Sir Edward Grey, presiding at a lecture on the war by Mr.
Buchan, delivered March 22, 1915, reviewed the origin and
causes of the conflict. Germany, he said, refused every
suggestion made to her for settling the dispute by means of a
conference. On her must rest for all time the appalling
responsibility for having plunged Europe into this war. One
essential condition of peace must be the restoration to
Belgium of her independence and reparation to her for the
cruel wrong done to her. England claims for herself and her
allies claim for themselves, and together will secure for
Europe, the right of independent sovereignty for the different
nations, the right to pursue a national existence in the light
of general liberty.
The occasion of our meeting this afternoon is to hear a lecture from my
friend Mr. Buchan on the strategy of the war, and he is sure to make it
informing and interesting. His friends know him as a man of fine public
spirit and patriotism, in whom a crisis such as this in his country's
history arouses the noblest feelings. I am sorry that an engagement
makes it necessary for me to return soon to the Foreign Office, and
therefore it will be a great disappointment to me not to hear the whole
of the lecture. I take the opportunity to make my apology now, and also
to make one or two remarks on the origin and issues of the war. While we
are engaged in considering the particular methods by which the war may
be prosecuted to a successful conclusion do not let us lose sight even
for a moment of the character and origin of this war and of the main
issues for which we are fighting. Hundreds of millions of money have
been spent, hundreds of thousands of lives have been lost, and millions
have been maimed and wounded in Europe during the last few months. And
all this might have been avoided by the simple method of a conference or
a joint discussion between the powers concerned which might have been
held in London, at The Hague, or wherever and in whatever form Germany
would have consented to have it. It would have been far easier to have
settled by conference the dispute between Austria-Hungary and Serbia,
which Germany made the occasion for this war, than it was to get
successfully through the Balkan crisis of two years ago. Germany knew
from her experience of the conference in London which settled the Balkan
crisis that she could count upon our good will for peace in any
conference of the powers. We had sought no diplomatic triumph in the
Balkan Conference; we did not give ourselves to any intrigue; we pursued
impartially and honorably the end of peace, and we were ready last July
to do the same again.
In recent years we have given Germany every assurance that no aggression
upon her would receive any support from us. We withheld from her one
thing--we would not give an unconditional promise to stand aside,
however aggressive Germany herself might be to her neighbors. Last July,
before the outbreak of the war, France was ready to accept a conference;
Italy was ready to accept a conference; Russia was ready to accept a
conference; and we know now that after the British proposal for a
conference was made, the Emperor of Russia himself proposed to the
German Emperor that the dispute should be referred to The Hague. Germany
refused every suggestion made to her for settling the dispute in this
way. On her rests now, and must rest for all time, the appalling
responsibility for having plunged Europe into this war and for having
involved herself and the greater part of the Continent in the
consequences of it.
We know now that the German Government had prepared for war as only
people who plan can prepare. This is the fourth time within living
memory that Prussia had made war in Europe. In the Schleswig-Holstein
war, in the war against Austria in 1866, in the war against France in
1870, as we now know from all the documents that have been revealed, it
was Prussia who planned and prepared these wars. The same thing has
occurred again, and we are determined that it shall be the last time
that war shall be made in this way.
We had assured Belgium that never would we violate her neutrality so
long as it was respected by others. I had given this pledge to Belgium
long before the war. On the eve of the war we asked France and Germany
to give the same pledge. France at once did so. Germany declined to give
it. When, after that, Germany invaded Belgium we were bound to oppose
Germany with all our strength, and if we had not done so at the first
moment, is there any one who now believes that when Germany attacked the
Belgians, when she shot down combatants and non-combatants in a way that
violated all the rules of war of recent times and the laws of humanity
of all time--is there any one who thinks it possible now that we could
have sat still and looked on without eternal disgrace?
Now what is the issue for which we are fighting? In due time the terms
of peace will be put forward by our Allies in concert with us--in
accordance with the alliance that exists between us--and published to
the world. One essential condition must be the restoration to Belgium of
her independence, national life, and free possession of her territory,
and reparation to her as far as reparation is possible for the cruel
wrong done to her. That is part of the great issue for which we, with
our allies, are contending, and the great part of the issue is this--We
wish the nations of Europe to be free to live their independent lives,
working out their own form of government for themselves, and their own
national developments, whether they be great nations or small States, in
full liberty. This is our ideal. The German ideal--we have had it poured
out by German professors and publicists since the war began--is that of
the Germans as a superior people, to whom all things are lawful in the
securing of their own power, against whom resistance of any sort is
unlawful--a people establishing a domination over the nations of the
Continent, imposing a peace which is not to be liberty for every nation,
but subservience to Germany. I would rather perish or leave the
Continent altogether than live on it under such conditions.
After this war we and the other nations of Europe must be free to live,
not menaced continually by talk of "supreme war lords," and "shining
armor," and the sword continually "rattled in the scabbard," and heaven
continually invoked as the accomplice of Germany, and not having our
policy dictated and our national destinies and activities controlled by
the military caste of Prussia. We claim for ourselves and our allies
claim for themselves, and together we will secure for Europe, the right
of independent sovereignty for the different nations, the right to
pursue a national existence, not in the shadow of Prussian hegemony and
supremacy, but in the light of equal liberty.
All honor for ever be given from us whom age and circumstances have kept
at home to those who have voluntarily come forward to risk their lives,
and give their lives on the field of battle on land and on sea. They
have their reward in enduring fame and honor. And all honor be from us
to the brave armies and navies of our Allies, who have exhibited such
splendid courage and noble patriotism. The admiration they have aroused,
and their comradeship in arms, will be an ennobling and enduring memory
between us, cementing friendships and perpetuating national good will.
For all of us who are serving the State at home or in whatever capacity,
whether officials, or employers, or wage earners, doing our utmost to
carry on the national life in this time of stress, there is the
knowledge that there can be no nobler opportunity than that of serving
one's country when its existence is at stake, and when the cause is just
and right; and never was there a time in our national history when the
crisis was so great and so imperative, or the cause more just and right.