CHAPTER VII

THE MIND OF A NATION

We have prepared ourselves for the study of the national mind by our

preliminary examination of the two extreme types of collective mental

life, that of the quite unorganised group, the simple crowd, on the one

hand, that of a very highly organised group, the army, on the other

hand. We have seen that in the former type the collective actions imply

a collective mental life much inferior, both intellectually and morally,

to that of the average component individuals; and that in the other type

they imply a collective mental life and capacities much superior to

those of the average individual.

The mind of any nation occupies some intermediate position in the scale

of which these are the extreme types; and it differs from both in being

immensely more complex, and also in that the influence of the past

dominates and determines to a much greater extent the mental life of the

present.

The study we have already made of collective mental life will enable us

to understand what we mean, or ought to mean, when we speak of national

character. There are two senses in which this phrase is used, and they

are often confused. On the one hand, the phrase may be used to denote

the character of individuals who are taken to be typical representatives

or average specimens of their nations. On the other hand, it may be

taken to mean the character of the nation as a collective whole or mind.

These two things are by no means the same; they are rather very

different. We saw that this was true in the case of the crowd and also

of the army; and it is true in a still higher degree of the nation than

of any other social aggregate, just because the influence of its past

over its present is greater than in any of the others. It is in the

second and preferable sense that Fouillée uses this expression. He

writes—“The national character is not the simple sum of the individual

characters. In the bosom of a strongly organised nation, there are

necessarily produced reciprocal actions between the individuals which

issue in a general manner of feeling, thinking and willing very

different from that of the individuals existing in isolation, or even

from the sum or resultant of all the mental actions of isolated

individuals. The national character is not simply the average type

which one would obtain if one could imitate for minds the procedure

adopted by Galton in the case of faces and so obtain a collective or

generic image. The face which the process of compound photography

produces exerts no action and is not a cause; while the national spirit

does exert an effect which is different from all effects of individual

minds; it is capable of exerting a sort of pressure and a constraint

upon the individuals themselves; it is not only an effect, but is also

in turn a cause; it is not only fashioned by individuals, it fashions

them in turn. The average type of the Frenchman existing to-day, for

example, does not adequately represent the French national character,

because each people has a history, and ancient traditions, and is

composed, as it is said, of the dead even more than of the living. The

French national character resumes the physical and social actions that

have been taking place through centuries, independently of the present

generation, and imposes itself upon this generation through all the

national ideas, the national sentiments and national institutions. It is

the weight of the entire history to which the individual is subjected in

his relations with his fellow citizens. Just, then, as the nation, as a

certain social group, has an existence different from (though not

separable from) the existence of the individuals, so the national

character implies that particular combination of mental forces of which

the national life is the external manifestation[50].” That is a precise

and admirable statement of what we are to understand by national mind

and character.

We must now consider in turn the principal conditions of the existence

of highly developed national mind and character, and first those which,

as we have seen, are essential to all collective mental life.

A certain degree of mental homogeneity of the group, some similarity of

mental constitution of the individuals composing it, is the prime

condition. The homogeneity essential to a nation may be one of two

kinds, native or acquired; both of these are usually combined, but one

of them predominates in some nations, the other in others.

In considering racial or native homogeneity, we touch upon one aspect of

a much disputed question, the influence of race on national character

and history, in regard to which the greatest diversity of opinion has

prevailed and still prevails. A correct estimate of this influence is of

fundamental importance. I have stated elsewhere the view I take[51],

but we must consider the question more fully here. On the one hand are

those who would explain all differences of national character and

action, all success and failure of nations, as arising from racial

composition. This view is the basis of much of the ill-founded national

pessimism which, before the Great War, was widely prevalent among the

peoples who speak the Romance or Latin languages and who are falsely

called by these pessimists the Latin races. It was also the foundation

of that overweening national pride which has corrupted the German people

and led them to disgrace and disaster; for, following Gobineau[52] and a

host of his disciples, among whom H. S. Chamberlain is perhaps the most

notorious, they had come to believe, against the most obvious and

abundant evidence, that they were the purest representatives of a race

from whose blood all great men and all good things have come, a race

fitted by native superiority to rule all the peoples of the earth[53].

On the other hand, popular humanitarianism would regard all men and all

races as alike and equal in respect of native endowment; and we have

seen so distinguished a sociologist as Durkheim denying any importance

or influence to racial composition of a people. Many others put aside

all explanations based on racial differences as cheap and meretricious

means of avoiding difficulties. J. S. Mill, for example, wrote “Of all

vulgar modes of escaping from the consideration of the effect of social

and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of

attributing the diversities of conduct and character to inherent natural

differences”; and Buckle, in his great work on the _History of

Civilisation_, quoted this remark with cordial approval[54].

Both these extreme views are false; the truth lies somewhere in the

midst between them. At the time when Mill and Buckle wrote, biology and

anthropology had not shown, as now they have, the enormous power of

heredity in determining individual character and the great persistence

of innate qualities through numberless generations. Buckle especially

overrated the power of physical environment, and Mill the power of

education and of social environment, to change the innate qualities of a

people; and it was this overestimation that led them, and leads others

still, to underestimate the importance of racial composition. There are

involved in this dispute two theses which are often confused together.

When people speak of the influence of ‘race’ on national character and

institutions, they may, and sometimes do, mean by ‘race’ the sum of

innate inborn qualities or tendencies of the people at any given point

of history. On the other hand, by influence of race they may mean the

influence of the prehistoric races which have entered into the social

composition of the nation—that is, those races from which its population

is descended. Some authors mean to deny importance to race in both these

senses; Buckle and Mill and Durkheim meant, I think, to deny it in both,

because they believed that human nature is very plastic and easily

moulded as regards its innate qualities by its environment; they

believed that, if only a system of institutions, especially educational

institutions, adapted to promote the intellectual and moral development

of each generation of a people, can be established among it, then the

influence of such institutions will so vastly predominate over that of

innate qualities that these become a negligible quantity. From this it

would follow that we should expect to see any two or more populations

endowed with similar institutions form nations of similar character

which will continue to develop along similar lines, except in so far as

minor unessential differences of physical environment produce

differences of modes of occupation, dress, food and so forth.

