To that problem business details give no clew, unless the de

Transcriber’s Note: Italics are enclosed in _underscores_. Additional

notes will be found near the end of this ebook.

The Basic Facts

of Economics

A COMMON-SENSE PRIMER

FOR ADVANCED STUDENTS

[Illustration]

By LOUIS F. POST

[Illustration]

_Author’s Edition_

WASHINGTON, D. C.

2513 TWELFTH STREET, N. W.

1927

_Price Fifty Cents_

Copyright, 1927, by

LOUIS F. POST

PRESS OF

COLUMBIAN PRINTING CO., INC.

BINDING BY

GEO. A. SIMONDS & CO.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

Accurate Observation and Clarity of Thought

are the Prime Requisites of Economic Study

PUBLICATION COMMITTEE

ANDREW P. CANNING, _Chairman_, Chicago, Ill.

JAMES H. BARRY,

San Francisco, Calif.

GEORGE A. BRIGGS,

Los Angeles, Calif.

MRS. EDWARD O. BROWN,

Chicago, Ill.

EDMUND VANCE COOKE,

Cleveland, Ohio.

STOUGHTON COOLEY,

Los Angeles, Calif.

OTTO CULLMAN,

Chicago, Ill.

MRS. ANNA GEORGE DE MILLE,

New York City.

JAMES H. DILLARD,

Charlottesville, Va.

ROBERT E. GRAVES,

Chicago, Ill.

ANGELINE LOESCH GRAVES,

Chicago, Ill.

WILLIAM C. HARLLEE,

Washington, D. C.

LEWIS J. JOHNSON,

Cambridge, Mass.

FENTON LAWSON,

Cincinnati, Ohio.

WILEY WRIGHT MILLS,

Chicago, Ill.

C. L. MOULTON,

Glen Ellyn, Ill.

JACKSON H. RALSTON,

Palo Alto, Calif.

WALTER I. SWANTON,

Washington, D. C.

EDWARD N. VALLANDIGHAM,

Chestnut Hill, Mass.

JOHN Z. WHITE,

Chicago, Ill.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE vii

FIRST LESSON--ECONOMICS 1

SECOND LESSON--MONEY 9

THIRD LESSON--TRADE 17

FOURTH LESSON--THE BASIC FACTS 27

FIFTH LESSON--THE PRODUCTIVE PROCESS 40

I. HUMAN FACTORS 42

II. NATURAL RESOURCE FACTORS 50

III. ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS 52

IV. SECONDARY CATEGORIES 56

1--CAPITAL 56

2--TRADE 60

3--UTILITY, VALUE, MONEY, PRICE, BANKS 63

4--BALANCES OF TRADE 67

V. AN ILLUSTRATION OF THE PRODUCTIVE PROCESS 70

SIXTH LESSON--DISTRIBUTION 74

I. WAGES FOR LABOR 75

II. RENT FOR LANDOWNERSHIP 83

III. TRADE 91

IV. MONEY 94

SEVENTH LESSON--REVIEW 97

QUESTIONS FOR SELF-EXAMINATION 101

PERSONAL ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 103

PREFACE

The purpose of this common-sense explanation of Economic phenomena is

to disclose and emphasize those comprehensive and familiar primary

facts which embody the myriads of secondary facts that are involved in

Economic science. To avoid confusing those complicated details is to

promote the clear thinking which every Economic problem demands, be the

problem one of collegiate study, of political policy, or of business

importance.

The following pages aim, therefore, at encouraging all thoughtful

citizens so to classify the details of the general subject in their own

minds as to enable them to avoid centering their mental vision upon

Economic trees so intently that they cannot see the Economic forest as

a whole. It aims also at discouraging the opposite inclination to view

the Economic forest so exclusively as a whole that the Economic trees

of which it is composed cannot be distinguished.

L. F. P.

The Basic Facts of Economics

A COMMON-SENSE PRIMER FOR ADVANCED STUDENTS

FIRST LESSON

ECONOMICS

On the surface, Economics appears to be the science of making money.

This appearance is due, however, to a careless recognition and

erroneous application of the fact that Economic accomplishments are

measured by money standards and expressed in money terms.

When, for example, a builder builds, he builds to make money. Money

measures the Economic extent of what he is doing, and money terms

express its Economic desirability. They also express and measure his

motive, which is the compensation he can command in the currents of

trade.

A merchant makes money when he manages a profitable business.

So does a manufacturer.

Farmers make money when they sell their produce profitably. Nor only

when they sell it, but also while they cultivate it; for every day’s

growth adds to the money measurement of a crop.

Wage-workers by the day, the week or month, and salary-workers by the

year, also workers on commission or for percentages or for profits,

make more or less money as working opportunities are more or less

plentiful, and wages or salaries or percentage totals and profit totals

are consequently higher or lower.

