Majors: Norman Lamont and Robert Menzies; Captains: Angus Mackintosh of
Kellachy, Patrick Campbell, Andrew Lawrie, Aeneas Mackintosh of
Mackintosh, Charles Cameron, George Munro, Boyd Porterfield and Law
Robert Campbell; Lieutenants: Robert Hutchison, Alexander Sutherland,
Archibald Campbell, Hugh Lamont, Robert Duncanson, George Stewart,
Charles Barrington Mackenzie, James Christie, James Fraser, Thomas
Fraser, Archibald Balnevis, Dougald Campbell, Lodovick Colquhoun, John
Mackenzie, Hugh Campbell, John Campbell, Arthur Forbes, Patrick
Campbell, Archibald Maclean, David Ross, Robert Grant and Thomas Fraser;
Ensigns: William Gordon, Charles Main, Archibald Campbell, Donald
Cameron, Smollet Campbell, Gilbert Waugh, William Bain, and John Grant;
Chaplain: Malcolm Nicholson; Adjutant: Archibald Campbell;
Quarter-Master: J. Ogilvie; Surgeon: Colin Chisholm.
At the time Fraser's Regiment, or the 71st, was mustered in Glasgow,
there were nearly six thousand Highlanders in that city, of whom three
thousand, belonging to the 42nd, and 71st, were raised and brought from
the North in ten weeks. More men had come up than were required. When
the corps marched for Greenock, these were left behind. So eager were
they to engage against the Americans that many were stowed away, who had
not enlisted. On none of the soldiers was there the appearance of
displeasure at going.
Sometime after the sailing of the fleet it was scattered by a violent
gale, and several of the single ships fell in with, and were scattered
by, American privateers. A transport having Captain, afterward Sir
Aeneas Mackintosh, and his company on board, with two six pounders, made
a resolute defence against a privateer with eight guns, till all the
ammunition was expended, when they bore down with the intention of
boarding; but, the privateer not waiting to receive the shock, set sail,
the transport being unable to follow.
As has been previously noticed, General Howe, on evacuating Boston, did
not leave a vessel off the harbor to warn incoming British ships. Owing
to this neglect, the transport with Colonel Archibald Campbell and Major
Menzies on board sailed into Boston Harbor. The account of the capture
of this transport and others is here subjoined by the participants.
Captain Seth Harding, commander of the Defence, in his report to
Governor Trumbull, under date of June 19, 1776, said:
"I sailed on Sunday last from Plymouth. Soon after we came to sail, I
heard a considerable firing to the northward. In the evening fell in
with four armed schooners near the entrance of Boston harbor, who
informed me they had been engaged with a ship and brig, and were
obliged to quit them. Soon after I came up into Nantasket Roads,
where I found the ship and brig at anchor. I immediately fell in
between the two, and came to anchor about eleven o'clock at night. I
hailed the ship, who answered, from Great Britain. I ordered her to
strike her colors to America. They answered me by asking, What brig
is that? I told them the Defence. I then hailed him again, and told
him I did not want to kill their men; but have the ship I would at
all events, and again desired them to strike; upon which the Major
(since dead) said, Yes, I'll strike, and fired a broadside upon me,
which I immediately returned, upon which an engagement begun, which
continued three glasses, when the ship and brig both struck. In this
engagement I had nine wounded, but none killed. The enemy had
eighteen killed, and a number wounded. My officers and men behaved
with great bravery; no man could have outdone them. We took out of
the above vessels two hundred and ten prisoners, among whom is
Colonel Campbell, of General Frazer's Regiment of Highlanders. The
Major was killed.
Yesterday a ship was seen in the bay, which came towards the entrance
of the harbor, upon which I came to sail, with four schooners in
company. We came up with her, and took her without any engagement.
There were on board about one hundred and twelve Highlanders. As
there are a number more of the same fleet expected every day, and the
General here urges my stay, I shall tarry a few days, and then
proceed for New London. My brig is much damaged in her sails and
rigging."
Colonel Campbell made the following report to Sir William Howe, dated at
Boston, June 19, 1776:
"Sir: I am sorry to inform you that it has been my unfortunate lot to
have fallen into the hands of the Americans in the middle of Boston
harbor; but when the circumstances which have occasioned this
disaster are understood, I flatter myself no reflection will arise to
myself or my officers on account of it. On the 16th of June the
George and Annabella transports, with two companies of the
Seventy-First Regiment of Highlanders, made the land off Cape Ann,
after a passage of seven weeks from Scotland, during the course of
which we had not the opportunity of speaking to a single vessel that
could give us the smallest information of the British troops having
evacuated Boston. On the 17th, at daylight, we found ourselves
opposite to the harbor's mouth at Boston; but, from contrary winds,
it was necessary to make several tacks to reach it. Four schooners
(which we took to be pilots, or armed vessels in the service of his
Majesty, but which were afterwards found to be four American
privateers, of eight carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty men
each) were bearing down upon us at four o'clock in the morning. At
half an hour thereafter two of them engaged us, and about eleven
o'clock the other two were close alongside. The George transport (on
board of which were Major Menzies and myself, with one hundred and
eight of the Second Battalion, the Adjutant, the Quartermaster, two
Lieutenants, and five volunteers, were passengers) had only six
pieces of cannon to oppose them; and the Annabella (on board of which
was Captain McKenzie, together with two subalterns, two volunteers,
and eighty-two private men of the First Battalion) had only two
swivels for her defence. Under such circumstances, I thought it
expedient for the Annabella to keep ahead of the George, that our
artillery might be used with more effect and less obstruction. Two of
the privateers having stationed themselves upon our larboard quarter
and two upon our starboard quarter, a tolerable cannonade ensued,
which, with very few intermissions, lasted till four o'clock in the
evening, when the enemy bore away, and anchored in Plymouth harbor.
Our loss upon this occasion was only three men mortally wounded on
board the George, one killed and one man slightly wounded on board
the Annabella. As my orders were for the port of Boston, I thought it
my duty, at this happy crisis, to push forward into the harbor, not
doubting I should receive protection either from a fort or some ship
of force stationed there for the security of our fleet.
Towards the close of the evening we perceived the four schooners that
were engaged with us in the morning, joined by the brig Defence, of
sixteen carriage-guns, twenty swivels, and one hundred and seventeen
men, and a schooner of eight carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty
men, got under way and made towards us. As we stood up for Nantasket
Road, an American battery opened upon us, which was the first serious
proof we had that there could scarcely be many friends of ours at
Boston; and we were too far embayed to retreat, especially as the
wind had died away, and the tide of flood not half expended. After
each of the vessels had twice run aground, we anchored at George's
Island, and prepared for action; but the Annabella by some
misfortune, got aground so far astern of the George we could expect
but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven o'clock four of
the schooners anchored right upon our bow, and one right astern of
us. The armed brig took her station on our starboard side, at the
distance of two hundred yards, and hailed us to strike the British
flag. Although the mate of our ship and every sailor on board (the
Captain only excepted) refused positively to fight any longer, I have
the pleasure to inform you that there was not an officer,
non-commissioned officer, or private man of the Seventy-First but
what stood to their quarters with a ready and cheerful obedience. On
our refusing to strike the British flag, the action was renewed with
a good deal of warmth on both sides, and it was our misfortune, after
the sharp combat of an hour and a half, to have expended every shot
that we had for our artillery. Under such circumstances, hemmed in as
we were with six privateers, in the middle of an enemy's harbor,
beset with a dead calm, without the power of escaping, or even the
most distant hope of relief, I thought it became my duty not to
sacrifice the lives of gallant men wantonly in the arduous attempt of
an evident impossibility. In this unfortunate affair Major Menzies
and seven private soldiers were killed, the Quartermaster and twelve
private soldiers wounded. The Major was buried with the honors of war
at Boston.
Since our captivity, I have the honor to acquaint you that we have
experienced the utmost civility and good treatment from the people of
power at Boston, insomuch, sir, that I should do injustice to the
feelings of generosity did I not make this particular information
with pleasure and satisfaction. I have now to request of you that, so
soon as the distracted state of this unfortunate controversy will
admit, you will be pleased to take an early opportunity of settling a
cartel for myself and officers.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Archibald Campbell,
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment.