This view of the insignificance of innate qualities was in harmony with,

and was determined by, the dominant psychological doctrine of the time;

the view which came down from Locke, according to which the mind of the

new-born individual is a _tabula rasa_, entirely similar in all men,

without specific tendencies and peculiarities of any importance, on

which individual experience impresses itself, moulding all its

development according to the principle of the association of ideas.

This doctrine, explicitly or implicitly adopted, has played a great part

in determining British policy in its relations with British dependencies

and their populations, notably India. It is a striking example of the

way in which theory affects practice, and of the danger of our profound

indifference to theory; we are influenced by it though we pretend to

ignore it. It is well to make ourselves clear as to what theories we

hold, even if we do not allow our practice to be governed by them

exclusively.

There are commonly confused together, under the head of the influence

of race on national character, three problems which must be

disentangled.

(1) Are there differences of innate mental constitution between the

various branches of mankind?

(2) If there are such differences, are these important for national

life? Do they in any considerable degree determine national character?

Or are they capable of being swamped and submerged and altogether

over-ridden by the moulding influences brought to bear by environment on

each generation?

(3) If such innate differences exist, what degree of permanence do they

possess? Do they persist through thousands of years, in spite of vast

changes of physical or cultural conditions? Or may they undergo

considerable modification or complete transformation in the course of a

few generations?

These are questions of fundamental importance. And they admit of no

positive clean-cut answers at the present time. They offer vast fields

for research, and only when prolonged research shall have been directed

to them shall we be able to answer them positively.

In the past, since their importance could not be altogether overlooked,

it has been usual to dispose of them by dogmatically asserting one

extreme view and pouring scornful epithets upon the other extreme view.

A principal task for science in its present stage is to define the

questions clearly. It is not possible, perhaps, to keep them quite

separate; for, if there are considerable differences of innate mental

constitution, then their importance for national character must depend

greatly upon their degree of permanence; and, again, there is the great

difficulty of distinguishing between innate and acquired mental

qualities in any individual and still more in groups.

Nevertheless, we may safely say that both extreme views in regard to

race, the positive and the negative, are gross exaggerations, plausible

only while we ignore one part of the evidence; the truth lies in between

somewhere.

There can, I think, be no reasonable doubt that there are great

differences between races, and that these may be, and in many cases have

been, persistent through thousands of generations.

The recognition that the mind of the human infant is not a _tabula

rasa_, but that its innate constitution comprises a number of instincts,

specifically directed tendencies to thought, feeling, and action,

prepares us to accept this view and gives us some basis for the

definition of these differences. Whether all differences can be defined

in such terms is a further problem. That they cannot be wholly defined

in this way seems to be obvious, when we consider how quite specialised

idiosyncrasies are transmitted in families through several generations,

often with a leap across one generation, peculiarities of taste and

feeling, of aesthetic endowment and temperament, abilities such as the

musical, mathematical and artistic.

When we compare widely different peoples such as the Negro, the White,

and the Yellow, the fact of profound differences cannot be overlooked.

These differences cannot be ascribed to the action of environment upon

each generation. Perhaps the only differences of this kind which at

present are accurately measurable are those of the size and form of the

brain. The negro brain is decidedly smaller than that of the white and

yellow races. And there are small but distinct differences of sensory

endowment which are highly significant. For, if there are racial

differences in these most fundamental and racially oldest endowments, we

may expect still greater differences in the later evolved powers of the

mind; although these are much more difficult to detect and define.

Still, the negro race wherever found does present certain specific

mental peculiarities roughly definable, especially the happy-go-lucky

disposition, the unrestrained emotional violence and responsiveness,

whether its representatives are found in tropic Africa, in the jungles

of Papua, or in the highly civilised conditions of American cities.

The Semitic stock again is one which, though widely scattered, seems to

present certain constant peculiarities. And among closely allied

branches of the white race of similar culture, we can hardly refuse to

recognise innate differences. Differences of temperament are, perhaps,

the clearest and the most generally recognised, even between peoples of

allied stock and similar civilisation. Who can question that Irishmen in

general are very different from Englishmen in temperament, that they are

less phlegmatic, more easily moved to joy, or sorrow, or enthusiasm,

more easily touched by poetry, have a more varied and lively emotional

experience? That this is an innate racial difference seems clear; for it

can be accounted for in no other way, and it obtains in some degree

between all communities of similar racial stocks, in spite of

similarities or differences of history and of present conditions. For

example, similar differences, roughly definable as the difference

between the so-called Celtic temperament and the Anglo-Saxon, seem

evidently to obtain between the Breton and the Norman, who represent in

the main the same two stocks.

And, even in intellectual quality, there appear to be not only

differences of degree, but also differences of kind, inexplicable save

as racial differences. The logical deductive tendencies of the French

intellect and the empirical inductive tendency of the English, seem to

be rooted in race; though here of course tradition accumulates and

accentuates such differences from generation to generation.

But the best evidence of persistent innate differences is afforded by

differences and similarities expressed in national life which cannot be

accounted for in any other way. The innate differences and peculiarities

of individuals are largely obscured by these national characteristics.

And the more highly organised the collective life of any people, the

more clearly will it express their racial qualities.