Engineers, lawyers, physicians, architects, dentists, clergymen,

teachers--all professional workers,--make money to the extent of the

marketability of the services they offer.

And investors, do they not invest by money measurements and in money

terms for the purpose of obtaining Economic incomes measured by money

and expressed in terms of money?

Manifestly, the immediate object of everybody’s activity in the field

of Economics is to make money.

Does one desire food? By making money he gets food. Does one desire

clothing? He gets it by making money. Does he wish for housing,

furnishings, automobiles, railway or steamboat transportation,

necessaries of any kind, luxuries of whatever variety, household

service, professional service, legislative or judicial service,

mechanical service, mercantile service, clerical service? By making

money he gets them. Does one wish for slaves? If slavery be an

institution of his time and place, he may have slaves by purchases with

the money he makes. Should he be a slave himself, he may purchase his

freedom with money if he can get it. Does land-ownership appeal to one?

Let him make money and he can buy land. Whatever object the Economic

field may offer for the satisfaction of human desires, that object is

attainable by making money. In no other way can it be attained through

Economic processes.

If gifts be cited as exceptions let the fact be noted that giving is

not an Economic process. It lacks the element of exchange or trade. So,

too, of theft in any of its forms. In genuine Economics there must be

two gainers in every trade. There is no such science as Economics of

the Forty Thieves variety.

Even in such seeming exceptions to the Economic importance of money

as are offered by barter, in which no money passes and no money

accounting is made, comparisons of the objects thus directly exchanged

are nevertheless contemplated by the exchangers in terms of money.

The owner of a horse that might sell for two hundred dollars, would

not barter it for a horse that could sell for only one hundred--not

unless he got “boot” enough to even up the money difference to his

satisfaction. Nor would the boy with a two-dollar penknife “swap even”

for a one-dollar jackknife. It is only when the two horses or the two

knives seem to their respective owners to be approximately equal by

money measurement that an “even swap” is conceivable.

Another seeming exception to the money-making characteristic of

Economics depends upon individual isolation. That isolated individuals

may gather food and improvise shelter and clothing without thinking of

them in terms of money, is true enough; but the activities of persons

thus isolated are not Economic exceptions, for the science of Economics

is a social science. Although some Economic phases or phenomena may be

picturesquely and aptly illustrated by reference to the experience,

actual or imaginary, of isolated individuals like Robinson Crusoe

on his island, states of human isolation are outside the limits of

Economics.

Inasmuch, then, as the object of the human factor in the science of

Economics is to make money, and as there can be no science of Economics

without the human factor, Economics is comprehensively and accurately

definable, on the surface, as the science of making money.

But making money in the Economic sense must be distinguished from

narrower uses of the phrase. To manufacture coins legitimately, as at a

mint, is to “make money,” but only in one Economic particular--only in

the narrow mechanical sense in which weaving cloth is “making cloth.”

Like weaving cloth, it is but an item in the multitudinous phenomena of

that money-making which superficially defines the science of Economics.

The same observation is applicable to the occupations of engraving and

of printing paper currency legitimately.

Illegitimate makings of either paper currency or coin, like all other

forms of forgery, are not in any sense making money within the purview

of Economic science. They are varieties of theft, and Economic science

excludes theft of every kind, even legal kinds, such as slavery. This

exclusion is not for moral reasons, it may be well to interject for the

benefit of such advanced students of Economics as recoil from mixing

moral principles with Economic science. It is due to the fact that

exchange, or trade--an essential element in Economics,--is in theft

utterly lacking.

In the Economic sense, making money is making it for all concerned

in any particular process, and not for one or more of the parties at

the expense of the others. No art of getting something for nothing

can be within the scope of Economic science. One-sided methods

of making money, whether frankly labeled “theft” or “gambling,”

or shrewdly disguised in spurious business ethics, are alien to

Economic money-making. Within the domain of Economics no money-making

transaction belongs unless it involves the making of money by all

parties to the transaction.

To make money in that mutual sense is to augment the supply or the

serviceableness of whatever commodities money terms may measure and

express, and of the portions or shares of all who contribute to the

augmentation.

In phrasing more complete than that of “making money,” Economics

is the science of making money by earning it. Getting money without

earning it is related to Economics only in a science-disturbing sense.

It disturbs the normal Economic relations of effect to cause in the

production and dissemination of humanly desirable objects. To realize

the truth of that statement, the student need only momentarily conceive

of theft as universal. Since universal theft as an Economic phenomenon

would be utterly destructive of normal Economic relationships, of

beneficial effects from normal causes, so must theft to any extent

operate destructively to that extent. The only thinkable relation of

theft to Economics is analogous to the relation of murder to the human

race. That Economic study may comprise considerations of how to exclude

stealing from Economic customs, does not go to prove that stealing is

a factor in Economic science. It goes no farther than to prove that

stealing may become an Economic parasite.