P.S. On my arrival at Boston I found that Captain Maxwell, with the
Light-Infantry of the first battalion of the Seventy-First Regiment,
had the misfortune to fall into the hands of some other privateers,
and were carried into Marblehead the 10th instant. Captain Campbell,
with the Grenadiers of the second battalion, who was ignorant, as we
were, of the evacuation of Boston, stood into the mouth of this
harbor, and was surrounded and taken by eight privateers this
forenoon.
In case of a cartel is established, the following return is, as near
as I can effect, the number of officers, non-commissioned officers,
and private men of the Seventy-First Regiment who are
prisoners-of-war at and in the neighborhood of Boston:
The George transport: Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell;
Lieutenant and Adjutant Archibald Campbell; Lieutenant Archibald
Balneaves; Lieutenant Hugh Campbell; Quartermaster William Ogilvie;
Surgeon's Mate, David Burns; Patrick McDougal, private, and acting
Sergeant-Major; James Flint, volunteer; Dugald Campbell, ditto;
Donald McBane, John Wilson, three Sergeants, four corporals, two
Drummers, ninety private men.
The Annabella transport: Captain George McKinzie; Lieutenant Colin
McKinzie; Ensign Peter Fraser; Mr. McKinzie and Alexander McTavish,
volunteers; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, eighty-one
private men.
Lord Howe transport: Captain Lawrence Campbell; Lieutenant Robert
Duncanson; Lieutenant Archibald McLean; Lieutenant Lewis Colhoun;
Duncan Campbell, volunteer; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two
Drummers, ninety-six private men.
Ann transport: Captain Hamilton Maxwell; Lieutenant Charles Campbell;
Lieutenant Fraser; Lieutenant----; four Sergeants, four Corporals,
two Drummers, ninety-six private men.
Archibald Campbell,
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment."[166]
On account of the treatment received by General Charles Lee, a prisoner
in the hands of Sir William Howe, and the covert threat of condign
punishment on the accusation of treason, Congress resolved, January 6,
1777, that "should the proffered exchange of General Lee, for six
Hessian field-officers, not be accepted, and the treatment of him as
aforementioned be continued, then the principles of retaliation shall
occasion first of the said Hessian field-officers, together with
Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, or any other officers that are or
may be in our possession, equivalent in number or quality, to be
detained, in order that the same treatment, which general Lee shall
receive, may be exactly inflicted upon their persons."
In consequence of this act Colonel Campbell was thrown into Concord
gaol. On February 4th he addressed a letter to Washington giving a
highly colored account of his severe treatment, making it equal to that
inflicted upon the most atrocious criminals; and for the reasons he was
so treated declaring that "the first of this month, I was carried and
lodged in the common gaol of Concord, by an order of Congress, through
the Council of Boston, intimating for a reason, that a refusal of
General Howe to give up General Lee for six field-officers, of whom I
was one, and the placing of that gentleman under the charge of the
Provost at New York, were the motives of their particular ill treatment
of me."
Washington, on February 28, 1777, wrote to the Council of Massachusetts
remonstrating with them and directing Colonel Campbell's enlargement, as
his treatment was not according to the resolve of Congress. The
following day he wrote Colonel Campbell stating that he imagined there
would be a mitigation of what he now suffered. At the same time
Washington wrote to the Congress on the impolicy of so treating Colonel
Campbell, declaring that he feared that the resolutions, if adhered to,
might "produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy nature." On
March 6th he wrote to the president of Congress reaffirming his position
on the impolicy of their attitude towards Colonel Campbell. To the same
he wrote May 28th stating that "notwithstanding my recommendation,
agreeably to what I conceived to be the sense of Congress,
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell's treatment continues to be such as cannot
be justified either on the principles of generosity or strict
retaliation; as I have authentic information, and I doubt not you will
have the same, that General Lee's situation is far from being rigorous
or uncomfortable." To Sir William Howe, he wrote June 10th, that
"Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and the Hessian field-officers, will be
detained till you recognise General Lee as a prisoner of war, and put
him on the footing of claim. * * * The situation of Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell, as represented by you, is such as I neither wished nor
approve. Upon the first intimation of his complaints, I wrote upon the
subject, and hoped there would have been no further cause of uneasiness.
That, gentleman, I am persuaded, will do me the justice to say, he has
received no ill treatment at my instance. Unnecessary severity and every
species of insult I despise, and, I trust, none will ever have just
reason to censure me in this respect." At this time Colonel Campbell was
not in the gaol but in the jailer's house. On June 2d Congress ordered
that Colonel Campbell and the five Hessian officers should be treated
"with kindness, generosity, and tenderness, consistent with the safe
custody of their persons."
Congress finally decided that General Prescott, who had been recently
captured, should be held as a hostage for the good treatment of General
Lee, and Washington was authorized to negotiate an exchange of
prisoners.
March 10, 1778, in a letter addressed to Washington by Sir William Howe,
he concludes as follows:
"When the agreement was concluded upon to appoint commissioners to
settle a general exchange, I expected there would have been as much
expedition used in returning Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, and the
Hessian field-officers, as in returning Major-General Prescott, and
that the cartel might have been finished by the time of the arrival
of General Lee. If, however, there should be any objection to General
Prescott's remaining at New York, until the aforementioned officers
are sent in, he shall, to avoid altercation, be returned upon
requisition."
To this Washington replied:
"Valley Forge, 12 March, 1778.
Sir:--Your letter of the 10th came to hand last night. The meeting of
our commissioners cannot take place till the time appointed in my
last.
I am not able to conceive on what principle it should be imagined,
that any distinction, injurious to Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and
the Hessian field officers, still exists. That they have not yet been
returned on parole is to be ascribed solely to the remoteness of
their situation. Mr. Boudinot informs me, that he momentarily expects
their arrival, in prosecution of our engagement. You are well aware,
that the distinction originally made, with respect to them, was in
consequence of your discrimination to the prejudice of General Lee.
On your receding from that discrimination, and agreeing to a mutual
releasement of officers on parole, the difficulty ceased, and General
Prescott was sent into New York, in full expectation, that General
Lee would come out in return. So far from adhering to any former
exception, I had particularly directed my commissary of prisoners to
release Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, in lieu of Lieutenant Colonel
Ethan Allen."
It was not, however, until May 5, 1778 that Washington succeeded in
exchanging Colonel Campbell for Colonel Ethan Allen.[167] His
imprisonment did not have any effect on his treatment of those who
afterwards fell into his hands.
The death of Major Menzies was an irreparable loss to the corps, for he
was a man of judgment and experience, and many of the officers and all
the sergeants and soldiers totally inexperienced. Colonel Campbell was
experienced as an engineer, but was a stranger to the minor and interior
discipline of the line. But when it is considered that the force opposed
to Fraser's regiment was also undisciplined, the duty and responsibility
became less arduous.
The greater part of the 71st safely landed towards the end of July, 1776
on Staten Island and were immediately brought to the front. The
grenadiers were placed in the battalion under Lieutenant-Colonel Charles
Stuart, and the light infantry in Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Abercromby's
brigade; the other companies were formed into three small battalions in
brigades, under Sir William Erskine, then appointed Brigadier-General.
In this manner, and, as has been noticed, without training, these men
were brought into action at Brooklin. Nine hundred men of the 42nd,
engaged on this occasion, were as inexperienced as those of the 71st,
but they had the advantage of the example of three hundred old soldiers,
on which to form their habits, together with officers of long
experience.
The first proof of their capacity, energy and steadfastness was at the
battle of Brooklin, where they fully met the expectations of their
commander. They displayed great eagerness to push the Americans to
extremities, and to compel them to abandon their strong position.
General Howe, desiring to spare their lives, called them back. The loss
sustained by this regiment, in the engagement was three rank and file
killed, and two sergeants and nine rank and file wounded.