The social environment in a developed nation is in harmony with the

individual innate tendencies, because in the main it is the natural

outcome and expression of those tendencies. For, throughout the history

of such a nation, the elements of its social environment—its customs,

beliefs, institutions, language, its culture in general—have been slowly

evolved under the steady pressure of the individual innate tendencies,

which in each succeeding generation are the same. A part of this culture

is of native origin; a part, in every European nation probably by far

the larger part, is of foreign origin, and has been acquired by the

acceptance of ideas and beliefs from without its borders, by the copying

of institutions, customs, arts, from foreign models. In both cases the

idea or custom or other cultural element only becomes embodied in the

national culture through widespread or general imitation[55].

In the case of elements of native origin, it is by imitation of the

individuals of original powers of thought or feeling that the element

becomes embodied in the national culture; in the case of foreign

elements, by imitation of foreign models, acceptance of foreign ideas,

through literature and personal contacts. In both cases, such general

imitation will only take place when the culture-element in question is

more or less congenial to the innate qualities of the bulk of

individuals. All other novel elements will be ignored, or will fail to

propagate themselves successfully; if they obtain a first footing, they

will fail to pass beyond the stage of fashion into that of custom. And,

when once accepted, the cultural element will usually undergo

modification in the direction of more complete harmony with the innate

tendencies; its less congenial features will be allowed to die out, its

more congenial will be accentuated from generation to generation.

The social environment of any civilised people is, then, very largely

the result of a long continued process of selection, comparable with the

natural selection by which, according to the Darwinian theory, animal

species are evolved; a constant favouring of certain elements, a

constant rejection of others. We may in fact regard each distinctive

type of civilisation as a species, evolved largely by selection; and the

selective agency, which corresponds to and plays a part analogous to the

part of the physical environment of an animal species, is the innate

mental constitution of the people. The sum of innate qualities is the

environment of the culture-species, and it effects a selection among all

culture variations, determining the survival and further evolution of

some, the extermination of others. And, just as animal species

(especially men) modify their physical environment in course of time,

and also devise means of sheltering themselves from its selective

influence, so each national life, each species of civilisation, modifies

very gradually the innate qualities of the people and builds up

institutions which, the more firmly they are established and the more

fully they are elaborated, override and prevent the more completely the

direct influence of innate qualities on national life.

These principles are illustrated, perhaps, most clearly by the spread

and modification of religious systems among peoples of different races.

Take the case of the Moslem religion, which has gained acceptance among

one-sixth of the population of the world in historic and in fact recent

times, and is still spreading. The leading feature of this system is its

acceptance of all that is and happens as being the will of God, the act

of an entirely arbitrary, inscrutable, and absolutely powerful

individual, before which men must simply bow without question or

criticism; it is characterised by its simplicity and its fatalism. There

seems good reason to believe that the tendency to unquestioning

obedience to authority is a strong innate tendency of most Asiatics

(except perhaps the Chinese and their relatives), far stronger than in

most individuals of European peoples; for we see it expressed in many

ways in their institutions and history, both of those who are and those

who are not Moslems[56]; and Asiatic fatalism has, in fact, become

proverbial. With the causes or origin of this innate quality we are not

now concerned; but, accepting it as a fact, we may note that it is among

Asiatics that Mohammedanism has secured the great mass of its converts;

and that in India, in spite of many minor features that are opposed to

the spirit of Hindooism, it continues to spread largely; while

Christianity makes but little progress. Buddhism on the other hand has

almost faded away, after an initial success in the country of its

origin, but has continued to gain adherents and has become the dominant

religion among the yellow peoples further east, in Burma, China, Thibet,

Japan. The Moslem religion, having been thus accepted in virtue of the

fact that its dominant tendency is in harmony with the strong innate

tendency to unquestioning submission to a supreme will, then accentuates

this tendency in all its converts, moulding their political relations to

the same type, so that all recognise one earthly regent of God; and it

has led to the almost complete suppression of any spark of the spirit of

inquiry and scepticism that might otherwise display itself among these

peoples.

Another good illustration of the fact is afforded by the distribution of

the two great divisions of the Christian religion in Western Europe.

Among all the disputes and uncertainties of the ethnographers about the

races of Europe, one fact stands out clearly—namely, that we can

distinguish a race of northerly distribution and origin, characterised

physically by fair colour of hair and skin and eyes, by tall stature and

dolichocephaly (i.e. long shape of head) and mentally by great

independence of character, individual initiative, and tenacity of will.

Many names have been used to denote this type, but the usefulness of

most of them has been spoilt through their application to denote

linguistic groups (e.g. Indo-Germanic, Aryan), and by the false

assumption that linguistic groups are racial groups. Hence recently the

term _Homo Europaeus_, first applied by Linnaeus to this type, has come

into favour; and perhaps it is the best term to use, since this type

seems to be exclusively European. It is also called the Nordic type.

The rest of the population of Europe, with the exception of some peoples

in the extreme north and east of partly mongoloid or yellow racial

origin, seems to be chiefly derived from two stocks. Of these, the one

type, which occupies chiefly the central regions, is most commonly

denoted by the name _Homo Alpinus_; the other, chiefly in the south, by

the name _Homo Mediterraneus_. Both are of dark or brunette complexion

and the principal physical difference between them is that the former,

_H. Alpinus_, has a short broad head (i.e. is brachycephalic) and also

is of short stature; while the latter, _H. Mediterraneus_, is

long-headed like the northern type and is perhaps taller than _H.