Even as a parasite, stealing could hardly have wormed its way to the

Economic border line, much less across it, but for a disposition among

advanced students to confuse normal Economic phenomena with arbitrary

business customs.

“Business” might indeed be the nearest approach to a synonym for

“Economics.” It would be an exact synonym but for one variation.

Whereas Economics relates to a comprehensive social organism which

(notwithstanding “scientific” contentions to the contrary) is subject

to natural laws of human association (sequences of cause and effect),

Business is but a limited collection of individual interests or private

organizations that are influenced and largely governed by arbitrary

customs. These customs may or may not be in harmony with the normal

relations of cause and effect in Economics. And as to each particular

business, it is operated, as accountants frankly admit, only “for the

benefit of its proprietor.”[1]

[1] The quotation is from “Modern Business”, by Thomas W.

Mitchell, Ph. D. New York: Alexander Hamilton Institute.

1918–1919.

In some of its vulgar connotations Business might very well answer to

the insolent definition that it consists in the adventures of sprightly

gentlemen trying to sell nothing for something to other sprightly

gentlemen who are trying to buy something for nothing. In so far,

however, as that definition may be appropriate, it applies only to

business abuses, not to Business as a possible synonym for Economics.

It defines Business only as theft might define morality.

To be a closer synonym for Economics, Business must deserve a

definition relating its customs to natural Economic law (a subject

to be considered in a later Lesson) and extending its functions more

completely to universal mutual service. Moreover, its definition

must widen the Business concept so as to include all kinds of such

service. Business can no more exclude from its realm particular

Business specialties, though that be customary, than it can include the

operations of “confidence men,” as it is sometimes supposed to do. Its

functions are not limited to commerce, nor to banking, nor to any other

of those Business specialties to which careless speech, and sometimes

snobbish thought, tend to narrow the meaning of the word.

Business is that function of social life which includes all serviceable

specialties. Such terms as “commercial,” “mercantile,” “industrial,”

“agriculture,” “labor,” “the professions,” and so on, denominate

specializations or sections or subsidiary departments of Business, not

Business as a whole. They are useful for subclassification; but, like

all subclassifications, whether in Economics or in any other science,

they are misleading when perverted into general terms for primary

or fundamental or comprehensive categories. The term Business, like

the term Economics, should include them all. Every kind of service

necessitates busy-ness; and serviceable busy-ness, what is that but

Business?

Considered comprehensively, then, and excluding parasitical adhesions,

Business might be, as some advanced students of Economic phenomena

suppose it to be, another name for Economics. In the scholastic sense,

Economics is the more orthodox term; in the practical sense Business

could better express the idea. Both terms might have practically the

same meaning if considerately used. Honest Business, inclusive of all

serviceable activities--service for service, to adopt a phrase in

definition of Business--would be identical with Economics. Either, like

the other, may be described superficially as the process of the science

of making money.

Quite consistently with the foregoing survey, Economics has been

described as the science of “mankind making a living.” This definition,

too, excludes the solitary life by limiting Economic science to

cooperative mankind--in other words, to Economic association. It,

too, identifies Economics and legitimate Business; for only through

legitimate Business activities can cooperative mankind make a living.

It, too, excludes theft in all its forms and guises; for so much of

a living as some may make by any kind of theft, others must lose as

victims of theft. It, too, brings Economics on the surface and Business

on the surface within the definition of “the science of making money;”

for only by means of money measurements in money terms does or can

mankind in the mass make its living.

But making money is only a surface fact in Economics. It is but a

means to the end. By no possibility can it be rationally regarded as

the ultimate object. The ultimate object of Economics is earning the

living that money will buy. Both the object and the method lie below

the surface of money-making. To Economics, making money is somewhat as

book-keeping is to a commercial business. It is the surface expression

of all underlying Economic phenomena.

Before those phenomena can be thoughtfully observed and studied,

the relation to them of money-making must be keenly scrutinized and

intelligently considered.

SECOND LESSON

MONEY

What is Money? and what are its functions? Money is the medium of

trade, its denominations the language.

Resting on the surface of Economic phenomena, Money and Money terms

spread over the whole of the Economic area. All subsurface phenomena in

Economics are measured in trade by Money units; the details of trading

transactions are discussed and recorded in Money terms.

Money terms vary with localities. In the United States, Money talks in

terms of “dollars;” in Great Britain in terms of “pounds sterling;” in

France in terms of “francs;” in Germany of “marks;” elsewhere in local

terms too numerous for other than encyclopedic description. But the

value measurements that Money makes of commodities in the processes of

trade are everywhere, at any given time, practically the same.

For lack of stability those measurements do vary from time to time

with confusing effect. To compare them with measuring rods for length,

breadth and thickness, it is as if yards, feet and inches were

constantly contracting and expanding with reference not only to the

magnitude of measurable objects but also to one another. Precisely

in that way does Money in fact fluctuate. It always has, and unless

scientifically standardized, it always will.