The regiment passed the winter at Amboy, and in the skirmishing warfare
of the next campaign was in constant employment, particularly so in the
expeditions against Willsborough and Westfield, with which the
operations for 1777 commenced. Immediately afterwards the army embarked
for the Chesapeake. In the battle of Brandywine, a part of the 71st was
actively engaged, and the regiment remained in Pennsylvania until
November, when they embarked for New York. Here they were joined by two
hundred recruits who had arrived from Scotland in September. These men
along with one hundred more recovered from the hospital, formed a small
corps under Captain Colin Mackenzie and acted as light infantry in an
expedition up the North river to create a diversion in favor of General
Burgoyne's movements. This corps led a successful assault on Fort
Montgomery on October 6th, in which they displayed great courage.
Captain Mackenzie's troops led the assault, and although so many were
recruits, it was said that they exhibited conduct worthy of veterans.
In the year 1778, the 71st regiment accompanied lord Cornwallis on an
expedition into the Jerseys, distinguished by a series of movements and
countermovements. Stewart says that on the excursion into the Jerseys "a
corps of cavalry, commanded by the Polish count Pulaski, were surprised
and nearly cut to pieces by the light infantry under Sir James
Baird."[168] This must refer to the expedition against Little Egg
Harbor, on the eastern coast of New Jersey, which was a noted place of
rendezvous for American privateers. The expedition was commanded by
Captain Patrick Ferguson, many of whose troops were American royalists.
They failed in their design, but made extensive depredations on both
public and private property. A deserter from count Pulaski's command
informed Captain Ferguson that a force had been sent to check these
ravages and was now encamped twelve miles up the river. Captain Ferguson
proceeded to surprise the force, and succeeded. He surrounded the houses
at night in which the unsuspecting infantry were sleeping, and in his
report of the affair said:
"It being a night-attack, little quarter, of course, could be given;
so there were only five prisoners!"
He had butchered fifty of the infantry on the spot, when the approach of
count Pulaski's horse caused him to make a rapid retreat to his boats,
and a flight down the river.[169] Such expeditions only tended to arouse
the Americans and express the most determined hatred towards their
oppressors. They uttered vows of vengeance which they sought in every
way to execute.
An expedition consisting of the Highlanders, two regiments of Hessians,
a corps of provincials, and a detachment of artillery, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, sailed from Sandy Hook, November
29, 1778, and after a stormy passage reached the Savannah river by the
end of December. The 1st battalion of the 71st, and the light infantry,
under the immediate command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, landed,
without opposition a short distance below the town of Savannah. Captain
Cameron, without delay, advanced to attack the American advanced posts,
when he and three of his men were killed by a volley. The rest instantly
charged and drove the Americans back on the main body, drawn up in a
line on an open plain in the rear of the town. The disembarkation, with
the necessary arrangements for an attack was soon completed. At that
time Savannah was an open town, without any natural strength, save that
of the woods which covered both sides. Colonel Campbell formed his
troops in line, and detached Sir James Baird with the light infantry
through a narrow path, to get round the right flank of the Americans,
while the corps, which had been Captain Cameron's, was sent round the
left. The main army in front made demonstrations to attack. The
Americans were so occupied with the main body that they did not perceive
the flanking movements, and were thus easily surrounded. When they
realized the situation they fled in great confusion. The light infantry
closing in upon both flanks of the retreating Americans, they greatly
suffered, losing upwards of one hundred killed and five hundred wounded
and prisoners, with a British loss of but four soldiers killed and five
wounded. The town then surrendered and the British took possession of
all the shipping, stores, and forty-five cannon.
Flushed with success Colonel Campbell made immediate preparations to
advance against Augusta, situated in the interior about one hundred and
fifty miles distant. No opposition was manifested, and the whole
province of Georgia, apparently submitted. Colonel Campbell established
himself in Augusta, and detached Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, with two
hundred men to the frontiers of Georgia. Meanwhile General Prevost,
having arrived at Savannah from Florida, assumed command. Judging the
ground occupied to be too extensive, he ordered Augusta evacuated and
the lines narrowed. This retrograde movement emboldened the Americans
and they began to collect in great numbers, and hung on the rear of the
British, cutting off stragglers, and frequently skirmishing with the
rear guard. Although uniformly maintaining themselves, this retreat
dispirited the royalists (commonly called tories), and left them
unprotected and unwilling to render assistance.
It appears that the policy of General Prevost was not to encourage the
establishing of a provincial militia, so that the royalists were left
behind without arms or employment, and the patriots formed bands and
traversed the country without control. To keep these in check, inroads
were made into the interior, and in this manner the winter months
passed. Colonel Campbell, who had acted on a different system, obtained
leave of absence and embarked for England, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel
Maitland in command of the 71st regiment.
The regiment remained inactive till the month of February 1779, when it
was employed in an enterprise against Brier Creek, forty miles below
Augusta, a strong position defended by upwards of two thousand men,
besides one thousand occupied in detached stations. In front was a deep
swamp, rendered passable only by a narrow causeway, and on each flank
thick woods nearly impenetrable, but the position was open to the rear.
In order to dislodge the Americans from this position Lieutenant-Colonel
Duncan Macpherson, with the first battalion of the Highlanders, was
directed to march upon the front of the position; whilst Colonel Prevost
and Lieutenant Colonels Maitland and Macdonald, with the 2d battalion of
the Highlanders, the light infantry, and a detachment of provincials,
were ordered to attempt the rear by a circuitous route of forty-nine
miles. Notwithstanding the length of the march through a difficult
country, the movements were so well regulated, that in ten minutes after
Colonel Macpherson appeared at the head of the causeway in front,
Colonel Maitland's fire was heard in the rear, and Sir James Baird, with
the light infantry rushed through the openings in the swamp on the left
flank. The attack was made on March 3rd. The Americans under General
Ashe were completely surprised. The entire army was lost by death,
captivity and dispersion. On this occasion one fourth of General
Lincoln's army was destroyed. The loss of the Highlanders being five
soldiers killed, and one officer and twelve rank and file wounded.
General Prevost was active and next determined to invade South Carolina.
Towards the close of April he crossed the Savannah river, with the
troops engaged at Brier's Creek, and a large body of royalists and Creek
Indians, and made slow marches towards Charleston. In the meantime
General Lincoln had been active and recruited vigorously, and now
mustered five thousand men under his command. Whilst General Prevost
marched against General Lincoln's front, the former ordered the 71st to
make a circuitous march of several miles and attack the rear. Guided by
a party of Creek Indians the Highlanders entered a woody swamp at eleven
o'clock at night, in traversing which they were frequently up to the
shoulders in the swamp. They emerged from the woods the next morning at
eight o'clock with their ammunition destroyed. They were now within a
half mile of General Lincoln's rear guard which they attacked and drove
from their position without sustaining loss. Reaching Charleston on May
11th General Prevost demanded instantly its surrender, but a dispatch
from General Lincoln notified the people that he was coming to their
relief. General Prevost, fearing that General Lincoln would cut off his
communication with Savannah, commenced his retreat towards that city, at
midnight, along the coast. This route exposed his troops to much
suffering, having to march through unfrequented woods, salt water
marshes and swamps. Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost, the Quartermaster-General,
and a man of the name of Macgirt, and a person under his orders, had gone
on a foraging expedition, and were not returned from their operations; and
in order to protect them Colonel Maitland, with a battalion of Highlanders
and some Hessians, was placed in a hastily constructed redoubt at Stono
Ferry, ten miles below Charleston. On June 20th these men were attacked by
a part of General Lincoln's force. When their advance was reported,
Captain Colin Campbell, with four officers and fifty-six men, was sent
out to reconnoitre. A thick wood covered the approach of the Americans till
they reached a clear field on which Captain Campbell's party stood.
Immediately he attacked the Americans and a desperate resistance ensued;
all the officers and non-commissioned officers of the Highlanders fell,
seven soldiers alone remaining on their feet. It was not intended that
the resistance should be of such a nature, but most of the men had been
captured in Boston Harbor, and had only been recently exchanged, and
this being their first appearance before an enemy, and thought it was
disgraceful to retreat when under fire. When Captain Campbell fell he
directed his men to make the best of their way to the redoubt; but they
refused to obey, and leave their officers on the field. The Americans,
at this juncture ceased firing, and the seven soldiers carried their
officers along with them, followed by such as were able to walk. The
Americans advanced on the redoubts with partial success. The Hessians
having got into confusion in the redoubt, which they occupied, the
Americans forced an entrance, but the 71st having driven back those who
attacked their redoubt, Colonel Maitland was enabled to detach two
companies of Highlanders to the support of the Hessians. The Americans
were instantly driven out of the redoubt at the point of the bayonet,
and while preparing for another attempt, the 2d battalion of Highlanders
came up, when despairing of success they retreated at all points,
leaving many killed and wounded.
