nor

gentylwomen they want non; for with owt that they have it by

wyshys, by my trowthe, I herd nevyr of so gret plente as ther is.

* * * * *

And as for the Dwkys coort, as of lords & ladys & gentylwomen

knyts, sqwyers & gentylmen I hert never of non lyek to it

save King Artourys cort. And by my trowthe I have no wyt nor

remembrance to wryte to you half the worchep that is her; but that

lakyth as it comyth to mynd I shall tell you when I come home

whyche I trust to God shal not be long to; for we depart owt of

Brygge homward on Twysday next comyng & all folk that cam with my

lady of Burgoyn out of Ingland, except syche as shall abyd her

styll with hyr whyche I wot well shall be but fewe.

"We depart the sooner for the Dwk hathe word that the Frenshe king

is purposyd to mak wer upon hym hastyly & that he is with in IIIj

or v dayis jorney of Brugys & the Dwk rydeth on Twysday next

comyng forward to met with hym. God geve hym good sped & all hys;

for by my trowthe they are the goodlyest felawshep that ever I cam

among & best can behave themselves & most like gentlemen.

"Other tydyngs have we non her; but that the Duke of Somerset &

all hys band departyd well beseyn out of Brugys a day befor that

my Lady the Duchess cam thedyr & they sey her that he is to Queen

Margaret that was & shal no more come her agen nor be holpyn by

the Duke. No more; but I beseche you of your blessyng as lowly as

I can, wyche I beseche you forget not to geve me everday onys.

And, Modyr, I beseche you that ye wol be good mastras to my lytyll

man & to se that he go to scole.

* * * * *

Wreten at Bruggys the Friday next after Seynt Thomas.

"Your sone & humbyll servaunt,

"J. PASTON THE YOUNGER."

[Footnote 1: Chastellain, v., 570.]

[Footnote 2: V., 576.]

[Footnote 3: This deputation was composed of representatives from "all

the city in its entirety in three chief members--the bourgeois and

nobles, the fifty-two _métiers_, and the weavers who possess twelve

different places in the city entirely for themselves and in their

control." The formal apology was made later. (Chastellain, v., 291.)]

[Footnote 4: _Ibid_ 306. By letters patent given on July 28, 1467,

Duke Charles pardoned the Ghenters and confirmed the privileges which

he had conceded to them, but he exacted that a deputation from the

three members [_Trois membres_] of the city should come to Brussels to

beg pardon on their knees, bareheaded, ungirded, for all the disorder

of St. Lievin. This act of submission took place probably not until

January, 1469, though August 8, 1468, is also mentioned as the date.]

[Footnote 5: _Hist, de l'Ordre_, etc., p. 511.]

[Footnote 6: Chastellain, V., 342.]

[Footnote 7: III., 101. Evidently this was composed for a separate

work and then incorporated into the memoirs.]

[Footnote 8: There is a beautiful portrait of her in MS. 9275 in the

Bibliothèque de Burgogne. _See_ also Wavrin, _Anchiennes Croniques

d'Engleterre_, ii., 368.]

[Footnote 9: III., 108.]

[Footnote 10: _The Paston Letters_, ii., 317.]

Charles the Bold, Last Duke of Burgundy, 1433-1477 · 第 10 / 21 章