Nevertheless, whatever the fluctuations and local discrepancies of

Money may be, it everywhere talks, when its language is translated, to

the same general Economic effect at any given time. Stabilized, as it

might be, it would talk to the same general Economic effect everywhere

and all the time.

What language is to thought, Money terms are to trade. The trading

transactions of the whole world are effected by means of Money

standards and in the language of universally interpretable Money terms.

Conventionally defined, Money consists of coins minted by

governments from precious metals more or less alloyed. Those forms

are supplemented, however, with subsidiary forms commonly known as

“currency.”

There is an Economic theory that metal coins alone are Money, paper

currency being but promissory notes redeemable in coin. This theory is

useful for testing Money media by coinage standards. But with reference

to nearly if not all purposes of current trade, the intrinsic value of

the Money piece is of slight Economic importance, or would be if Money

were stabilized.

What counts in Economic measurements is Money denominations--Money

language rather than Money pieces. For in the world-wide processes of

trade, only a slight proportion of either metal coin or paper currency

passes from hand to hand. Nearly all Money measurements are entered in

books of account; and in these the debits and the credits so nearly

offset one another, by and large, that the difference as a whole is

too slight for consideration in passing down from the Money surface of

Economics to the basic facts. A common and impressive exemplification

is afforded by clearinghouse statistics. These show that the enormous

banking transactions in Money terms which merge at the clearings daily,

are balanced off with a trifling percentage of tangible Money.

Let the fact be emphasized then, that in defining Money as the medium

of trade, Money terms rather than Money forms are to be understood as

the trading medium.

When a customer at a retail store buys a supply of groceries, his

payment may be made in Money pieces, either metal or paper. Yet it

may be made instead with a check drawn against his bank balance, or

through a charge to his account in the retailer’s books. If paid in

Money pieces, either at the time of purchase or later, some if not all

of those pieces will go to the storekeeper’s bank and be credited to

him in Money terms on the books of the bank. If the payment be made by

check, the amount of the check will be entered in the storekeeper’s

bank account as if it were a payment in Money pieces instead of Money

terms. Be such transactions as they may, however,--cash payments or

check payments or drafts or promissory notes--tangible Money plays on

the whole but a small part.

From purchases by customers at retail stores back to wholesalers;

back of wholesalers to manufacturers of finished products and

of unfinished products and of tools and of every other kind of

merchantable object; back to land-owners for the sources of supply and

the sites for production and delivery; back to farmers, to miners,

to transportation agencies, to a vast though scattered army of

wage-workers; through many a complicated series of accounts at stores,

factories, mines, real-estate offices, railway and steamship offices,

banks, clearinghouses--must we wend our way if we would investigate

the processes of trade in detail. Yet only in slight degree do those

processes involve the use of Money forms. Though coinage standards play

their part, almost all trading transactions are made in Money terms and

not with Money pieces.

In the process, then, of making a living, mankind trades commodities

in terms of Money rather than in its forms, doing so principally

through financial accounts. Peering into the details of those accounts

(as professional accountants and other business specialists must often

do when examining the particulars of their respective specialties),

however useful this may be within the limits of the specialization,

is always futile and often confusing or misleading for purposes of

Economic study or investigation as a whole. In Economics the purpose is

not to understand the technical details of business specialties simply.

It is chiefly to relate those details to one another by determining

their respective Economic categories so that the whole subject may be

reasoned about comprehensively.

Some business specialties may necessitate a knowledge in detail of the

physical characteristics of sugar, for instance, or of cotton; but

what an understanding of the science of Economics requires in such

particulars is an intelligent grasp of the nature of sugar or cotton

with reference to fundamental Economic categories--whether they are

human, or natural, or artificial,--and to what extent, therefore, they

are Economically related to all other commodities in the realm of

trade. For into one or the other of those three categories, all the

myriads of Economic details assemble themselves.

For purposes of Economic specialization, this assignment of details

to categories is not enough; but without it no specialization is

dependable. Some such identification of particular facts with reference

to their fundamental differences or identities, is absolutely necessary

for accurate observation of Economic phenomena and clearness of

Economic thought; and are not accurate observation and clarity of

thought the prime requisites of Economic study?

Not to make those identifications and differentiations is to

turn Economics into the hopeless mixture of “masses of particular

unexplained facts” which John Morley deplored as characteristic of a

certain type of Economic science. “Scraps and pickings of reality” are

worse than useless in any study of Economic science unless harmoniously

classified according to their respective fundamental characteristics.

This comment does not mean that Economic details are to be ignored

except for classification, even by non-specialists. Far from that.