The resistance offered by Captain Campbell afforded their friends in the
redoubts time to prepare, and likewise to the 2d battalion in the island
to march by the difficult and circuitous route left open for them. The
delay in the 2d battalion was also caused by a want of boats. Two
temporary ferry-boats had been established, but the men in charge ran
away as soon as the firing began. The Americans opened a galling fire on
the men as they stood on the banks of the river. Lieutenant Robert
Campbell plunged into the water and swam across, followed by a few
soldiers, returned with the boats, and thus enabled the battalion to
cross over to the support of their friends. Five hundred and twenty
Highlanders and two hundred Hessians successfully resisted all the
efforts of the Americans twelve hundred strong, and this with a trifling
loss in comparison to the service rendered. When the Americans fell
back, the whole garrison sallied out, but the light troops covered the
retreat so successfully, that all the wounded were brought off. In
killed and wounded the Americans lost one hundred and forty-six and one
hundred and fifty missing. The British loss was three officers and
thirty-two soldiers killed and wounded. Three days afterwards, the
foraging party having returned, the British evacuated Stono Ferry, and
retreated from island to island, until they reached Beaufort, on Port
Royal, where Colonel Maitland was left with seven hundred men, while
General Prevost, with the main body of the army, continued his difficult
and harrassing march to Savannah.
In the month of September 1779, the count D'Estaing arrived on the coast
of Georgia with a fleet of twenty sail of the line, two fifty gun ships,
seven frigates, and transports, with a body of troops on board for the
avowed purpose of retaking Savannah. The garrison consisted of two
companies of the 16th regiment, two of the 60th, one battalion of
Highlanders, and one weak battalion of Hessians; in all about eleven
hundred effective men. The combined force of French and Americans was
four thousand nine hundred and fifty men. While General Lincoln and his
force were approaching the French effected a landing at Beuley and
Thunderbolt, without opposition. General McIntosh urged count D'Estaing
to make an immediate assault upon the British works. This advice was
rejected, and count D'Estaing advanced within three miles of Savannah
and demanded an unconditional surrender to the king of France. General
Prevost asked for a truce until next day which was granted, and in the
meanwhile twelve hundred white men and negroes were employed in
strengthening the fortifications and mounting additional ordnance. This
truce General Lincoln at once perceived was fatal to the success of the
beseigers, for he had ascertained that Colonel Maitland, with his
troops, was on his way from Beaufort, to reinforce General Prevost, and
that his arrival within twenty-four hours, was the object which was
designed by the truce. Colonel Maitland, conducted by a negro fisherman,
passed through a creek with his boats, at high water, and concealed by a
fog, eluded the French, and entered the town on the afternoon of
September 17th. His arrival gave General Prevost courage, and towards
evening he sent a note to count D'Estaing, bearing a positive refusal to
capitulate. All energies were now bent towards taking the town by
regular approaches. Ground was broken on the morning of September 23rd,
and night and day the besiegers plied the spade, and so vigorously was
the work prosecuted, that in the course of twelve days fifty-three
cannon and fourteen mortars were mounted. During these days two sorties
were made. The morning of September 24th, Major Colin Graham, with the
light company of the 16th regiment, and the two Highland battalions,
dashed out, attacked the besiegers, drove them from their works, and
then retired with the loss of Lieutenant Henry Macpherson of the 71st,
and three privates killed, and fifteen wounded. On September 27th, Major
Macarthur, with the pickets of the Highlanders advanced with such
caution and address, that, after firing a few rounds, the French and
Americans, mistaking their object, commenced a fire on each other, by
which they lost fifty men; and, in the meantime Major Macarthur retired.
These sorties had no effect on the general operations.
On the morning of October 4th, the batteries having been all completed
and manned, a terrible bombardment was opened upon the British works and
the town. The French frigate Truite also opened a cannonade. Houses were
shattered, men, women and children were killed or maimed, and terror
reigned. Day and night the cannonade was continued until the 9th.
Victory was within the grasp of the besiegers, when count D'Estaing
became impatient and determined on an assault. Just before dawn on the
morning of the 9th four thousand five hundred men of the combined armies
moved to the assault, in the midst of a dense fog and under cover of a
heavy fire from the batteries. They advanced in three columns, the
principal one commanded by count D'Estaing in person, assisted by
General Lincoln; another column by count Dillon. The left column taking
a great circuit got entangled in a swamp, and, being exposed to the guns
of the garrison, was unable to advance. The others made the advance in
the best manner, but owing to the fire of the batteries suffered
severely. Many entered the ditch, and even ascended and planted the
colors on the parapet, where several were killed. Captain Tawse, of the
71st, who commanded the redoubt, plunged his sword into the first man
who mounted, and was himself shot dead by the man who followed. Captain
Archibald Campbell then assumed the command, and maintained his post
till supported by the grenadiers of the 60th, when the assaulting column
being attacked on both sides, was completely broken, and driven back
with such expedition, that a detachment of the 71st, ordered by Colonel
Maitland to hasten and assist those who were so hard pressed by superior
numbers, could not overtake them. The other columns, seeing the
discomfiture of the principal attack, retired without any further
attempt.
It is the uniform testimony of those who have studied this siege that if
count D'Estaing had immediately on landing made the attack, the garrison
must have succumbed. General Lincoln, although his force was greatly
diminished by the action just closed, wished to continue the siege; but
count D'Estaing resolved on immediate departure. General Lincoln was
indignant, but concealed his wrath; and being too weak to carry on the
siege alone, he at last consented to abandon it.
The French loss, in killed and wounded, was six hundred and thirty-seven
men, and the American four hundred and fifty-seven. The British lost one
captain, two subalterns, four sergeants, and thirty-two soldiers,
killed; and two captains, two sergeants, two drummers, and fifty-six
soldiers, wounded. Colonel Maitland was attacked with a bilious disease
during the siege and soon after died. The British troops had been sickly
before Savannah was attacked; but the soldiers were reanimated, and
sickness, in a manner, was suspended, during active operations. But when
the Americans withdrew, and all excitement had ceased, sickness returned
with aggravated violence, and fully one fourth the men were sent to the
hospital.
While these operations were going on in Georgia and South Carolina a
disaster overtook the grenadiers of the 71st who were posted at Stony
Point and Verplanks, in the state of New York. Washington planned the
attack on Stony Point and deputed General Wayne to execute it. So
secretly was the whole movement conducted, that the British garrison was
unsuspicious of danger. At eight o'clock, on the evening of July 15,
1779, General Wayne took post in a hollow, within two miles of the fort
on Stony Point, and there remained unperceived until midnight, when he
formed his men into two columns, Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury leading one
division and Major Stewart the other. At the head of each was a forlorn
hope of twenty men. Both parties were close upon the works before they
were discovered. A skirmish with the pickets at once ensued, the
Americans using the bayonet only. In a few moments the entire works were
manned, and the Americans were compelled to press forward in the face of
a terrible storm of grape shot and musket balls. Over the ramparts and
into the fort both columns pushed their way. At two o'clock the morning
of the 16th, General Wayne wrote to Washington:
"The fort and garrison, with Colonel Johnson, are ours. The officers
and men behaved like men who were determined to be free."
The British lost nineteen soldiers killed, and one captain, two
subalterns, and seventy two soldiers, wounded; and, in all, including
prisoners, six hundred. The principal part of this loss fell upon the
picket, commanded by Lieutenant Cumming of the 71st, which resisted one
of the columns till almost all of the men of the picket, were either
killed or wounded, Lieutenant Cumming being among the latter. The
Americans lost fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded.
