I don’t think Professor Henderson’s remarks are ever quite meaningless,

but I suspect that the most elephantine of them, if reduced to

essentials, would be as commonplace as his more comprehensible statements

that “Social criticism is the sign manual of the age,” and that “the

emancipation of woman, in the completest sense, is on the way”—which last

gets a whole paragraph to itself. But it is pleasant to read it all; to

see “Ibsen, Pinero, or Phillips” thus bracketed; to learn that Wilde’s

father was also “the father of modern otology,” and to be told that

Maeterlinck’s “eternal prayer” is, “Oh, that this too, too solid flesh

would melt”! That is on page 203; but the effect is somewhat marred by

the fact that precisely the same “cry” has been, on page 37, attributed

to Strindberg. Personally I plump for Maeterlinck.

“Another Century, and then ...”

There is a certain sort of dull criticism which Dr. Johnson admirably

stigmatized when he said that “there is no great merit in telling

how many plays have ghosts in them and how this ghost is better than

that.” A great deal of American (not to speak of German) academic

criticism belongs to this category; and especially those theses which

are written by postgraduate students and candidates for the doctor’s

degree. These persons, when they are not exhuming dead reputations

from well-deserved sepulchres, show an uncanny ingenuity in inventing

original classifications and instituting unnecessary comparisons. But

now and again such students manage to produce some enlightening piece

of “research” work, and _The French Revolution and the English Novel_

(Putnams) is one of the best of its kind. It is by Allene Gregory; and as

I cannot tell from the name whether she is a gentleman or a lady, I shall

call him Miss.

“This study in the _tendenz_ novel was begun with the idea of paralleling

Dr. Hancock’s book, _The French Revolution and the English Poets_.” That

is the first sentence of the preface, and it has a strictly academic

flavour about it. The book is a “scientific” treatise; it would not

have been written, so to say, either by a French Revolutionary or by an

English novelist. If it dealt with the purely literary merits, which are

few, of its subjects, it would be a useless sort of book. But its real

purpose is to supply a chapter to the history of ideas, and especially

Liberal political and social ideas. Many people talk as though they

thought that the novel which canvasses the “problems” of sex, property,

and religion were an invention of the last thirty years; and many others

are under the impression that Charles Dickens was the first person to use

fiction—though not, of course, the first person to employ fictions—for

the promotion of legislation. Books about Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraft

are occasionally written; and quite recently Thomas Holcroft, one of the

chief of our Revolutionary novelists, was given considerable notice in

Mr. Brailsford’s excellent little book in the Home University Library.

But, as far as my experience goes, there seem to be very few who know

that England produced a century ago a whole group of novelists whose

principal aim was not to “tell a straightforward story” or make the flesh

creep, but to blow up the foundations of society with the gunpowder in

the jam.

Miss Gregory’s book is very comprehensive. Her principal figures are

Holcroft, Godwin, and Robert Bage; and she gives synopses of all their

novels, with extracts illustrating their doctrines. Holcroft, one of

the most lovable figures in the history of English democracy, was the

sort of man who is regarded as an obscure crank in his lifetime, then

forgotten for a time, and ultimately recognized as a person of historical

importance. He lived a long life, and harmed nobody in the course of it.

As a stable-boy in a racing stable he read Addison, Bunyan, and Swift

(whose tribute to the Houyhnhnms must have had a local colour for him);

he was afterwards a strolling actor, a hack writer, translator, novelist,

and playwright, one of his plays being _The Road to Ruin_. When the

Society for Constitutional Reformation was raided Holcroft was arrested

with Thomas Hardy and Horne Tooke, and it was alleged against him, as

justification for a charge of high treason, that he had extolled moral

as against physical force. His associates being acquitted, he was never

brought to trial: there comes a point at which even a Government begins

to feel it is making an ass of itself. Holcroft’s courage never weakened

“when Wordsworth, Coleridge, Southey, and even Blake had recanted, and

Godwin and Paine had fallen silent, and all the world seemed to have

forgotten its vision of democracy.” He himself stated in terms: “Whenever

I have undertaken to write a novel I have proposed to myself a specific

moral purpose.” His best novels are _Hugh Trevor_ and _Anna St. Ives_.

