HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT ON THE MOHAWK.
Sir William Johnson thoroughly gained the good graces of the Iroquois
Indians, and by the part he took against the French at Crown Point and
Lake George, in 1755, added to his reputation at home and abroad. For
his services to the Crown he was made a baronet and voted £5000 by the
British parliament, besides being paid £600 per annum as Indian agent,
which he retained until his death in 1774. He also received a grant of
one hundred thousand acres of land north of the Mohawk. In 1743 he built
Fort Johnson, a stone dwelling, on the same side of the river, in what
is now Montgomery county. A few miles farther north, in 1764, he built
Johnson Hall, a wooden structure, and there entertained his Indian bands
and white tenants, with rude magnificence, surrounded by his mistresses,
both white and red. He had dreams of feudal power, and set about to
realize it. The land granted to him by the king, he had previously
secured from the Mohawks, over whom he had gained an influence greater
than that ever possessed heretofore or since by a white man over an
Indian tribe. The tract of land thus gained was long known as
"Kingsland," or the "Royal Grant." The king had bound Sir William to him
by a feudal tenure of a yearly rental of two shillings and six pence for
each and every one hundred acres. In the same manner Sir William bound
to himself his tenants to whom he granted leases. In order to secure the
greatest obedience he deemed it necessary to secure such tenants as
differed from the people near him in manners, language, and religion,
and that class trained to whom the strictest personal dependence was
perfectly familiar. In all this he was highly favored. He turned his
eyes to the Highlands of Scotland, and without trouble, owing to the
dissatisfied condition of the people and their desire to emigrate, he
secured as many colonists as he desired, all of whom were of the Roman
Catholic faith. The agents having secured the requisite number,
embarked, during the month of August, 1773, for America.
A journal of the period states that "three gentlemen of the name of
Macdonell, with their families, and 400 Highlanders from the counties
(!) of Glengarry, Glenmorison, Urquhart, and Strathglass lately embarked
for America, having obtained a grant of land in Albany,"[101]
This extract appears to have been copied from the _Courant_ of August
28th, which stated they had "lately embarked for America." This would
place their arrival on the Mohawk some time during the latter part of
the following September, or first of October. The three gentlemen above
referred to were Macdonell of Aberchalder, Leek, and Collachie, and also
another, Macdonell of Scotas. Their fortunes had been shattered in "the
45," and in order to mend them were willing to settle in America. They
made their homes in what was then Tryon county, about thirty miles from
Albany, then called Kingsborough, where now is the thriving town of
Gloversville. To certain families tracts were allotted varying from one
hundred to five hundred acres, all subjected to the feudal system.
Having reached the places assigned them the Highlanders first felled the
trees and made their rude huts of logs. Then the forest was cleared and
the crops planted amid the stumps. The country was rough, but the people
did not murmur. Their wants were few and simple. The grain they reaped
was carried on horseback along Indian trails to the landlord's mills.
Their women became accustomed to severe outdoor employment, but they
possessed an indomitable spirit, and bore their hardships bravely, as
became their race. The quiet life of the people promised to become
permanent. They became deeply attached to the interests of Sir William
Johnson, who, by consummate tact soon gained a mastery over them. He
would have them assemble at Johnson Hall that they might make merry;
encourage them in Highland games, and invite them to Indian councils.
Their methods of farming were improved under his supervision; superior
breeds of stock sought for, and fruit trees planted. But Sir William, in
reality, was not with them long; for, in the autumn of 1773, he visited
England, returning in the succeeding spring, and dying suddenly at
Johnson Hall on June 24th, following.
Troubles were rising beneath all the peaceful circumstances enjoyed by
the Highlanders, destined to become severe and oppressive under the
attitude of Johnson's son and son-in-law who were men of far less
ability and tact than their father. The spirit of democracy penetrated
the valley of the Mohawk, and open threats of opposition began to be
heard. The Acts of the Albany Congress of 1774 opened the eyes of the
people to the possibilities of strength by united efforts. Just as the
spirit of independence reached bold utterance Sir William died. He was
succeeded in his title, and a part of his estates by his son John. The
dreams of Sir William vanished, and his plans failed in the hands of his
weak, arrogant, degenerate son. Sir John hesitated, temporized, broke
his parole, fled to Canada, returned to ravage the lands of his
countrymen, and ended by being driven across the border.