Alpinus_. Mentally both these differ from the northern or European type

in having less independence and initiative, a greater tendency to rely

upon and seek guidance from authority[57]. Now we find that the

distribution of the Protestant variety of Christianity coincides very

nearly with the regions in which the fair type predominates; while in

all other regions the Roman Catholic or Greek orthodox churches hold

undisputed sway. North and South Germany illustrate the point. And

Motley’s account of the Netherlands shows how closely the line between

Protestant Holland and Roman Catholic Belgium coincides with the line of

racial division. We may note also that ‘Celts’ of Ireland and Scotland

early proved the superior strength of their religious tendencies by

sending missionaries to England.

It would be absurd to hold that this coincidence is fortuitous. It is

clearly due to the assimilation of the form of the religious and

ecclesiastical system to the innate tendencies of the people. The

northern peoples have given the system a turn compatible with the

independence of spirit which is their leading racial quality; and among

ourselves the tendency is apt to be pushed to an anarchical extreme in

the rise of numerous small peculiar sects; this we must connect with the

fact that the English represent in greatest purity the most independent

branch of the Northern race.

The peoples among whom the other racial elements predominate have

developed and maintained a religion of authority. And it is clear how,

this differentiation having been achieved, either form of religion

favours and accentuates in the peoples among whom it has become

established the innate tendencies that have shaped it. The religion of

authority tends, both by its general teachings and by the deliberate

efforts of its official representatives, to suppress the spirit of

independent thought and inquiry and action; the Protestant religion,

relatively at least, favours the development of the independent

tendencies of individuals. This is not to say that any individual is a

Mohammedan or a Protestant, because he belongs to this or that race;

that would be a parody of my statement. The form of each man’s religious

belief is, in the vast majority of cases, determined for him by the fact

of his growing up within a community in which that form of belief

prevails. My thesis is that in the main the racial qualities of each

community have played a great part in determining which form of belief

it shall accept. If the reader will reflect how, at the time of the

Reformation, various communities hung for a time in the balance, he will

see that the innate differences we have noted may well have played the

determining rôle.

The same facts are illustrated by the political life of the European

peoples. Only those among whom the northern race is predominant have

developed individualistic forms of political and social organisation.

Among the rest there appears clearly the tendency to rely upon the

supreme authority of the state and to look to it for all initiative and

guidance, a tendency to centralised and paternal administration; and

this is the same, whether the external form of the political

organisation be a monarchy or a republic. Thus France, in becoming a

republic, did not overthrow the centralised system perfected by Henry

IV, Louis XIV, Richelieu and Napoleon; for that system was congenial to

the innate qualities of the mass of the people. It is clear that the

centralised and therefore rigid system of government tends to

accentuate, among the people subjected to it, their tendency to rely on

authority and to repress individual initiative; while the other form,

such as obtains in this country and still more in the United States of

America, tends to the development of the initiative and independence of

individuals, giving them free scope and throwing them upon their own

resources. Among any people, an institution or other cultural element

that has had a history of this kind will, then, cause a great

development in the mass of individuals of just those innate or racial

tendencies of which it is itself the slowly accumulated result or

product.

If a nation is composed from stocks not too diverse, or if the original

stocks have fused by intercrossing and have produced a fairly

homogeneous people; and if this nation has enjoyed a long period of

natural evolution undisturbed by violent influences from outside,

conquests or invasions or immigrations on a great scale; then the social

environment will have been brought in the main into harmony with the

innate qualities of the people, and it will mould the individuals of

each generation very strongly, accentuating and confirming those innate

tendencies. This for two reasons. First, the social environment will be

strongly organised and homogeneous; that is to say, the various

elements, the beliefs, customs, institutions, and arts that go to

compose it, will be in harmony with one another and of strongly marked

character; and they will be almost universally accepted by that people

as above criticism. Secondly, the institutions and customs have not to

fight against the innate tendencies of the people in the formation of

the adult minds, but co-operate harmoniously with them.

Now, when authors dispute over the question of the influence of race in

determining the nation, they usually fail to distinguish clearly between

the direct effects and the indirect effects of racial qualities.

Those who, like Mill, attribute to the social environment unlimited

power of moulding individuals and who regard the influence of race as

insignificant, are misled by the contemplation of such nations as we

have been considering, the class of which our own is the most notable

example, nations in which a strongly organised social environment makes

in the direction of the innate tendencies. They overlook the fact that

in any such nation the social environment, the body of institutions and

traditions, is in the main the outcome and expression of these innate

tendencies; they fail to see that the racial tendencies exert their

strongest influence on national thought and action by means of the

institutions, customs, and traditions on the growth of which they have

exerted a constant directive pressure throughout many generations. In

order to realise fully the influence of race, we must consider peoples

whose culture and much else that enters into their social environment

has been impressed upon them from without. We then see how little the

social environment can accomplish in the moulding of a people, when it

is not congenial to and in harmony with the racial tendencies.

The modern world contains certain instructive instances, of which Hayti

is perhaps the most striking. There a circumscribed population of negro

race has had a political and social and religious organisation and the

elements of higher culture impressed upon it by Europeans, in the belief

that it would be possible to construct a social environment which would

mould the people. France, at a time of revolutionary enthusiasm for

liberty, equality, and fraternity, withdrew from the island and granted

the people self-government. The consequence has been a rapid relapse

into barbarism and savagery of the worst kinds[58].

It was the ignoring of the importance of race and the overestimation of

the moulding influence of culture and institutions, eloquently voiced

by Lord Macaulay, that led England eighty years ago to set out on the

task of endowing the millions of India with British culture and

institutions. The task has been pursued in a half-hearted manner only;

but already we see some of the incongruity of the results of these

efforts; and the best observers assure us that, were the task

accomplished and the reins of a representative government left in native

hands, it would be but a few years before the whole country would be

reduced to a chaotic anarchic condition no better than that in which we

found it. Others go further and assert with some plausibility that

Western culture is positively injurious to the intellect and moral

nature of Indians[59].