In the latter the hero, Frank Henley, who shocks the orthodox by taking

service rather than self-interest as his guiding principle, remarks:

“Let men look around and deny if they can that the present

wretched system of each providing for himself instead of the

whole for the whole does not inspire suspicion, fear, and

hatred. Well, well!—another century, and then....”

Just a century has passed.

Of Godwin’s novels _Caleb Williams_ is the only one that is at all read

nowadays. In spite of its impossibilities of character and action, it is

a very good tract, especially where it deals with the prison system. Miss

Gregory’s extracts from _Caleb Williams_ might have been more profuse;

but she gives interesting accounts of _St. Leon_ and _Fleetwood_. In

the first of these a gentleman who possesses the philosopher’s stone

breaks into long reflections on “gold _versus_ actual wealth”; in the

other there are eloquent passages about the horrors of child-slavery in

factories which anticipate the factory reports of a generation later,

and which were so much in advance of their time that they still hold

good in reference to certain of the States of America. Godwin saw the

whole thing very clearly: the pale, emaciated child given the free man’s

right of selling his labour at his own price in the open market and, as

Godwin put it, able to earn salt to his bread at four, but unable to

earn bread to his salt at forty. The placid Bage’s novels were admired

by Walter Scott. The most original is _Hermsprong, or Man as he is not_,

the hero of which—who enters civilized society after being brought up

among the Red Indians, and quails at the change—criticizes institutions

with something of the tone of the versatile Mr. Smilash in _An Unsocial

Socialist_.

Shelley’s _Zastrozzi_ and _St. Irvyne_ are only interesting, if

interesting at all, because they were written by their author. Miss

Gregory ploughs through them, and also through the novels of Charlotte

Smith, Mrs. Inchbald, and Mrs. Opie. She has a very interesting chapter

on Mary Wollstonecraft and the early Women’s Rights authors. I find most

alluring the bare mention made of a certain Ann Plumptre, a novelist of

whom I had never previously heard, who admired Napoleon enthusiastically.

In 1810, according to Crabb Robinson,

“she declared she would welcome him if he invaded England

because he would do away with aristocracy and give the country

a better government.”

Finally Miss Gregory has given space to the anti-revolutionary novelists,

especially George Walker and Charles Lucas, of _The Infernal Quixote_.

Ridicule of visionaries and demagogues through the medium of novels

was a recognized sport then as now; and Lucas instituted an elaborate

comparison between political and religious revivalists. A good

bibliography rounds off a very laudable compilation which should interest

all persons of subversive views and direct the reading of the curious

into some very agreeable channels.

Herrick

Mr. F. W. Moorman has edited for the Oxford Press a new edition of

Herrick, which should supersede all its predecessors. There is very

little editorial matter; Mr. Moorman has already written a _Life_, and

his introduction and notes have a purely textual reference. The text,

which is as satisfactory a one as we are likely to get, is based upon a

collation of various divergent copies of the first edition; for Herrick

appears to have hung about the printer’s making alterations whilst the

sheets were going through the press. And a full list is given of variants

which occur in other printed copies of some of the poems and in MSS., of

which the editor records several which have not previously been dealt

with.

Any one who regards Herrick as an unsophisticated warbler pouring forth

profuse strains of unpremeditated art may study these variants and

correct himself. Mr. Moorman—I suppose he has sufficient reason, though

he leaves one to guess what it is—assumes that the versions in MSS. and

anthologies, etc., including those published after the _Hesperides_, are

all earlier than the versions in the _Hesperides_. Now and then one is

sorry that this should be so, as when the presumably earlier

_And night will come when men will swear_

_Time has spilt snow upon your haire,_

is changed into

_And time will come when you shall weare_

_Such frost and snow upon your haire._

But almost invariably the changes are improvements; and they are

exceedingly numerous. Sometimes alterations in almost every line of a

poem may be studied; sometimes there is a whole series of attempts at a

line; and if we had more of Herrick’s original MSS. available, we should

no doubt find every poem a mass of trial trips and deletions. He blotted,

filed, and pumice-stoned as much as any English poet, and he had the most

delicate and deliberate sense of all the complex mechanism of verse. This

rubicund Royalist rector was above all else a craftsman and a connoisseur.