It means that they are to be thoughtfully considered and accurately

classified for further and comparative consideration. To illustrate:

Mankind must be regarded as a class or category in Economics; but not

according to personal or individual capabilities, idiosyncracies, or

social, business, or legal status. To the business specialist, the

personal qualities of an associate or assistant are important; but

Economics as a comprehensive science, the science of all “mankind

making a living,” knows those special distinctions only in a secondary

sense. It is concerned primarily with the individual man only as a

unit in the human mass--only from the fact that he is in the human

category and not in one or more other Economic categories. So of all

Economic facts. To study Economic details without reference to Economic

generalizations might be likened to studying an alphabet without

reference to language, or numerals without reference to mathematics.

Economic problems are not problems of how one individual may make a

living at the expense of others. Such problems belong in the plundering

pursuits. In Economics the basic problem is how all may make a living

at the expense of none.

To that problem business details give no clew, unless the details be

assigned to fundamental Economic categories. Piling up details without

assigning them is, as Henry James the Elder wisely expressed it, to

“sink the truth in endless confusion.” The last person in all the

world from whom to get the basic facts of Economics is the business

specialist, for he habitually limits his observations to his own

specialty. Perhaps, however, a certain type of Economic teacher may

be equally untrustworthy in that respect--the teacher who, though he

imitates the physical scientist in devotion to details, disregards the

physical scientist’s fidelity to the relations of cause and effect.

On the Economic surface we have the category of Money. To the

wage-worker Money is the medium for trading the commodities he helps

to produce for those he wishes to consume. To the merchant, however,

or the manufacturer, or other Economic specializer, Money presents

also a variety of minute details for expert study. The business

accountant, for example, must familiarize himself with numerous details

in connection with Money in its minute relationships to his specialty.

He might very likely confuse facts Economically different, yet as a

special business matter practically identical--the Money measurement of

a natural mineral deposit, for instance, with the Money measurement of

its artificial equipment. As an accountant in that specialty he would

be right in doing so. Or, in slavery days, for another instance, an

accountant might properly have classified the Money measurement of a

human chattel with that of a domesticated horse or a constructed house.

He also would have been right; for, as an accountant, he would have

been dealing with a customary classification of private property; and

not with Economic science comprehensively. It is doubtless specialty

work of such kinds that has involved the science of Economics in so

much confusion, especially among advanced students who are prone to

identify business conventionalities with Economic normalities.

As a science, Economics cannot make its categories according to

conventional maladjustments. It must make them according to essential

differences. These admit of no categorical identification of mineral

deposits with mining machinery, or of human beings with domesticated

animals or buildings. Such classifications are as absurd in Economics

as identifying sun and earth would be in astronomy, or bone with brain

in anatomy.

The science of Economics--that is to say, the science of Business in

the broad social sense in contradistinction to the narrow private

sense--neither requires nor permits such classifications as slaves

with domesticated animals, or mining machinery with natural mineral

deposits. It is obedient to the ancient but still vital maxim of

philosophy that things which are essentially different must not be

mixed nor things that are essentially the same be separated.

Essentially different things in Economics are indeed confused by Money,

which knows no difference, except in degree of Money measurement,

between slaves and cattle, or mineral deposits and mining machinery.

As the medium of trade, Money must measure the values of everything

tradable; and custom may make tradable objects--human beings, for

instance,--which in the science of Economics are no more within the

normal boundaries of trade than are transfers by theft.

Whether we think of Money as tangible coin, or only as the Money signs

and symbols of account books, Money is not a basic fact in Economics.

Mankind cannot live upon Money. It is neither eatable nor wearable. Nor

is it shelter. Likewise of Money terms. Money is a secondary Economic

factor--a representative of value, whereby the relative desirability

of commodities is measured and expressed in trade. It is therefore the

comprehensive surface-fact of Economics beneath which the basic facts

must be sought.

In other phrasing, Money is that secondary category in Economics which

comprehends every kind and form of medium for trading commodities

in the world-wide process that we descriptively characterize as

“mankind making a living.” Mankind being a basic Economic category,

and the process of making a living being the Economic human necessity

and purpose, Money can have but one comprehensive significance in

Economics. Be it in the form of coin, or in the form of paper currency,

or in the form of entries in books of account (where it appears only in

name and arithmetical denominations), it is the universal medium and

Economic measuring rod of exchanges or trade.

Whether one makes Money or not depends, as a rule, upon which side of

his accounts in ledgers the Money balance appears at final accountings.

It is Money in this sense that goes farthest to justify the superficial

definition of Economics as the science of making money.

We only skim the surface of Economic phenomena, however, by coming

to an understanding of the nature and the function of Money. Money

is only one of the secondary categories which must be identified and

properly related in any thoughtful study of Economic science. Below

that financial surface are phenomena which Money merely measures

and compares. The first of those underlying phenomena is Trade, for

which Money is the medium and upon which our attention must next be

concentrated.