In the Philippines the Americans seem to have applied similar mistaken

ideas in a reckless fashion in the first years of their administration;

with the result that, according to some accounts, they were in a fair

way to plunge those islands into poverty and debt and chronic rebellion,

while failing to secure affection, trust, or respect for themselves.

We must conclude, then, that innate mental constitution, and therefore

race, is of fundamental importance in determining national character,

not so much directly as indirectly; for it gives a constant bias to the

evolution of the social environment, and, through it, moulds the

individuals of each generation. It will help to make clear the influence

of innate qualities, if, by an effort of imagination, we suppose every

English child to have been exchanged at birth for an infant of some

other nation (say the French) during some fifty years. At the end of

that period the English nation would be composed of individuals of

purely French origin or blood; it would have the innate qualities of the

present French nation; and the French nation would be, in the same

sense, English. What would be the effect? Presumably things would go on

much as before for a time. There would be no sudden transformation of

our language, our laws, our religious or political institutions; and

those who make little of the influence of race might point to this

result as a convincing demonstration of the truth of their view. But

gradually, we must suppose, certain changes would appear; in the course

of perhaps a century there would be an appreciable assimilation of

English institutions to those of France at the present day, for example,

the Roman Catholic religion would gain in strength at the cost of the

Protestant.

This view has been challenged and described as an extreme view[60]. But

it is not. Both extreme opposite views continue to be maintained just

because the importance of the indirect cumulative effect of innate

qualities on culture is ignored. The innate qualities are of great

importance, but only in the course of centuries can they exert their

full effect on culture.

If then innate qualities have this importance, in what degree are they

permanent? Here again two extreme views remain opposed to one another.

Even as regards physical qualities this is still the case; and the

problem is much more difficult and at the same time infinitely more

important as regards mental qualities. One reason for the belittling of

innate qualities by Mill and Buckle, and for their overweening

confidence in the power of institutions and environment, was the opinion

generally prevailing in their time that, in so far as racial

peculiarities exist, they can be modified and transformed in a few

generations by physical and social environment.

But, when, under the influence of Welshman’s theories, the majority of

biologists came to the conclusion that acquired qualities are not

transmitted, the position of the ‘race theorisers’ was immensely

strengthened. For selection, natural or social or artificial, remained

as the only recognised cause of change of racial qualities; and, since

it is clear that the development of civilisation tends to bring to an

end the operation of natural selection, owing to the more efficient

shielding of the weaker by the stronger members of societies, and since

no other form of selection seems to have operated forcibly to change

race qualities, it was inferred that race qualities endure throughout

long ages with very little change.

Another revolution of opinion has had a similar effect. One of the old

assumptions which seemed to justify the belief in rapid modifiability of

race qualities was that the difference of culture between ourselves and

our savage ancestors corresponds to, and is the expression of, an almost

equally great difference of innate capacities, intellectual and moral.

But this was in the main a misunderstanding. One well established fact

suffices to show its improbability—namely, the larger size of the brains

of Palæolithic men as compared with our own. Our superiority of

civilisation is due to slow accumulation, each generation adding

comparatively little to the mass of intellectual and moral tradition

which it inherits and passes on to later coming generations. In so far

as differences of cultural level are associated with differences of

level of innate intellectual and moral qualities, cultural superiority

must be regarded as the effect, rather than the cause, of innate mental

superiority. There are strong grounds for holding that, in so far as

Europeans are innately superior to negroes, that superiority was

achieved not by means of, and in the process of, the development of,

civilisation; but rather before civilisation began; and that the

principal mental differences of the various human stocks were, like

their principal physical differences, produced in the course of the

immensely long ages of human life that preceded the dawn of

civilisation, or at any rate of history, ages compared with which the

historic period is but a very brief span.

This view—namely, that there has been no great change, and certainly no

great increase, of the mental powers of men during the historic

period—was forcibly maintained by Dr A. R. Wallace[61]. Wallace pointed

to the pyramids of Egypt and other great achievements of earlier

civilisations, such as writing, as evidence of the highly developed

intellectual powers of men thousands of years before the Christian era.

He concluded that the men of the early stone age were probably our

equals, intellectually and morally, in respect to innate qualities.

If, then, so little change of man’s mental constitution has been

produced in the course of many thousand years, even though the growth of

civilisation has so profoundly modified his mode of life and the nature

of his pursuits, that is good evidence of the great persistency of

racial mental qualities. But we have more direct evidence of their

persistence. As Wallace points out, the negro and the yellow races are

scattered over many parts of the earth, and, though these regions

present great diversities of physical environment, men of either of the

two races everywhere present the same mental peculiarities or strong

similarities, for example, the Papuan and African and American negroes.

And the characteristic differences between the two races are not

diminished even where, as in the islands of the far East, they have been

subjected to the same physical environment and modes of life for long

periods of time. In the eastern Archipelago, Papuans and Malayans

occupying the same or adjoining islands are cited by Wallace as

illustrating the persistence of racial mental differences; and I can

bear out his remarks from my own observations in that region.

But we must beware of excess in the direction of the unalterability of

race. The dogma of the non-transmissibility of acquired qualities is by

no means established; it seems not improbable that mental acquisitions

are so transmitted in some degree, though with only very slight effect

in each generation. Even now, when the difficulties of the principle of

transmission of acquired qualities are generally understood, almost all

those who deal with the problem of the genesis of mental and physical

peculiarities of races find themselves driven to postulate the principle

in order to explain the facts. And this in itself constitutes evidence

of a certain value in support of the validity of the principle.

Again, we must beware of assuming that there are no selective processes

operating among us. Although natural selection may be almost

inoperative, there may well be at work other forms of selection, social

selections; and these are specially powerful amongst populations of

blended stocks.