The force which had so ably defended Savannah remained there in quarters
during the winter of 1779 and 1780. In the month of March 1780, Sir
Henry Clinton arrived before Charleston with a force from New York,
which he immediately invested and rigorously pushed the siege. The chief
engineer, Captain Moncrieff was indefatigable, and being fearless of
danger, was careless of the lives of others. Having served two years
with the 71st, and believing it would gratify the Highlanders to select
them for dangerous service, he generally applied for a party of that
corps for all exposed duties.
After the surrender of Charleston, on May 12, 1780, to the army under
Sir Henry Clinton, the British forces in the southern states were placed
under the command of lord Cornwallis. The 71st composed a part of this
army, and with it advanced into the interior. In the beginning of June,
the army amounting to twenty-five hundred, reached Camden, a central
place fixed upon for headquarters. The American general, Horatio Gates,
having, in July, assembled a force marched towards Camden. The people
generally were in arms and the British officers perplexed. Major
Macarthur who was at Cheraw to encourage the royalists, was ordered to
fall back towards Camden. Lord Cornwallis, seeing the gathering storm
hastily left Charleston and joined lord Rawdon at Camden, arriving there
on August 13th. Both generals of the opposing forces on the night of
August 15th moved towards each other with the design of making an
attack. The British troops consisted of the 23d and 33d regiments, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Webster; Tarleton's legion; Irish volunteers; a part
of Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Regiment; Bryan's corps
of royalists, under lord Rawdon, with two six and two three pounders
commanded by Lieutenant McLeod; and the 71st regiment. Camden was left
in the care of Major Macarthur, with the sick and convalescents.
Both armies were surprised, and each fired at the same moment, which
occurred at three o'clock on the morning of August 16th. Both generals,
ignorant of each other's force, declined general action, and lay on
their arms till morning. When the British army formed in line of battle,
the light infantry of the Highlanders, and the Welsh fusileers were on
the right; the 33d regiment and the Irish volunteers occupied the
center; the provincials were on the left, with the marshy ground in
their front. While the army was thus forming, Captain Charles Campbell,
who commanded the Highland light companies on the right, placed himself
on the stump of an old tree to reconnoitre, and observing the Americans
moving as with the intention of turning his flank, leaped down, and
giving vent to an oath, called to his men, "Remember you are light
infantry; remember you are Highlanders: Charge!" The attack was rapid
and irresistible, and being made before the Americans had completed
their movement by which they were to surround the British right, they
were broken and driven from the field, prior to the beginning of the
battle in other parts of the line. When the battle did commence the
American center gained ground. Lord Cornwallis opened his center to the
right and left, till a considerable space intervened, and then directed
the Highlanders to move forward and occupy the vacant space. When this
was done, he cried out, "My brave Highlanders, now is your time." They
instantly rushed forward accompanied by the Irish volunteers and the
33d, and penetrated and completely overthrew the American column.
However the American right continued to advance and gained the ground on
which the Highlanders had been placed originally as a reserve. They gave
three cheers for victory; but the smoke clearing up they saw their
mistake. A party of Highlanders turning upon them, the greater part
threw down their arms, while the remainder fled in all directions. The
victory was complete. The loss of the British was one captain, one
subaltern, two sergeants, and sixty-four soldiers killed; and two field
officers, three captains, twelve subalterns, thirteen sergeants, and two
hundred and thirteen soldiers wounded. The Highlanders lost Lieutenant
Archibald Campbell and eight soldiers killed; and Captain Hugh Campbell,
Lieutenant John Grant, two sergeants, and thirty privates wounded. The
loss of the Americans was never ascertained, but estimated at seven
hundred and thirty two.
General Sumter, with a strong corps, occupied positions on the Catawba
river, which commanded the road to Charleston, and from which lord
Cornwallis found it necessary to dislodge him. For this purpose Colonel
Tarleton was sent with the cavalry and a corps of light infantry, under
Captain Charles Campbell of the 71st regiment. The heat was excessive;
many of the horses failed on the march, and not more than forty of the
infantry were together in front, when, on the morning of the 18th, they
came in sight of Fishing Creek, and on their right saw the smoke at a
short distance. The sergeant of the advanced guard halted his party and
then proceeded to ascertain the cause of the smoke. He saw the
encampment, with arms piled, but a few sentinels and no pickets. He
returned and reported the same to Captain Campbell who commanded in
front. With his usual promptness Captain Campbell formed as many of the
cavalry as had come up, and with the party of Highland infantry, rushed
forward, and directing their route to the piled arms, quickly secured
them and surprised the camp. The success was complete; a few were
killed; nearly five hundred taken prisoners, and the rest dispersed. But
the victory was dampened by the loss of the gallant Captain Campbell,
who was killed by a random shot.
These partial successes were soon counterbalanced by defeats of greater
importance. From what had been of great discouragement, the Americans
soon rallied, and threatened the frontiers of South Carolina, and on
October 7th overthrew Major Ferguson at King's Mountain, who sustained a
total loss of eleven hundred and five men, out of eleven hundred and
twenty-five. At the plantation of Blackstocks, November 20th, Colonel
Tarleton, with four hundred of his command, engaged General Sumter, when
the former was driven off with a loss of ninety killed, and about one
hundred wounded. The culminating point of these reverses was the battle
of the Cowpens.
A new commander for the southern department took charge of the American
forces, in the person of Major-General Nathaniel Greene, who stood, in
military genius, second only to Washington, and who was thoroughly
imbued with the principles practiced by that great man. Lord Cornwallis,
the ablest of the British tacticians engaged in the American Revolution,
found more than his equal in General Greene. He had been appointed to
the command of the Southern Department, by Washington, on October 30,
1780, and immediately proceeded to the field of labor, and on December
3rd, took formal command of the army, and was exceedingly active in the
arrangement of the army, and in wisely directing its movements. His
first arrangement was to divide his army into two detachments, the
larger of which, under himself was to be stationed opposite Cheraw Hill,
on the east side of the Pedee river, about seventy miles to the right of
the British army, then at Winnsborough. The other, composed of about one
thousand troops, under General Daniel Morgan, was placed some fifty
miles to the left, near the junction of Broad and Parcolet rivers.
Colonel Tarleton was detached to disperse the little army of General
Morgan, having with him, the 7th or Fusileers, the 1st battalion of
Fraser's Highlanders, or 71st, two hundred in number, a detachment of
the British Legion, and three hundred cavalry. Intelligence was
received, on the morning of January 17, 1781, that General Morgan was
drawn up in front on rising ground. The British were hastily formed,
with the Fusileers, the Legion, and the light infantry in front, and the
Highlanders and cavalry forming the reserve. As soon as formed the line
was ordered to advance rapidly. Exhausted by running, it received the
American fire at the distance of thirty or forty paces. The effect was
so great as to produce something of a recoil. The fire was returned; and
the light infantry made two attempts to charge, but were repulsed with
loss. The Highlanders next were ordered up, and rapidly advancing in
charge, the American front line gave way and retreated through an open
space in the second line. This manoeuvre was made without interfering
with the ranks of those who were now to oppose the Highlanders, who ran
in to take advantage of what appeared to them to be a confusion of the
Americans. The second line threw in a fire upon the 71st, when within
forty yards which was so destructive that nearly one half their number
fell; and those who remained were so scattered, having run a space of
five hundred yards at full speed, that they could not be united to form
a charge with the bayonet. They did not immediately fall back, but
engaged in some irregular firing, when the American line pushed forward
to the right flank of the Highlanders, who now realized that there was
no prospect of support, and while their number was diminishing that of
their foe was increasing. They first wavered, then began to retire, and
finally to run. This is said to have been the first instance of a
Highland regiment running from an enemy.[170] This repulse struck a
panic into those whom they left in the rear, and who fled in the
greatest confusion. Order and command were lost, and the rout became
general. Few of the infantry escaped, and the cavalry saved itself by
putting their horses to full speed. The Highlanders reformed in the
rear, and might have made a soldier-like retreat if they had been
supported.