THIRD LESSON

TRADE

Trade, for which Money is the Economic medium and Money-terms the

Economic language, consists superficially in interchanges of tangible

commodities, but essentially in interchanges of human service.

Tangible commodities, with a semi-exception as to real estate, are

produced by interchanges of human service from the very extreme of the

primary production of those commodities to and including their final

delivery for ultimate consumption. Real estate, too, is thus produced

in so far as it consists of structures, of soil cultivation, of

mining mechanisms, of excavations, or of any other kind of artificial

alteration.

All commodities are subjects of Trade. Artificial commodities, such

as depend upon human service for production, are not only subjects of

Trade but are also its products. This is absolutely true of every kind

of artificial commodity that is produced to completion, inclusive of

final delivery, by means of Economic specializations--specializations

in human service. The primary materials and the unfinished parts are

gathered together and delivered, both in the intricate process and

finally, by means of Trade.

A loaf of bread, for example, is brought to completion from

harvest-field to bakery, and thence as a finished product, through

many deliveries (including delivery to its ultimate consumer) by means

of Trade. So is the implement with which it is cut at the consumer’s

table, and the plate on which it rests, the table at which it is

served, the cloth which covers the table, the chair in which the

consumer sits at the table, and the dining room floor beneath them all.

Of the vast variety of such commodities as loaves of bread and knives

for cutting them and plates and tables and tablecloths by means of

which they are served for ultimate consumption, very few if any at all

of that variety of commodities--whether finished, as a loaf of bread on

the consumer’s table, or unfinished, as the growing grain or the flour

of which the loaf is composed, or the fuel that bakes it, or the bricks

or the metal of the baker’s oven, or the finished oven itself--give

distinctive expression to all the human services they embody.

That fact could be further illustrated with any artificial commodity

in course of Trade. A hogshead of molasses on a wharf would answer

the purpose. To thoughtless observation this commodity might seem

to embody no other human service than work on a sugar plantation

and by barrel-makers in a coopering shop. But if we think about it

with penetration and clarity, we readily realize that it embodies

the services also of lumbermen, of miners, of railway workers, of

bankers, possibly of importers and mariners, probably of exporters and

their assistants, certainly of draymen, of wharfmen, of merchants, of

book-keepers and other accountants--a veritable host of specialists

whose contributory services are not emphasized by the tangible

commodity (a hogshead of molasses on a wharf) as are the services of

plantation-hands and barrel-makers. Multitudes of human services in

distracting variety are concealed in that familiar commodity from the

vision of all but specialists; perhaps from their vision too in so far

as the services are outside of their respective specialties. And if we

were to follow that hogshead of molasses to its Economic destination,

we might perceive many an additional human service embodied and

concealed in commodities of Trade for which the material would have

been supplied in part by molasses from the hogshead and probably in

part by the hogshead itself.

Trade is not a mere business custom, as is sometimes carelessly

supposed. Only to the extent that they conform to natural Economic

law can trading customs be socially beneficial or continue without

developing social disaster.

Many customs do enter into Trade, even as habits enter into the life

of individuals--some beneficial and some vicious, some in harmony with

natural law and some defiant or evasive of it. But essentially Trade is

a natural expression of Economic relationships. It is consequently as

dependent upon conformity to natural laws as are the physical functions

of individuals. Drawing inspiration continuously from natural human

impulses, giving constant and increasing satisfaction to natural human

needs, bringing natural human units ever closer into a natural social

whole, contributing one of the two indispensable and fundamentally

effective as well as obvious natural powers and facilities for the

continuous and increasing production of human satisfactions, Trade is

evidently as natural to the social whole as is breathing or eating to

the individual. It must therefore be as completely subject to natural

law.

By nature man is “a trading animal.” So it has often been said, and the

saying is manifestly true. There is, however, no implication here that

man is an animal only. The suggestion is that, although an animal, he

is more than an animal, and that Trade develops phenomena which go to

prove it.

Of all animals, man only is within the jurisdiction of the natural

Economic laws of Trade. What other animal than man could be correctly

described, in a comprehensive sense, as “a trading animal”? Not only

is this characteristic distinctive. Not only is it peculiarly human.

But also, and by force of natural Economic law--not commercial custom,

but those natural sequences of effect from cause to which arbitrary

commercial customs must yield or come to grief,--it enables mankind,

the larger man, the social man, to multiply the Economic powers of each

individual of the human race.

Primary among those natural laws of Trade is the thoroughly tested

sequence alluded to above, that Trade multiplies productive power.

It does so by inviting, requiring and developing that characteristic

phenomenon of Trade which is commonly called “division of labor,”

but may be distinguished best as Economic specialization.[2] This

phenomenon gives to the world, gives to it as a natural effect of

Trade, a productive power per capita far and away beyond the productive

power of any isolated individual.