Summing up on the durability of racial peculiarities, we may say that

racial qualities are extremely persistent; but that, nevertheless, they

are subject to slow modifications when the conditions of life are

greatly changed, as by emigration, or by changes of climate, or by

social revolutions, and especially among populations of mixed origin.

To return now to the question of mental homogeneity of a population as a

condition of national character and collective mental life. Purity of

race is the most obvious condition of such homogeneity; but few, if any,

nations that have attained any high level of civilisation have been

racially homogeneous; probably for the simple reason that the

civilisation of such a nation would crystallise at an early stage into

rigid forms which would render further progress impossible. This has

been the fate of most civilisations of the past; as Walter Bagehot put

it, their cake of custom has so hardened as to become brittle, incapable

of partial modification and growth, so that, like a crystal, it must

either resist completely every modifying influence or be shattered

irretrievably[62].

Certainly none of the European nations are racially homogeneous.

Nevertheless, some of them approach homogeneity of innate qualities, or,

rather, the degree of heterogeneity is much less in some than in others.

Consider the case of England. Before the Anglo-Saxon invasion the

population consisted in all probability of a mixture of the northern

fair race with a darker race, probably that of _H. Mediterraneus_, in

some proportion that we cannot determine, with small islands of _H.

Alpinus_ or of stocks formed by an earlier blending of this with the

Nordic race. The Anglo-Saxon invasion brought great numbers of the pure

representatives of the Northern race of closely allied stocks; and these

did not confine themselves to any one region, but, entering at many

points of the south and east coasts, diffused themselves throughout

almost all England, imposing themselves as masters upon those Britons

whom they did not drive out. Ever since that time a crossing of the

stocks has been going on freely, little hindered by differences of area,

language, law, or custom. And, with the exception of small numbers of

the Northern stock, Danes and Normans, the population has not received

any considerable additions since the Saxon invasion.

Now it has been shown by a simple calculation that, given three

generations to the century, each one of us might claim ten million

ancestors in the year 1000 A.D.; while in the fifth century, when this

process of intermarriage began, the number would be enormous, some

thousands of millions; that is, if consanguine marriages had never taken

place. These figures make it clear that, in any mixed population in

which intermarriage takes place freely, the two or more stocks must,

after a comparatively brief period of time, become thoroughly blended,

on one condition—namely, that the cross between the pure stocks is a

stable stock, fertile _inter se_ and with both the parent stocks. There

seems to be no doubt that this was the case with the British and the

Anglo-Saxon stocks, and that the English form now a stable new subrace,

or secondary race, in which the qualities of the northern race

predominate. The subrace may be regarded as innately homogeneous in

fairly high degree; not so homogeneous as a people of unmixed racial

origin, or one formed by a blending of more remote date, but more so

than most of the European nations. This is the sense in which we must

understand the word race, in discussing the influence of race upon

national character.

In most of the European countries the original mixture of races has been

greater and the degree of blending less intimate. Thus France has the

three stocks, _H. Europaeus_, _Alpinus_, _Mediterraneus_, all largely

represented; but they have remained in some degree geographically

separated in three belts running east and west[63]. Hence there are

greater innate mental differences between Frenchmen than between

Englishmen. Nevertheless the strength of the Roman civilisation of Gaul

sufficed to abolish differences of language and institutions and to

assimilate the later coming Northmen, Franks and Normans; while the

centralised system of administration, established in accordance with the

innate tendencies of the major part of the population, has completed the

work of a long series of national wars, and has produced a firmly united

nation, bound by common traditions and moulded by common institutions.

The greater centralisation of France seems to have compensated for the

less degree of innate uniformity, so that the French people is hardly,

if at all, less truly a nation than our own.

In our own nation one racial cleft still remains. The Irish have never

undergone that intimate mixture and blending with the Anglo-Saxon stock

which has produced the English subrace; and so they remain an element

which seriously disturbs the harmony of the national mind. And the same

is perhaps true in a less degree of the Welsh people. On the other hand,

the Scottish people, although they enjoyed their independent system of

government for much longer periods than the Irish and Welsh and have a

system of laws and customs differing in many respects from the English,

and indeed may be said to have achieved a considerable degree of

independent nationhood, have nevertheless become thoroughly incorporated

in the British nation; for in the main mass of the Scotch the same

Northern race is the greatly predominant element.

But it is not till we consider such a country as Austria-Hungary that we

see the full importance of homogeneity of a people for the development

of a national mind. There several races and subraces, one at least with

a strong yellow strain, are grouped together under one flag; but they

remain separated by language and by distribution and by tradition, and,

therefore, are but little mixed and still less blended. Under such

conditions a national mind cannot be formed. The elements of different

racial stock threaten to fall apart at any moment[64].

Going further afield, contrast India with China, two regions

geographically comparable in area and in density of population and in

other ways. The population of China is the most racially homogeneous of

all large populations in the world. Hence an extreme uniformity of

culture and social environment, which still further accentuates the

uniformity of mental type. Hence, in spite of the imperfection of means

of communication, we find great political stability and a considerable

degree of national feeling, likely to be followed before long by

harmonious national thought and action on the part of this vast nation.

The one great distracting and disturbing factor in the life of China has

been the intrusion of the Manchus, a people of somewhat different race

and traditions.

On the other hand, India is peopled by many different stocks, and,

although these are geographically much mixed, they are but very little

blended, owing to the prevalence from early times of the caste system.