The battle of the Cowpens was disastrous in its consequences to the
British interests, as it inspired the Americans with confidence. Colonel
Tarleton had been connected with frequent victories, and his name was
associated with that of terror. He was able on a quick dash, but by no
means competent to cope with the solid judgment and long experience of
General Morgan. The disposition of the men under General Morgan was
judicious; and the conduct of Colonels Washington and Howard, in
wheeling and manoeuvering their corps, and throwing in such
destructive volleys on the Highlanders, would have done credit to any
commander. To the Highlanders the defeat was particularly unfortunate.
Their officers were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of their men,
and imputing the disaster altogether to the bad dispositions of Colonel
Tarleton, made representations to lord Cornwallis, not to be employed
again under the same officer, a request with which compliance was made.
This may be the reason that Colonel Tarleton gives them no credit in his
"History of the Campaigns," published in 1787. He admits his loss to
have been three hundred killed and wounded and near four hundred
prisoners.[171]
After the battle of the Cowpens lord Cornwallis with increased exertions
followed the main body of the Americans under General Greene, who
retreated northward. The army was stripped of all superfluous baggage.
The two battalions of the 71st now greatly reduced, were consolidated
into one, and formed in a brigade with the 33d and Welsh Fusileers. Much
skirmishing took place on the march, when, on March 16th, General Greene
believing his army sufficiently strong to withstand the shock of battle
drew up his force at Guilford Court House, in three lines.
The British line was formed of the German regiment of De Bos, the
Highlanders, and guards, under General Leslie, on the right; and the
Welsh Fusileers, 33d regiment, and second battalion of guards, under
General Charles O'Hara, on the left; the cavalry was in the rear
supported by the light infantry of the guards and the German Yagers. At
one o'clock the battle opened. The Americans, covered by a fence in
their front, maintained their position with confidence, and withheld
their fire till the British line was within forty paces, when a
destructive fire was poured into Colonel Webster's brigade, killing and
wounding nearly one-third. The brigade returned the fire, and rushed
forward, when the Americans retreated on the second line. The regiment
of De Bos and the 33d met with a more determined resistance, having
retreated and advanced repeatedly before they succeeded in driving the
Americans from the field. In the meantime, a party of the guards pressed
on with eagerness, but were charged on their right flank by a body of
cavalry which broke their line. The retreating Americans seeing the
effect of this charge, turned and recommenced firing. The Highlanders,
who had now pushed round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in rear
of the left of the enemy, and, rushing forward with shouts, made such an
impression on the Americans, that they immediately fled, abandoning
their guns and ammunition.
This battle, although nominally a victory for the British commander, was
highly beneficial to the patriots. Both armies displayed consummate
skill. Lord Cornwallis on the 19th decamped, leaving behind him between
seventy and eighty of his wounded soldiers, and all the American
prisoners who were wounded, and left the country to the mercy of his
enemy. The total loss of the British was ninety-three killed, and four
hundred and eleven wounded. The Highlanders lost Ensign Grant, and
eleven soldiers killed, and four sergeants and forty-six soldiers
wounded. It was long a tradition, in the neighborhood, that many of the
Highlanders, who were in the van, fell near the fence, from behind which
the North Carolinians rose and fired.
The British army retreated in the direction of Cross Creek, the
Americans following closely in the rear. At Cross Creek, the heart of
the Highland settlement in North Carolina, lord Cornwallis had hoped to
rest his wearied army, a third of whom was sick and wounded and was
obliged to carry them in wagons, or on horseback. The remainder were
without shoes and worn down with fatigue. Owing to the surrounding
conditions, the army took up its weary march to Wilmington, where it was
expected there would be supplies, of which they were in great need. Here
the army halted from April 17th to the 26th, when it proceeded on the
route to Petersburg, in Virginia, and to form a junction with General
Phillips, who had recently arrived there with three thousand men. The
march was a difficult one. Before them was several hundred miles of
country, which did not afford an active friend. No intelligence could be
obtained, and no communication could be established. On May 25th the
army reached Petersburg, where the united force amounted to six thousand
men. The army then proceeded to Portsmouth, and when preparing to cross
the river at St. James' Island, the Marquis de Lafayette, ignorant of
their number, with two thousand men, made a gallant attack. After a
sharp resistance he was repulsed, and the night approaching favored his
retreat. After this skirmish the British army marched to Portsmouth, and
thence to Yorktown, where a position was taken on the York river on
August 22nd.
From the tables given by lord Cornwallis, in his "Answer to the
Narrative of Sir Henry Clinton"[172] the following condition of the 71st
at different periods on the northward march, is extracted:
January 15, 1781, 1st Battalion 249 2nd Battalion 237 Light Company 69
February 1, 1781, " --- " 234 ----
March 1, 1781, " --- " 212 ----
April 1, 1781, " --- " 161 ----
May 1, 1781, Two Battalions 175
June 1, 1781, Second Battalion 164
July 1, 1781, " " 161
August 1, 1781, " " 167
Sept. 1, 1781, " " 162
Oct. 1, 1781, " " 160
The encampment at Yorktown was formed on an elevated platform, nearly
level, on the bank of the river, and of a sandy soil. On the right of
the position, extended from the river, a ravine of about forty feet in
depth, and more than one hundred yards in breadth; the center was formed
by a horn-work of entrenchments; and an extensive redoubt beyond the
ravine on the right, and two smaller redoubts on the left, also advanced
beyond the entrenchments, constituted the principal defences of the
camp.
On the morning of September 28, 1781, the combined French and American
armies, twelve thousand strong, left Williamsburg by different roads,
and marched towards Yorktown, and on the 30th the allied armies had
completely invested the British works. Batteries were erected, and
approaches made in the usual manner. During the first four days the fire
was directed against the redoubt on the right, which was reduced to a
heap of sand. On the left the redoubts were taken by storm and the guns
turned on the other parts of the entrenchments. One of these redoubts
had been manned by some soldiers of the 71st. Although the defence of
this redoubt was as good and well contested as that of the others, the
regiment thought its honor so much implicated, that a petition was drawn
up by the men, and carried by the commanding officer to lord Cornwallis,
to be permitted to retake it. The proposition was not acceded to, for
the siege had reached such a stage that it was not deemed necessary.
Among the incidents related of the Highlanders during the siege, is that
of a soliloquy, overheard by two captains, of an old Highland gentleman,
a lieutenant, who, drawing his sword, said to himself, "Come, on,
Maister Washington, I'm unco glad to see you; I've been offered money
for my commission, but I could na think of gangin' hame without a sight
of you. Come on."[173]
The situation of the besieged daily grew more critical, the whole
encampment was open to assault, and exposed to a constant and enfilading
fire. In this dilemma lord Cornwallis resolved to decamp with the elite
of his army, by crossing the river and leaving a small force to
capitulate. The first division embarked and some had reached the
opposite shore at Gloucester Point, when a violent storm of wind
rendered the passage dangerous, and the attempt was consequently
abandoned. The British army then surrendered to Washington, and the
troops marched out of their works on October 20th.
The loss of the garrison was six officers, thirteen sergeants, four
drummers and one hundred and thirty-three rank and file killed; six
officers, twenty-four sergeants, eleven drummers, and two hundred and
eighty-four wounded. Of these the 71st lost Lieutenant Thomas Fraser and
nine soldiers killed; three drummers and nineteen soldiers wounded. The
whole number surrendered by capitulation was a little more than seven
thousand making a total loss of about seven thousand eight hundred. Of
the arms and stores there were seventy-five brass, and one hundred and
sixty iron cannon; seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-four muskets;
twenty-eight regimental standards; a large quantity of cannon and
musket-balls, bombs, carriages, &c., &c. The military chest contained
nearly eleven thousand dollars in specie.
Thus ended the military service of an army, proud and haughty, that had,
within a year marched and counter-marched nearly two thousand miles, had
forded streams, some of them in the face of an enemy, had fought two
pitched battles and engaged in numerous skirmishes. With all their
labors and achievements, they accomplished nothing of real value to the
cause they represented.
Fraser's Highlanders remained prisoners until the conclusion of
hostilities. During their service their character was equal to their
courage. Among them disgraceful punishments were unknown. When prisoners
and solicited by the Americans to join their standard and settle among
them, not one of them broke the oath he had taken, a virtue not
generally observed on that occasion, for many soldiers joined the
Americans. On the conclusion of hostilities the 71st was released,
ordered to Scotland, and discharged at Perth in 1783.