What distinguishes his best—they are so well known that I need not quote

them—poems from his second best is usually that the former have some

especially taking touch of tenderness. It is never very deep; even in an

epitaph he is more concerned with turning it well than with the, often

apocryphal, death of the person commemorated. His adorations and griefs

are as light as rose-leaves, but they are genuine in their way, and it is

rather a slight difference in the quality of his emotion than a relative

superiority of craftsmanship that distinguishes his most perfect lyrics.

His strongest characteristic, one that runs through the whole body of his

verse, was his intense sensual appreciation of the material world. He was

a connoisseur in life as in art. His admired record of the “liquefaction”

of Julia’s silks is characteristic of him. “O how that glittering taketh

me!” he might have said of a thousand other things. He looked at colours

and felt surfaces like a connoisseur; he tasted substances like an

epicure tasting wines. He crushes all the distinctive hues and flavours

out of flowers and spices, roses and primroses and violets, tulips,

lilies, marigolds, cherryblossoms, virgins’ skins, jet, ivory, amber, and

gums. There is nothing romantic about him, and nothing dim; all things

are equally vivid and clear, no thing is mysteriously vaster than other

things. The moon and cream are both white—he will compare his lady’s

cheek to either indifferently or to both in a sentence; he relishes the

loveliness of each and he drinks each, with exquisite pleasure, out

of the same sized liqueur glass. Few other writers give one so keen a

contact with the beauties of the physical world. But it is usually their

sensuous appeal that is registered, sometimes their sentimental appeal,

but never their mystic appeal. Herrick was a thoroughgoing pagan.

His capacity for conveying vivid impressions of the physical was not

invariably employed upon such agreeable objects as daffodils and

maidens. His sheer virtuosity made him compose those offensive epigrams

which some bashful editors exclude from their collections. It is not

to be supposed that he really wished to vent his spleen against Lungs,

Gryll, Clasco, Scobble, Bunce, and his other, presumably pseudonymous,

butts; though if his efforts in this direction got about in his

Devonshire village and people took them to apply to themselves it is no

wonder that the natives behaved towards him, as he complained, like surly

savages. “Upon Batt” is one of the mildest of them:

_Batt he gets children, not for love to reare ’em,_

_But out of hope his wife might die to beare ’em._

A more characteristic, but still a mild one, is “Upon Lungs”:

_Lungs (as some say) ne’er sits him down to eate_

_But that his breath do’s Fly-blow all the meate._

He tells—I refrain from the grossest ones—of another gentleman whose eyes

were so sticky in the morning that his wife had to lick them open; of

another whose raw eyes would supply an angler with a day’s bait; and of

another (very parsimonious) who preserved his nails, warts, and corns in

boxes to make jelly for his broth. It is not astonishing that when the

“sprightly Spartanesse” appeared to him in dream she remarked:

_Hence, Remove,_

_Herrick thou art too coorse for love._

But as one goes on through these things one is too amused to be

disgusted; one wonders what on earth the man is going to think of next.

And that was the idea. He had compressed all the fragrance of the spring

into short lyrics—how much concentrated beastliness could he get into a

couplet? He had rivalled Horace and Anacreon in one line; could he rival

Martial in another? You may picture him making these things—sitting at a

table in the sun outside the rectory, quaffing, as was his wont, a social

tankard with his favourite pig, and working and working at these singular

concoctions until there came the thrill of the artist who knows he has

produced a perfect cameo.

His outlook and methods being such, it is not surprising that when he

gave up his “unbaptized Rhimes” and took to “Noble Numbers” he was

comparatively unsuccessful. Quaintness and neatness do not go far in

religious verse, and the congenital materialism of Herrick’s imagery

sometimes produced the most grotesque effects.