[2] The principle of Economic specialization could hardly

be better illustrated than by the reply of an old-time

compositor in a printing establishment who contemplated

making a contract for the erection of a cottage home for

himself and his family, when a friend suggested that he

might save money by digging the cellar himself between

working hours at the case. He replied: “I can dig a better

cellar and more easily at the case with a composing-stick

than on the spot with a pick and shovel.”

By means of a vast variety of Economic specialties--such for

illustration as farming, engineering, mining, lumbering and their

respective and numerous subdivisions, through a vast variety of

other Economic specialties, such as transporting and manufacturing

and merchandizing, along with their respective and multitudinous

subdivisions, all supplemented by such other Economic specialties as

banking, teaching, preaching, adjudicating, writing, acting, and the

fine arts--the necessaries for individual sustenance and the luxuries

for individual enjoyment are produced and delivered in quantity,

variety and perfection which, when calculated per capita, rise far

above and extend far beyond all the possibilities of isolated

individual life, far above and beyond the possibilities of community

life in narrow environments.

Were there but one individual to be considered, the natural advantages

of Trade would seem as fanciful as a fairy story. Were there only a

small group, the natural advantages of Trade, though manifest, would

be too few and too primitive to disclose its wondrous powers of

production. But when millions of individuals cooperate, some serving

all and all serving each through the intricacies of worldwide Trade,

mankind is welded into an Economic unity, a gigantic oneness--a larger

human being, “the social man” as this social organism is sometimes

not inaptly called--an organism composed of individuals who give it

vitality and whom in consequence it serves as a beneficent giant might

serve a cooperating pigmy.

Involving the production of commodities by individual contributors

of human service through an infinity of specializations, and their

assignment to individuals by the intricate processes of service for

service, Trade tends not only to increase the per capita supply of

commodities, but also to effect their fair per capita assignment in

proportions corresponding to the relative desirability of the numerous

and various contributions of individual service to their production.

In describing Trade as consisting essentially of interchanges of human

services, we are of course to be understood as including not only such

services as are embodied in tangible commodities, but also personal

service. Nor does it make any Economic difference whether the personal

service be of the “servant” type or of the “professional” type.

“Professional” services, such as those of Economists, Engineers,

Architects, Clergymen, Lawyers, Physicians and Teachers are in the

Economic domain of Trade. Not only are they exchanged for tangible

commodities, but they contribute to the production of such commodities

by conserving, and it may be by increasing the efficiency of more

obvious producers. The Economist studies productive relationships

for the purpose of securing harmonious industrial adjustments; and

so vital is his function that righteous social relationships are

imperiled, and righteous readjustments obstructed, if he mistakes

chaos for order. The Engineer designs, plans and directs; and so

important is his function that the work of hosts of producers depends

upon it. If he mistakes, great structures may fall. The Architect is

an Engineer in a special sense: if he makes mistakes, buildings may

lack stability or beauty or both. The Lawyer may disentangle societary

complications that would operate as a check upon production and Trade.

The Clergyman may discourage obstructive conduct; the Physician may

conserve the health of more direct producers so as to increase their

efficiency; the Teacher may increase their efficiency by instruction.

And so of personal services of the Personal Servant type. Whatever a

Personal Servant may do for a commodity specialist which otherwise the

specialist must do for himself at the cost of contributing less to the

production of tangible commodities, is to that extent a contribution

to the production of those commodities. Interchanges of human service,

if the interchangers act in freedom, each getting from the channels

of Trade the equivalent in service of the service he renders, are

contributions to Economic production.

The relative desirability of human services rendered in promoting

production, whether directly or indirectly, is commonly as well as

commercially and Economically known as Value, which, as already

explained, is expressed in Money terms and compared by Money

measurements.

To receive a share in the continuous distribution of commodities

through Trade is the human motive for all Economic activity, from

leadership in Economic service to service for “wages.”

A “wage-worker,” for illustration, lends a hand--becomes “a hand,”

if you please,--at harvesting wheat. His compensation is to be, let

us assume, his food and lodging during harvest and twenty dollars in

Money at the end of his job. The work being done, his food and lodging

having been meanwhile supplied to him, and the twenty dollars in Money

having been duly paid him, what has been the Economic nature of his

transaction? Has not this “harvest hand” exchanged his contribution

of service to the production of wheat, for his living while helping

to produce it and for a twenty-dollar measurement of any commodity or

commodities he may wish to draw from the channels of Trade?

Assume now that he draws from those channels a pair of shoes, a hat

and other commodities at the village store, including, perhaps, some

tobacco for his pipe and a bit of candy for a little friend. As

matter of Economics, then, what has he done but Trade his service at

harvesting for his living while at work and some service-produced

commodities for still further satisfying his desires?

And the Economic leader in that connection, the farmer who hired

the “harvest hand,” what has been his part in the transaction? In

the last analysis has he not for harvest service traded food, house

accommodations, household service, and his Money title to twenty

dollars’ worth of any commodity or commodities that may be flowing

through the channels of Trade--a title for which he presumably has

given, or through debit and credit adjustments must in the future

give, his own service or the service of others which he may naturally

and justly or only customarily and unjustly command as his own?

