CHAPTER XI.[66]

THE RIGHT OF KILLING ENEMIES, IN JUST WAR, TO BE TEMPERED WITH

MODERATION AND HUMANITY.

In what cases strict justice allows the destruction of an

enemy--Distinction between misfortune and guilt--Between principals

and accessories in war--Distinction between unwarrantable and

excusable grounds of promoting war--Sometimes right and laudable to

forbear punishing an inveterate enemy--Every possible precaution

requisite to spare the innocent--Especially children, women, and

the aged, except they have committed atrocious acts--Clergymen, men

of letters, husbandmen, merchants, prisoners--Conditional surrender

not to be rejected--Unconditional surrender--Exceptions to the

above rules, some of them considered, and refuted--Delinquents when

numerous to be spared--Hostages to be spared--Unnecessary effusion

of blood to be avoided.

I. and II. Cicero, in the first book of his offices, has finely

observed, that "some duties are to be observed even towards those, from

whom you have received an injury. For even vengeance and punishment

have their due bounds." And at the same time he extols those ancient

periods in the Roman government, when the events of war were mild, and

marked with no unnecessary cruelty.

The explanations given in the first chapter of this book will point

out the cases, where the destruction of an enemy is one of the rights

of lawful war, according to the principles of strict and internal

justice, and where it is not so. For the death of an enemy may proceed

either from an accidental calamity, or from the fixed purpose of his

destruction.

No one can be justly killed by design, except by way of legal

punishment, or to defend our lives, and preserve our property, when it

cannot be effected without his destruction. For although in sacrificing

the life of man to the preservation of perishable possessions, there

may be nothing repugnant to strict justice, it is by no means consonant

to the law of charity.

But to justify a punishment of that kind, the person put to death must

have committed a crime, and such a crime too, as every equitable judge

would deem worthy of death. Points, which it is unnecessary to discuss

any further, as they have been so fully explained in the chapter on

punishments.

III. In speaking of the calamities of war, as a punishment, it is

proper to make a distinction between misfortune and injury. For a

people may sometimes be engaged in war against their will, where they

cannot be justly charged with entertaining hostile intentions.

Upon this subject, Velleius Paterculus observes that "to blame the

Athenians for revolting, at the time they were besieged by Sylla,

betrays a total ignorance of history. For the Athenians always

continued so steady in their attachment to the Romans, that their

fidelity became a proverbial expression. Yet their situation at that

time excused their conduct, overpowered by the arms of Mithridates,

they were obliged to submit to a foe within, while they had to sustain

a siege from their friends without."

IV. and V. Between complete injuries and pure misfortunes there may be

sometimes a middle kind of actions, partaking of the nature of both,

which can neither be said to be done with known and wilful intention,

nor yet excused under colour of ignorance and want of inclination. Acts

of pure misfortune neither merit punishment, nor oblige the party to

make reparation for the loss occasioned. Hence many parts of history

supply us with distinctions that are made between those who are the

authors of a war, and principals in it, and those who are obliged to

follow others, as accessories in the same.

VI. But respecting the authors of war, a distinction is to be made

also, as to the motives and causes of war: some of which though not

actually just, wear an appearance of justice, that may impose upon

the well meaning. The writer to Herennius lays it down as the most

equitable vindication of injury, where the party committing it, has

neither been actuated by revenge, nor cruelty; but by the dictates of

duty and an upright zeal.

Cicero, in the first book of his offices, advises the sparing of those,

who have committed no acts of atrocity and cruelty in war, and that

wars, undertaken to maintain national honour, should be conducted upon

principles of moderation. And, in one of his letters, adverting to the

war between Pompey and Caesar, he describes the struggle between those

two illustrious men, as involved in so much obscurity of motives and

causes, that many were perplexed in deciding which side to embrace. In

his speech too for Marcellus, he remarks that such uncertainty might be

attended with error, but could never be charged with guilt.

VII. Such forbearance in war is not only a tribute to justice, it

is a tribute to humanity, it is a tribute to moderation, it is a

tribute to greatness of soul. It was in this moderation, says Sallust,

the foundation of Roman greatness was laid. Tacitus describes his

countrymen as a people no less remarkable for their courage in the

field, than for their humanity to the vanquished and suppliant.

On this subject, there is a brilliant passage in the fourth book

to Herennius, where it is said, "It was an admirable resolution of

our ancestors, never to deprive a captive prince of his life. For

it would be truly a violation of common justice to abuse, by wanton

cruelty and rigour, the power over those, whom fortune has put into

our hands, by reducing them from the high condition, in which she had

placed them before; their former enmity is forgotten. Because it is

the characteristic of bravery to esteem opponents as enemies, while

contending for victory, and to treat them as men, when conquered,

in order to soften the calamities of war, and improve the terms and

relations of peace. But it may be asked, if the enemy now treated with

this indulgence would have shewn the same lenity himself. To which a

reply may be made, that he is not an object of imitation in what he

WOULD have done, so much as in what he OUGHT to have done."

VIII. Though there may be circumstances, in which absolute justice will

not condemn the sacrifice of lives in war, yet humanity will require

that the greatest precaution should be used against involving the

innocent in danger, except in cases of extreme urgency and utility.