SEVENTY-FOURTH OR ARGYLE HIGHLANDERS.
The particulars of the 74th or Argyle Highlanders, and the 76th, or
Macdonald's Highlanders, are but slightly touched upon by Colonel David
Stewart of Garth, in his "Sketches of the Highlanders," by Dr. James
Browne, in his "History of the Highlands," and by John S. Keltie, in his
"History of the Scottish Highlands." Even Lieutenant-General Samuel
Graham, who was a captain in the 76th, in his "Memoirs," gives but a
slight account of his regiment. So a very imperfect view can only be
expected in this narration.
The 74th or Argyle Highlanders was raised by Colonel John Campbell of
Barbreck, who had served as captain and major of Fraser's Highlanders in
the Seven Years' War. In the month of December 1777 letters of service
were granted to him, and the regiment was completed in May 1778. In this
regiment were more Lowlanders, than in any other of the same description
raised during that period. All the officers, except four, were
Highlanders, while of the soldiers only five hundred and ninety were of
the same country, the others being from Glasgow, and the western
districts of Scotland. The name of Campbell mustered strong; the three
field-officers, six captains, and fourteen subalterns, being of that
name. Among the officers was the chief of the Macquarries, being
sixty-two years of age when he entered the army in 1778.
The regiment mustering nine hundred and sixty, rank and file, embarked
at Greenock in August, and landed at Halifax in Nova Scotia, where it
remained garrisoned with the 80th and the 82d regiments; the whole being
under the command of Brigadier-General Francis Maclean. In the spring of
1779, the grenadier company, commanded by Captain Ludovick Colquhoun of
Luss, and the light company by Captain Campbell of Bulnabie, were sent
to New York, and joined the army immediately before the siege of
Charleston.
In June of the same year, the battalion companies, with a detachment of
the 82d regiment, under the command of Brigadier-General Maclean,
embarked from Halifax, and took possession of Penobscot, with the
intention of establishing a post there. Before the defences were
completed, a hostile fleet from Boston, with two thousand troops on
board, under Brigadier-General Solomon Lovell, appeared in the bay, and
on July 28th effected a landing on a peninsula, where the British were
erecting a fort, and immediately began to construct batteries for a
regular siege. These operations were frequently interrupted by sallies
of parties from the fort. General Maclean exerted himself to the utmost
to strengthen his position, and not only kept the Americans in check,
but preserved communication with the shipping, which they endeavored to
cut off. Both parties kept skirmishing till August 13th, when Sir George
Collier appeared in the bay, with a fleet intended for relief of the
post. This accession of strength disconcerted the Americans, and
completely destroyed their hopes, so that they quickly decamped and
retired to their boats. Being unable to re-embark all the troops, those
who remained, along with the sailors of several vessels which had run
aground in the hurry of escaping, formed themselves into a body, and
endeavored to penetrate through the woods. In the course of this attempt
they ran short of provisions, quarrelled among themselves, and, coming
to blows, fired on each other till their ammunition was expended.
Upwards of sixty men were killed and wounded; the rest dispersed through
the woods, numbers perishing before they could reach an inhabited
country.
The conduct of General Maclean and his troops met with approbation. In
his dispatch, giving an account of the attack and defeat of his foes, he
particularly noticed the exertions and zeal of Lieutenant-Colonel
Alexander Campbell of the 74th. The loss of this regiment was two
sergeants, and fourteen privates killed, and seventeen rank and file
wounded.
General Maclean returned to Halifax with the detachment of the 82d,
leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of Monzie with the 74th at
Penobscot, where they remained till the termination of hostilities, when
they embarked for England. They landed at Portsmouth whence they marched
for Stirling, and, after being joined by the flank companies, were
reduced in the autumn of 1783.
SEVENTY-SIXTH OR MACDONALD'S HIGHLANDERS.
In the month of December 1777, letters of service were granted to lord
Macdonald to raise a regiment in the Highlands and Isles. On his
recommendation Major John Macdonell of Lochgarry was appointed
lieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment. The regiment was
numbered the 76th, but called Macdonald's Highlanders. Lord Macdonald
exerted himself in the formation of the regiment, and selected the
officers from the families of the Macdonalds of Glencoe, Morar,
Boisdale, and others of his own clan, and likewise from those of others,
as Mackinnon, Fraser of Culduthel, Cameron of Callart, &c. A body of
seven hundred and fifty Highlanders was raised. The company of Captain
Bruce was principally raised in Ireland; and Captains Cunningham of
Craigend, and Montgomery Cunningham, as well as Lieutenant Samuel
Graham, raised their men in the low country. These amounted to nearly
two hundred men, and were kept together in two companies; while Bruce's
company formed a third. In this manner each race was kept distinct. The
whole number, including non-commissioned officers and men, amounted to
one thousand and eighty-six. The recruits assembled at Inverness, and in
March 1778 the regiment was reported complete. The men on their arrival
were attested by a justice of the peace, and received the king's bounty
of five guineas. As Major John Macdonell, who had been serving in
America in the 71st or Fraser's Highlanders, was taken prisoner, on his
passage home from that country, the command devolved on Captain
Donaldson, of the 42d or Royal Highland Regiment. Under this officer the
regiment was formed, and a code of regulations established for the
conduct of both officers and men.
Soon after its formation the 76th was sent to Fort George where it
remained a year. It so happened that few of the non-commissioned
officers who understood the drill were acquainted with the Gaelic
language, and as all words of command were given in English, the
commander directed that neither officers nor non-commissioned officers
ignorant of the former language should endeavor to learn it. The
consequence was that the Highlanders were behind-hand in being drilled,
as they had, besides other duties, to acquire a new language. But the
Highlanders took uncommon pains to learn their duties, and so exact were
they in the discharge of them that upon one occasion, Colonel Campbell,
the lieutenant-governor, was seized and made prisoner by the sentry
posted at his own door, because the man conceived a trespass had been
committed on his post, nor would the sentinel release the colonel until
the arrival of the corporal of the guard.
In March 1779 the regiment was removed to Perth, and from there marched
to Burnt Island, where they embarked on the 17th. Major Donaldson's
health not permitting him to go abroad, the command devolved on lord
Berridale, second major, who accompanied them to New York, where they
landed in August. The fleet sailed from the Firth of Forth for
Portsmouth, and in a short time anchored at Spithead. While waiting
there for the assembling of a fleet with reinforcements of men and
stores for the army in America, an order was received to set sail for
the island of Jersey, as the French had made an attempt there. But the
French having been repulsed before the 70th reached Jersey, the regiment
returned to Portsmouth, and proceeded on the voyage to America, and
arrived in New York on August 27th.
On the arrival of the regiment in New York the flank companies were
attached to the battalion of that description. The battalion companies
remained between New York and Staten Island till February 1781, when
they embarked with a detachment of the army, commanded by General
Phillips, for Virginia. The light company, being in the 2d battalion of
light infantry, also formed a part of the expedition. The grenadiers
remained at New York.
This year, lord Berridale, on the death of his father, became earl of
Caithness, and being severely wounded at the siege of Charleston, soon
after returned to Scotland. The command of the 70th regiment devolved on
Major Needham, who had purchased Major Donaldson's commission.
General Phillips landed at Portsmouth, in Virginia, in March. A number
of boats had been constructed under the superintendence of General
Benedict Arnold, for the navigation of the rivers, most of them
calculated to hold one hundred men. Each boat was manned by a few
sailors, and was fitted with a sail as well as oars. Some of them
carried a piece of ordnance in their bows. In these boats the light
infantry, and detachments of the 76th and 80th regiments, with the
Queen's Rangers, embarked, leaving the remainder of the 76th, with other
troops, to garrison Portsmouth. The detachment of the 76th which
embarked consisted of one major, three captains, twelve subalterns, and
three hundred men, under Major Needham. The troops proceeded up the
James river destroying warlike stores, shipping, barracks, foundaries
and private property. After making many excursions the troops marched to
Bermuda Hundreds, opposite City Point, where they embarked, on May 2d;
but receiving orders from lord Cornwallis, returned and entered
Petersburg on May 10th.