The light coloured intellectual Brahman lives side by side with small

black folk, as different physically and mentally as the Englishman and

the Hottentot; and there are also large numbers of other widely

differing racial stocks, including some of yellow race. Hence an extreme

diversity of social environment, save in the case of the Moslem

converts, who, however, being scattered among the rest, do but increase

the endless variety of custom, creed, and social environment. Hence the

people of India have never been bound together in the slightest degree,

save purely externally by the power of foreign conquerors, the Moguls

and the British; and hence, even though nations have begun at various

times to take form in various areas, as e.g. the Sikh nation, they have

never achieved any high degree of permanence and stability and are

restricted in area and numbers.

Now let us consider for a moment an apparent exception from the

conclusion to which the foregoing argument seems to point—namely, that

homogeneity of innate qualities is the prime condition of a developed

and harmonious national life.

The most striking exception is afforded by the people of the United

States of America, or the American nation. There we see a great area

populated by immigrants from every part and race of Europe in times so

recent that, although they are pretty well mixed, they are but little

blended by crossing; a considerable part of the population still

consisting of actual immigrants and their children. Here, then, there

can be no question of any homogeneity as regards innate mental

qualities. Nevertheless, the people is truly a nation and, perhaps,

further advanced in the evolution of national consciousness, thought,

and action than many other of the civilised peoples. This we must

attribute to homogeneity of mental qualities which is in the main not

innate but acquired, a uniformity of acquired qualities, especially of

all those that are most important for national life.

Following Münsterberg’s recent account of _The Psychology of the

American People_ we may recognise as individual characteristics, almost

universally diffused, a spirit of self-direction and selfconfidence, of

independence and initiative of a degree unknown elsewhere, a marvellous

optimism or hopefulness both in private and public affairs, a great

seriousness tinged with religion, a humourousness, an interest in the

welfare of society, a high degree of self-respect, and a pride and

confidence in the present and still more in the future of the nation; an

intense activity and a great desire for self-improvement; a truly

democratic spirit which regards all men (or rather all _white_ men) as

essentially or potentially equal, and a complete intolerance of caste.

Such high degree of acquired homogeneity of individual qualities seems

to be due in about equal parts to uniformity of social and of physical

environment, both of which make strongly in the same direction. The

physical environment consists in a great and rich territory, still only

partially developed, a fairly uniform climate, and a uniformity of the

physical products of human labour resulting from the immense development

of the means of communication. The importance of the physical uniformity

we may realize on reflecting that the one great divergence of physical

conditions, the sub-tropical climate of the southern States, gave rise

to the one great and dangerous division of the people which for a time

threatened the harmonious development of the national life; that is to

say, the civil war was due to the divergence of the social system and

economic interests of the southern States resulting from their

sub-tropical climate.

The uniformity of social environment we must ascribe, firstly and

chiefly, to the fortunate circumstance that the first immigrants were

men of one well marked and highly superior type, men who possessed in

the fullest measure the independence of character and the initiative of

the fair northern race, and who firmly established the superior social

environment of individualistic type that had been gradually evolved in

England. Secondly, to the fact that the peopling of the whole country

has taken place by diffusion from this strongly organised initial

society; its institutions and ideas, especially its language, its

political freedom, its social seriousness, being carried everywhere.

Thirdly, to the fact that the country was just such as to give the

greatest scope to, and so to develop, these innate tendencies of the

earliest settlers and their successors. Fourthly, to the fact that the

great diffusion of the population of mixed origin has only taken place

since the means of communication have become very highly developed.

Consider, as one example of the effects of the ease of communication

between all parts, the influence of the American Sunday newspapers.

These papers are read on an enormous scale all over the continent; and

the bulk of the contents of those published in different places is

identical, being prepared and printed in New York, or other great city,

and then sent out to be blended with a little local matter in each

centre of publication; thus every Sunday morning vast numbers are

reading the same stuff. Lastly, it must be added, it is largely due to

the fact that in the main the population has been recruited by those

elements of different European peoples who shared in some degree the

leading tendencies of the American character, independence, initiative,

energy and hopefulness; for it is only such people who will tear

themselves from their places in an old civilisation and face the unknown

possibilities of a distant continent. In spite of an increasing

proportion of emigrants of a rather unlike type from south-eastern

Europe, there seems good ground for hope that these factors will

continue to secure a sufficient uniformity of acquired qualities, until

the diverse elements shall have been fused by intermarriage to a new and

stable subrace, innately homogeneous.

The Americans are, then, no exception to the rule that the evolution of

a national mind presupposes a certain considerable degree of homogeneity

of mental qualities among the individuals of which the nation is

composed. They merely show that, under peculiarly favourable physical

and social conditions, a sufficient degree of such homogeneity may

perhaps be secured in spite of considerable racial heterogeneity. But

the favourable issue of the vast experiment is not yet completely

assured.

There remains in the American people one great section of the

population, namely the negroes and the men of partly negro descent,

whose innate qualities, mental and physical, are so different from those

of the rest of the population, that it seems to be incapable of

absorption into the nation. This section remains within the nation as a

foreign body which it can neither absorb nor extrude and which is a

perpetual disturber and menace to the national life. The only hope of

solving this difficult problem seems to lie in the possibility of

territorial segregation of the coloured population in an area in which

it might, with assistance from the American people, form an independent

nation. At present it illustrates in the most forcible manner the thesis

of this chapter.

The geographical peculiarities of the country inhabited by a nation may

greatly favour, or may make against, homogeneity, in so far as this

depends on acquired interests and sentiments.

The division of the territory occupied by a nation by any physical

barrier makes against homogeneity and therefore against national unity;

whereas absence of internal barriers and the presence of well marked

natural boundaries afford conditions the most favourable to homogeneity.