IX. After establishing these general principles, it will not be

difficult to decide upon particular cases. Seneca says, that "in the

calamities of war children are exempted and spared, on the score

of their age, and women from respect to their sex." In the wars of

the Hebrews, even after the offers of peace have been rejected, God

commands the women and children to be spared.

Thus when the Ninevites were threatened with utter destruction, on

account of their grievous crimes, a mitigation of the sentence was

allowed, in compassion to the many thousands, who were of an age

incapable of making a distinction between right and wrong.

If God, from whose supreme gift the life of man proceeds, and on whose

supreme disposal it depends, prescribes to himself a rule like this,

it is surely incumbent upon men, who have no commission, but for the

welfare and preservation of the lives of men, to act by the same rule.

Thus age and sex are equally spared, except where the latter have

departed from this privilege by taking arms, or performing the part of

men.

X. The same rule may be laid down too with respect to males, whose

modes of life are entirely remote from the use of arms. And in the

first class of this description may be placed the ministers of

religion, who, among all nations, from times of the most remote

antiquity have been exempted from bearing arms.--Thus, as may be seen

in sacred history, the Philistines, being enemies of the Jews, forbore

doing harm to the company of prophets, that was at Gaba: and David fled

with Samuel to another place, which the presence of a prophetic company

protected from all molestation and injury.

Plutarch relates of the Cretans, that when all order among them was

entirely broken by their civil broils, they abstained from offering

violence to any member of the priesthood, or to those employed in the

sacred rites belonging to the dead. From hence the Greeks came to

denote a GENERAL MASSACRE by the proverbial expression of NO ONE BEING

LEFT TO CARRY FIRE TO THE ALTAR.

Equally privileged with the holy priesthood are those, who devote

their lives to the pursuit of letters, and other studies beneficial to

mankind.

XI. Diodorus bestows an encomium upon the Indians, who, in all their

wars with each other, forbore destroying or even hurting those employed

in husbandry, as being the common benefactors of all. Plutarch relates

the same of the ancient Corinthians and Megarensians, and Cyrus sent

a message to the king of Assyria to inform him that he was willing to

avoid molesting all who were employed in tilling the ground.

XII. To the above catalogue of those exempted from sharing in the

calamities of war, may be added merchants, not only those residing for

a time in the enemy's country, but even his natural-born, and regular

subjects: artisans too, and all others are included; whose subsistence

depends upon cultivating the arts of peace.

XIII. and XIV. More civilized manners having abolished the barbarous

practice of putting prisoners to death, for the same reason, the

surrender of those, who stipulate for the preservation of their lives

either in battle, or in a siege, is not to be rejected.

The Romans, when investing towns, always accepted offers of

capitulation, if made before the battering ram had touched the walls.

Caesar gave notice to the Atuatici, that he would save their city,

if they surrendered, before the battering ram was brought up. And in

modern times it is the usual practice, before shells are thrown, or

mines sprung, to summon places to surrender, which are thought unable

to hold out--and where places are stronger, such summons is generally

sent, before the storming is made.

XV. and XVI. Against these principles of natural law and equity an

objection is sometimes derived from the necessity of retaliation,

or striking terror, in cases of obstinate resistance. But such an

objection is by no means just. For after a place has surrendered, and

there is no danger to be apprehended from the prisoners, there is

nothing to justify the further effusion of blood.--Such rigour was

sometimes practised, where there were any enormous acts of injustice,

or any violation of faith; it was practised also upon deserters, if

taken.

Sometimes, where very important advantages may attend striking a

terror, by preventing the same crimes in future from being committed,

it may be proper to exercise the right of rigour in its full extent.

But an obstinate resistance, which can be considered as nothing but the

faithful discharge of a trust, can never come within the description of

such delinquencies, as justify extreme rigour.

XVII. Where delinquencies indeed are such as deserve death, but the

number of offenders is very great, it is usual, from motives of mercy,

to depart in some degree from the right of enforcing the whole power

of the law: the authority for so doing is founded on the example of

God himself, who commanded such offers of peace to be made to the

Canaanites, and their neighbours, the most wicked of any people upon

the face of the earth, as might spare their lives upon the condition of

their becoming tributaries.

XVIII. From the opinions advanced and maintained above, it will not

be difficult to gather the principles of the law of nature respecting

hostages.

At the time, when it was a general opinion that every one had the same

right over his life, as over his property, and that right, either by

express or implied consent was transferred from individuals to the

state, it is not surprising that we should read of hostages, though

harmless and innocent as individuals, being punished for the offences

of the state: and, in this case, the consent of the state to such a

regulation implies that of individuals, who have originally resigned

their own will to that of the public; in whom, after such resignation,

it indubitably vested.

But when the day-spring rose upon the world, men, obtaining clearer

views of the extent of their power, found that God, in giving man

dominion over the whole earth, reserved to himself the supreme disposal

of his life, so that man cannot resign to any one the right over his

own life or that of another.

XIX. By way of conclusion to this subject it may be observed, that all

actions no way conducive to obtain a contested right, or to bring the

war to a termination, but calculated merely to display the strength

of either side are totally repugnant to the duties of a Christian and

to the principles of humanity. So that it behoves Christian princes

to prohibit all unnecessary effusion of blood, as they must render an

account of their sovereign commission to him, by whose authority, and

in whose stead, they bear the sword.

The Rights of War and Peace · 第 10 / 21 章