When an employer in any branch of Economics pays an employee “wages”

or “salary” or other compensation for service, he buys his employee’s

service by an interchange, through Trade, of human service for human

service.

Nor are interchanges of service limited to employers and employees.

The point of final interchange is almost invariably like the

illustrative instance of the “harvest hand” at a retail store. Through

the processes of Trade, myriads of commodities for the satisfaction

of human wants, commodities produced by human service to the point

of delivery to ultimate consumers, flow to ultimate consumers out

of retail stores. These depots for final delivery in Trade are the

customary terminals of production, where certifications of service in

terms of Money are usually exchanged for products of service in the

form of commodities.

Although such exchanges, like other exchanges throughout the processes

of Trade, are made in Money terms and by Money measurements, these

terms and measurements testify, as explained in the preceding Lesson,

only to the relative values which govern the exchangeable relations of

any commodity or commodities with any other commodity or commodities.

Curiously enough, Economic students who ignore “value levels” readily

recognize “price levels.” But what else are “price levels” than “value

levels” expressed in Money terms? If a hammer will exchange for a

chisel in the processes of Trade, they are of equal value--not price,

but value. If the Money price of one is two dollars and that of the

other is also two dollars, they are of equal price as well as equal

value. And except as Money may vary in purchasing power through lack

of stabilization, or commodities may vary in relative desirability or

industrial cost, the price level and the value level tend to rise and

fall together. That is to say, the essential consideration is one of

relative values of commodities (which is determined by difficulties

of production and delivery), but the superficial consideration is the

purchasing power of Money, by which those relative values are more or

less accurately measured and expressed in price lists.

Values thus expressed rise and fall. They do so in terms of Price when

measured by Money; they do so in the essentials of Value when measured

by comparisons of commodities. As a rule, however, Money-prices are

fair guides to Commodity values. Commodity values rise and fall

according to cost of production, inclusive of delivery; and in so

far as Money is stable, the rise and fall in prices is evidence of

variations in production cost.

The relative rise and fall in Value, be it measured by prices in Money

or otherwise, is so common a phenomenon of Trade that critics might be

pardoned for denying a Value level.

Nevertheless there is such a level. It may be illustrated by “sea

level.” We readily understand and confidently base important physical

calculations upon the assumption of a constantly level sea. Yet there

is no such thing. Waves rise above the surface of the sea at their

crest and fall below it in their hollows. Tides contribute other

variations. So with Value in Trade. Literally a level of Value is

unknown. Values continually rise and fall, like the waves and the

tides of the sea. Yet there is as to Value a “mean level.” Such a

level or tendency may be found in the relation of service-cost to

consumption-desirability.

Though we measure service-value by Money, though Money fluctuates as a

Value-measuring device, though some individual services fall in product

value relatively to the productive power of service, though some

individual services may increase in Value for one reason or another,

there is nevertheless a Value level in Trade which tends constantly

to maintain an equilibrium between service-value and service-utility.

Money-measured Value and Money standards of Value may rise above or

fall below the service-cost of produced commodities. Nevertheless,

service-cost in commodities is the determining fact--the Value level in

Trade. Measured and expressed by Money, that Value level is the Price

level.

Trade phenomena, to which this Lesson has been devoted, though they

lead down to the Basic Facts, the foundation facts, of Economics, do

not themselves, either wholly or in any of their details, belong in

the Basic Fact region. Though nearer to the Basic Facts of Economics

than the phenomena of Money, our consideration of which immediately

preceded our consideration of Trade, the phenomena of Trade are one

layer above the Basic Facts toward which we have been delving down from

the Economic surface, Money, and through the subsurface, Trade. To the

Basic Facts of Economics our next Lesson will be devoted.

FOURTH LESSON

THE BASIC FACTS

The purpose of the preceding Lessons has been to pierce through the

surface and the immediate subsurface of Economics down to the Basic

Facts. On the surface, as we have seen, Economics appears to be the

science of making Money, whereas Money is in fact only the medium and

measure of Value in Trade. We have further seen that the immediate

subsurface, Trade, consists apparently in exchanges of tangible

commodities but essentially in interchanges of human service. We are

now to inspect the Basic Facts.

The Basic Facts of Economics consist of natural groupings or categories

of all the myriads of minor facts with which the science of Economics

is concerned. Of those categories there are exactly three. By no

possibility can there be more; by no possibility can there be less.

Natural law fixes the number.

The first Basic Fact--not first in order of creation, but first in our

perceptions of Economic necessity--is Man. Without Man, Economics could

have neither incentive nor power, neither cause nor effect.

The basic facts of economics · 第 1 / 7 段