Almost all the great and stable nations have occupied well-defined

natural territories. In Great Britain and Japan the national spirit is

perhaps more developed than elsewhere. How much does Great Britain or

Japan owe this to the insular character of its territory, which from

early days has sharply marked off the people from all others, making of

them a well-defined and closed group, within which free intermarriage

has given homogeneity of innate qualities, and within which a national

culture has grown up undisturbed; so that by mental and physical type,

and by language, religion, tradition and sentiment, the people are

sharply marked off from all others, and assimilated to one another!

A unitary well-defined territory of well marked and fairly uniform

character tends to national unity, not only through making the community

a relatively closed one, but also by aiding the imagination to grasp the

idea of the nation and offering a common object to the affections and

sentiments of the people.

Contrast in this respect the physical characters of England and Germany.

The boundaries of the latter are almost everywhere artificial and

arbitrary and have fluctuated greatly. It would be impossible for a poet

to write of Germany as Shakespeare wrote of England:—

This fortress built by Nature for herself

Against infection and the hand of war;

This happy breed of men, this little world,

This precious stone set in the silver sea,

and all the rest of that splendid passage. France, Spain, Italy, Greece,

Denmark, Scandinavia, are all more fortunate than Germany or Austria in

this respect; and the lack of such natural boundaries has been in the

past, and threatens to be in the future, a source of weakness to the

German nation. We may, I think, not improbably attribute, in part at

least, to this circumstance a peculiarity often noticed in German

emigrants—namely, that they rapidly become denationalised and

assimilated by the peoples among whom they settle, and that an

Americanised German, for example, has often less sympathetic feeling for

Germany than a foreigner. For, owing largely to the lack of natural

boundaries and the consequent fluctuations that have occurred, and the

mingling and blending with other peoples, Germany is a less clear-cut

conception than Great Britain or France; to be a German is something

much less definite than to be an Englishman or a Japanese, or even a

Frenchman or a Spaniard[65]. And the presence or lack of definite

natural territorial boundaries operates in a similar way through many

centuries, determining on the one hand historical continuity to a people

as a whole, or on the other hand breaches of historical continuity.

The United States of America afford a fine example of the binding

influence of a well-defined territory; for here the effect is clearly

isolated from racial factors and from slowly accumulated tradition. The

Monroe doctrine is the outward official expression of this effect. The

private individual effect is a sense of part ownership of a splendid

territory with a great future before it. And we are told, I believe

truly, that this sense is very strong and very generally diffused even

among immigrants; that it inspires an unselfish enthusiasm for the work

of developing the immense resources of the country; that this is the

idealistic motive of much of the intense activity which we are apt to

ascribe to the love of the ‘almighty dollar’; and that it is one of the

main causes of the rapid assimilation of immigrants to the national type

of mind.

The Chinese nation, again, owes its existence and its homogeneity of

mental and physical type to geographical unity. Roughly, China consists

of the basins of two immense rivers, not separated from one another by

any great physical barrier, but forming a compact territory well marked

off save in the north. It comprises no such partially separate areas as

in Europe are constituted by Spain, or Italy, or Greece, or Scandinavia,

or even France; almost all parts are well adapted for agriculture.

Hence, largely, the national unity and the national sentiment which have

long existed, and possibly a latent capacity for national thought and

action.

Perhaps the most striking instance of all is ancient Egypt. There, in

the long strip of land rendered fertile by the waters of the Nile, a

people of mixed origin was long shut up and isolated; there all men felt

their immediate dependence on the same great powers, the great river

which once a year overflows its banks, and the scorching sun which

passes every day across a cloudless sky. There all men looked out on

the same unvarying and unvaried landscape, hoped and feared for the same

causes, suffered the same pains, prayed for the same goods. There was

formed one of the most stable and enduring of nations, whose uniform

culture certainly bears the impress of the uniform monotonous physical

environment[66].

The other way in which physical environment affects homogeneity is by

determining similarity or difference of occupations and, through them,

similarities or differences of practical interests and of acquired

qualities. So long as such differences are determined in many small

areas, the result is merely a greater differentiation of the parts,

without danger to the unity of the whole nation. But, when the physical

differences divide a whole people into two or more locally separate

groups differing in occupation and interests and habits, they endanger

the unity of the whole. There are to-day many countries in which the

distribution of mineral wealth is exerting an influence of this sort,

giving rise to the differentiation of an industrial area from

agricultural areas and a consequent divergence of interests and of

mental habits; notably South Africa, Spain, and Italy.

Great Britain is fortunate in this respect also. Its geological

formation presents on a small scale all the principal strata from the

oldest to the most recent, a fact which secures great diversity within a

compact area, an area too compact to allow of divergences of population

being produced by differences of geological formation; so that it enjoys

the advantages of diversity without its drawbacks. Although a certain

degree of differentiation between north and south may be noted, it is

not sharp or great enough to be dangerous. But let us imagine that coal

and iron had been confined to Scotland. Would there be now the same

harmony between the two countries as actually obtains? The United States

of America afford a good illustration of this principle, as I have

already pointed out; the sub-tropical climate of the southern states

gave rise to a differentiation of occupation, and consequently of ideas

and interests and sentiments, which was almost fatal to the unity of the

nation. A similar differentiation between the agricultural west and the

industrial and commercial east seems to be the greatest danger to the

future unity of the nation; and the same may be said of the Canadian

people.

Ireland illustrates well the effects of both kinds of physical

influence. The Irish Channel has perpetuated that difference of race

and consequent difference of religion, which, but for it, would

probably have been wiped out by free intermarriage; while the lack of

coal and iron in the greater part of the country has prevented the

spread of industrialism, and has thus accentuated the difference between

the Irish people and the English. And it is obvious that among the

Protestants of Ulster the accessibility of coal and iron, maintaining a

divergence of occupations and of interests which prevents racial and

cultural blending, perpetuates the racial and traditional differences

between them and the rest of the population.

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