_God is all forepart, for we never see_

_Any part backward in the Deitie._

An epigram which might have had some point if applied to a man is merely

vapid when applied to the Deity. And the vapid becomes comic in

_I crawle, I creep; my Christ I come_

_To thee, for curing Balsamum,_

and

_Lord, I confesse, that thou alone are able_

_To purifie this my Augean stable;_

_Be the Seas water, and the Land all Sope,_

_Yet if thy Bloud not wash me, there’s no hope._

Herrick was not an exalted religious poet. But it doesn’t much matter

what he was not; what he was is one of the greatest small masters in the

history of verse.

The Muse in Liquor

In former times men wrote about drinking without the slightest

self-consciousness. Our forefathers, from Teos to Chertsey, from

Greenland’s icy mountains to India’s coral strand, sang the praises of

what nobody in those days dreamt of calling alcohol, as they sang the

praises of the other amenities of life. To Homer “bright wine” was as

indispensable a commodity as bread: no home could be complete without it.

If Anacreon and Horace were rather more sophisticated about it and tasted

their liquor with a deliberate and spun-out sensuality, they still had no

idea that there was anything morally questionable about drink. So onwards

to mediæval times. When the Anglo-Saxon leech laid it down that if a man

has fainted from hunger one should

“pull his locks from him, and wring his ears, and twitch his

whiskers; when he is better give him some bread broken in wine,”

there was no rival school of leeches to jump up and protest that to

inject alcoholic poisons into a debilitated frame was about the worst

thing you could do. Drinking in the Middle Ages was unchallengeably

respectable. “The introduction of wine and viticulture,” says Mr. A. L.

Simon in his history of the _Wine Trade in England_,

“is coeval with the introduction of the Christian religion. As

the numbers of clergy increased, greater supplies of wine were

required, so vines were planted at home, and a considerable

foreign wine trade came into being.”

The drinking-songs of the Middle Ages were largely composed by

theological students, and it was (at least I am of that party which

maintains that it was) an archdeacon of the English Church who wrote one

of the two best lyrics of the kind that this island has produced—that

perfect song in which he expresses the hope that he shall meet his latter

end in a hostelry and that some one should hold a pottle-pot before his

dying eyes:

_Ut dicant cum venerint angelorum chori_

_“Deus sit propitius huic potatori.”_

Our other great song has also been attributed to an ecclesiastic, Bishop

Still.

But if a modern bishop wrote a song about hot whisky, he would get into

hot water. Times have changed. When a modern English king wants to do

the popular thing, he takes the pledge; when Henry III wanted to, he

gave his old wine to the poor—the gift was not so noble as it sounds,

for in his day old wine was bad, owing to the lack of glass bottles and

well-made casks. Bishop Still, when he wrote (if he wrote) about the

ale-swallowing capacity of himself and Tib, his wife, was on the safe

side, for his sovereign lady, Queen Elizabeth, was addicted herself. Her

Ministers had a job keeping her supplied with beer. When she was on one

of her royal progresses, the Earl of Leicester wrote to Lord Burleigh:

“There is not one drop of good drink for her. We were fain to

send to London and Kenilworth and divers other places where ale

was; her own here was so strong as there was no man able to

drink it.”

But since that time a question of principle has arisen, and the changed

attitude of society towards drink has been accompanied by a corresponding

change in the tone of those who write in praise of drink. They used to be

natural and expository; they are now self-conscious and on the defensive.

I note the transition in a volume (1862) called _How to Mix Drinks,

or The Bon-Vivant’s Companion_, by Jerry Thomas, formerly principal

bartender at the Metropolitan Hotel, New York, and the Planter’s

House, St. Louis. It is an ingenious book and a suitable companion

to its shelf-neighbour, _The Maltworm’s Vade-mecum_, a guide to the

public-houses of early Georgian London. But if Mr. Thomas had been a

contemporary of his brother connoisseur, it would never have occurred to

him to write a preface apologizing for the mere compilation of such a

book:

“Whether it is judicious that mankind should continue to

indulge in such things, or whether it would be wiser to abstain

from all enjoyments of that character, it is not our province

to decide. We leave that question to the moral philosopher. We

simply contend that a relish for ‘social drinks’ is universal;

that those drinks exist in greater variety in the United States

than in any other country in the world, and that he, therefore,

who proposes to impart to those drinks not only the most

palatable but the most wholesome characteristics of which they

may be made susceptible, is a genuine public benefactor.”