When the 76th regiment found themselves with an army which had been
engaged in the most incessant and fatiguing marches through difficult
and hostile countries, they considered themselves as inferiors and as
having done nothing which could enable them to return to their own
country. They were often heard murmuring among themselves, lamenting
their lot, and expressing the strongest desire to signalize themselves.
This was greatly heightened when visited by men of Fraser's Highlanders.
The opportunity presented itself, and their behavior proved they were
good soldiers. On the evening of July 6th, the Marquis de Lafayette
pushed forward a strong corps, forced the pickets, and drew up in front
of the British lines. The pickets in front of the army that morning
consisted of twenty men of the 70th and ten of the 80th. When the attack
on the pickets commenced, they were reinforced by fifteen Highlanders.
The pickets defended the post till every man was either killed or
wounded.
A severe engagement took place between the contending armies, the weight
of which was sustained on the part of the British by the left of Colonel
Dundas's brigade, consisting of the 76th and 80th, and it so happened
that while the right of the line was covered with woods they were drawn
up in an open field, and exposed to the attack of the Americans with a
chosen body of troops. The 76th being on the left, and lord Cornwallis,
coming up in rear of the regiment, gave the word to charge, which was
immediately repeated by the Highlanders, who rushed forward with
impetuosity, and instantly decided the contest. The Americans retired,
leaving their cannon and three hundred men killed and wounded behind
them.
Soon after this affair lord Cornwallis ordered a detachment of four
hundred chosen men of the 76th to be mounted on such horses as could be
procured and act with the cavalry. Although four-fifths of the men had
never before been on horseback, they were mounted and marched with
Tarleton's Legion. After several forced marches, far more fatiguing to
the men than they had ever performed on foot, they returned heartily
tired of their new mode of travelling. No other service was performed by
the 76th until the siege and surrender of Yorktown. During the siege,
while the officers of this regiment were sitting at dinner, the
Americans opened a new battery, the first shot from which entered the
mess-room, killed Lieutenant Robertson on the spot, and wounded
Lieutenant Shaw and Quartermaster Barclay. It also struck Assistant
Commissary General Perkins, who happened to dine there that day.
The day following the surrender of lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown (October
20th), the British prisoners moved out in two divisions, escorted by
regiments of militia; one to the direction of Maryland, the other, to
which the 76th belonged, moved to the westward in Virginia for
Winchester. On arriving at their cantonment, the officers were lodged in
the town on parole, and the soldiers were marched several miles off to a
cleared spot in the woods, on which stood a few log huts, some of them
occupied by prisoners taken at the Cowpens. From Winchester the regiment
was removed to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. After peace was declared they
embarked for New York, sailed thence for Scotland, and were disbanded in
March 1784 at Stirling Castle.
This regiment maintained a very high standard for their behavior. Thefts
and other crimes, implying moral turpitude, were totally unknown. There
were only four instances of corporal punishment inflicted on the
Highlanders of the regiment, and these were for military offences. Moral
suasion and such coercion as a father might use towards his children
were deemed sufficient to keep them in discipline or self-restraint.
In the year 1775, George III. resolved to humble the thirteen colonies.
In the effort put forth he created a debt of £121,267,993, with an
annual charge of £5,088,336, besides sacrificing thousands of human
lives, and causing untold misery; and, at last, weary of the war, on
July 25, 1782, he issued a warrant to Richard Oswald, commissioning him
to negotiate a peace. The definite articles of peace were signed at
Paris, September 3, 1783. Then the United States of America took her
position among the nations of the earth. George III. and his ministers
had exerted themselves to the utmost to subjugate America. Besides the
troops raised in the British Isles there were of the German mercenaries
twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven. The mercenaries and
British troops were well armed, clothed and fed. But the task undertaken
was a gigantic one. It would have required a greater force than that
sent to America to hold and garrison the cities alone. The fault was not
with the army, the navy, or the commanding officers. The impartial
student of that war will admit that the army fought well, likewise the
navy, and the generals and admirals were skilled and able in the art of
war. The British foreign office was weak. Nor was this all. The
Americans had counted the cost. They were singularly fortunate in their
leader. Thirty-nine years after his death, lord Brougham wrote of
Washington that he was "the greatest man of our own or of any age. * * *
This eminent person is presented to our observation clothed in
attributes as modest, as unpretending, as little calculated to strike or
to astonish, as if he had passed unknown through some secluded region of
private life. But he had a judgment sure and sound; a steadiness of mind
which never suffered any passion or even any feeling to ruffle its calm;
a strength of understanding which worked rather than forced its way
through all obstacles,--removing or avoiding rather than over-leaping
them. His courage, whether in battle or in council, was as perfect as
might be expected from this pure and steady temper of soul. A perfectly
just man, with a thoroughly firm resolution never to be misled by others
any more than by others over-awed; never to be seduced or betrayed, or
hurried away by his own weaknesses or self-delusions, and more than by
other men's arts, nor ever to be disheartened by the most complicated
difficulties any more than to be spoilt on the giddy heights of
fortune--such was this great man,--whether we regard him sustaining
alone the whole weight of campaigns, all but desperate, or gloriously
terminating a just warfare by his resources and his courage."[174]
The British generals proved themselves unable to cope with this great
and good man. More than six thousand five hundred Highlanders left their
homes amidst the beautiful scenery of their native land, crossed a
barrier of water three thousand miles in width, that they might fight
against such a man and the cause he represented. Their toils, sacrifices
and sufferings were in vain. Towards them Washington bore good will.
Forgetting the wrongs they had done, he could write of them:
"Your idea of bringing over Highlanders appears to be a good one.
They are a hardy, industrious people, well calculated to form new
settlements, and will, in time, become valuable citizens."[175]
War is necessarily cruel and barbarous; and yet there were innumerable
instances of wanton cruelty during the American Revolution. No instances
of this kind have been recorded against the soldiers belonging to the
Highland regiments. There were cruelties perpetrated by those born in
the Highlands of Scotland, but they were among those settled by Sir
William Johnson on the Mohawk and afterwards joined either Butler's
Rangers or else Sir John Johnson's regiment. Even this class was few in
numbers.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 150: Governor Golden to Earl of Dartmouth. New York Docs.
Relating to Colonial History, Vol. VIII, p. 588.]
[Footnote 151: Letter Book, p. 221.]
[Footnote 152: _Ibid_, p. 223.]
[Footnote 153: Henry's Campaign Against Quebec, 1775, p. 136.]
[Footnote 154: Invasion of Canada 1775, p. 14.]
[Footnote 155: State of the Expedition, p. VI.]
[Footnote 156: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 186.]
[Footnote 157: Letter-Book, p. 856.]
[Footnote 158: _Ibid_, p. 303.]
[Footnote 159: _Ibid_, p. 472.]
[Footnote 160: _ibid_, p. 350.]
[Footnote 161: _Ibid_, p. 330.]
[Footnote 162: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 1055.]
[Footnote 163: _Ibid_, Series V. Vol. II, p. 159.]
[Footnote 164: Stewart's Sketches, Vol. I, p. 360.]
[Footnote 165: _Ibid_, p. 867]
[Footnote 166: Am. Archives, Series 4, Vol. VI, p. 982.]
[Footnote 167: For Correspondence see Spark's Washington's Writings,
Vols. IV, V.]
[Footnote 168: Sketches, Vol. II, p. 97.]
[Footnote 169: Lossing's Washington and American Republic, Vol. II, p.
643.]
[Footnote 170: Stewart's Sketches, Vol. II, p. 116.]
[Footnote 171: History of Campaigns, p. 218.]
[Footnote 172: Pages 53, 77, 137.]
[Footnote 173: Memoir of General Graham, p. 59.]
[Footnote 174: Edinburg Review, October, 1838; Collected Contributions,
Vol. I, p. 344.]
[Footnote 175: Letter to Robert Sinclair, May 6,1792. Spark's Writings
of Washington, Vol. XII, p. 304.]