You see the uneasiness coming in; the devotee is conscious of a

disapproving eye. And what was perceptible in 1862 is much more marked

to-day, when a considerable percentage of the population looks askance at

a man who has been seen coming out of a bar, and when most of our priests

and half our politicians denounce fermented drinks as an invention of the

Devil. The results of this are seen in the twentieth-century Bacchanal’s

writings. He is on the defensive. He cannot write a mere song in praise

of drink: his Muse is largely, even mainly, concerned with dispraise of

the opponents of drink. Mr. Belloc and Mr. Chesterton, belauding drinks

as against beverages, strike an attitude which Anacreon simply would not

have understood. They cannot lie and lap their liquor in dreamy content.

Whenever they take up a pot of beer they have to march out and drink it

defiantly in the middle of the Strand. It is almost as if they knew they

were the champions of a lost, though noble, cause; and felt that at any

moment they might be called upon to Die in the Last Tankard.

This tendency is strongly marked in Mr. Chesterton’s volume _Wine, Water,

and Song_. Mr. Chesterton spends half his time in abusing abstemious

American and English millionaires, tea, cocoa, mineral waters, and

grocers—who, lacking the genial proclivities of publicans, have never

been known

_To crack a bottle of fish sauce_

_Or stand a man a cheese._

But the novelty of tone makes the songs all the better: for the old

material of drinking-songs was getting threadbare. To my thinking, these

songs—most of them appeared in _The Flying Inn_, and it was a pity

that they were omitted from the volume of collected _Poems_ recently

issued—are amongst the finest bibulous songs ever written, and some of

Mr. Chesterton’s very best work. You can read them aloud to other people

and very seldom come across a stilted or obscure phrase which makes you

feel sheepish to say it. But, more than that, _Wine and Water_, _The Good

Rich Man_, _The Song against Songs_, and the two poems on the English

Road are the sort of infectiously musical things that one learns by heart

without knowing one has done it.

_Old Noah he had an ostrich farm and fowls on the largest scale,_

_He ate his eggs with a ladle in an egg-cup big as a pail,_

_And the soup he took was Elephant Soup, and the fish he took was

whale,_

_But they all were small to the cellar he took when he set out to

sail,_

_And Noah he often said to his wife when he sat down to dine,_

_“I don’t care where the water goes if it doesn’t get into the wine.”_

Lives there a man with soul so dead that when he comes across this or

_The Road to Roundabout_ (which is about the best of the lot) he does not

automatically improvise a tune to it and start, according to his ability,

singing it?

£5 Misspent

Any one who is interested in what nobody has yet asked us to call

the British language must have felt apprehensive if he read the

correspondence recently printed in the _Times_ on the subject of a

synonym for the word “Colonial.” It appears that this word is “strongly

objected to” in the—er—Dominions, and especially in Canada. The Central

Committee of the Overseas Club therefore started a Missing Word

Competition. It offered a prize of £5 for the best synonym and “members

have been most prolific in their ideas.” The examples given of their

fecundity are, however, so malformed as to lead to the hope that in

future they will practise an intellectual Malthusianism. The Chairman of

the Club says that amongst the terms suggested are Britainer, Britonial,

Imperialist, Dominion, Britannian, Britoner, Greater Briton, Anglian

Pan-Briton, and such repulsive composts as Empirean, Transmarine (why not

Ultramarine?), Away-Born, Out-Briton, Co-Briton, Albionian, MacBriton,

and Britson. What those which he does not publish were like one can

only surmise; but no doubt Ap-Briton, O’Briton, Britidian, Britkinson,

Dominisher, Fraternanglian, Nonsunsetton, and Heptathalassian were among

them. And so, possibly, was Oversear.

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