The death of Sir William made Sir John commandant of the militia of the
Province of New York. Colonel Guy Johnson became superintendent of
Indian affairs, with Colonel Daniel Claus, Sir William's son-in-law, for
assistant. The notorious Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) became secretary
to Guy Johnson. Nothing but evil could be predicated of such a
combination; and Sir John was not slow to take advantage of his
position, when the war cloud was ready to burst. As early as March 16,
1775, decisive action was taken, when the grand jury, judges, justices,
and others of Tryon county, to the number of thirty-three, among whom
was Sir John, signed a document, expressive of their disapprobation of
the act of the people of Boston for the "outrageous and unjustifiable
act on the private property of the India Company," and of their
resolution "to bear faith and true allegiance to their lawful Sovereign
King George the Third."[102] It is a noticeable feature that not one of
the names of Highlanders appears on the paper. This would indicate that
they were not a factor in the civil government of the county.
On May 18, 1775, the Committee of Palatine District, Tryon county,
addressed the Albany Committee of Safety, in which they affirm:
"This County has, for a series of years, been ruled by one family,
the different branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading
people from coming into Congressional measures, and even have, last
week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District, appeared with all
their dependants armed to oppose the people considering of their
grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed,
struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed
that Johnson-Hall is fortifying by placing a parcel of swivel-guns
round the same, and that Colonel Johnson has had parts of his
regiment of Militia under arms yesterday, no doubt with a design to
prevent the friends of liberty from publishing their attachment to
the cause to the world. Besides which we are told that about one
hundred and fifty Highlanders, (Roman Catholicks) in and about
Johnstown, are armed and ready to march upon the like occasion."[103]
In order to allay the feelings engendered against them Guy Johnson, on
May 18th, wrote to the Committee of Schenectady declaring "my duty is to
promote peace,"[104] and on the 20th to the Magistrates of Palatine,
making the covert threat "that if the Indians find their council fire
disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadful
revenge."[105] The last letter thoroughly aroused the Committee of Tryon
county, and on the 21st stated, among other things:
"That Colonel Johnson's conduct in raising fortifications round his
house, keeping a number of Indians and armed men constantly about
him, and stopping and searching travellers upon the King's highway,
and stopping our communication with Albany, is very alarming to this
County, and is highly arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and
unwarrantable; and confirms us in our fears, that his design is to
keep us in awe, and oblige us to submit to a state of Slavery."[106]
On the 23rd the Albany Committee warned Guy Johnson that his
interference with the rights of travellers would no longer be
tolerated.[107] So flagrant had been the conduct of the Johnsons that a
sub-committee of the city and county of Albany addressed a communication
on the subject to the Provincial Congress of New York.[108] On June 2nd
the Tryon County Committee addressed Guy Johnson, in which they affirm
"it is no more our duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge
of your province," but will not "pass over in silence the interruption
which the people of the Mohawk District met in their meeting," "and the
inhuman treatment of a man whose only crime was being faithful to his
employers."[109] The tension became still more strained between the
Johnsons and patriots during the summer.
The Dutch and German population was chiefly in sympathy with the cause
of America, as were the people generally, in that region, who did not
come under the direct influence of the Johnsons. The inhabitants deposed
Alexander White, the Sheriff of Tryon county, who had, from the first,
made himself obnoxious. The first shot, in the war west of the Hudson,
was fired by Alexander White. On some trifling pretext he arrested a
patriot by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. His
friends, to the number of fifty, went to the jail and released him; and
from the prison they proceeded to the sheriff's lodgings and demanded
his surrender. He discharged a pistol at the leader, but without effect.
Immediately some forty muskets were discharged at the sheriff, with the
effect only to cause a slight wound in the breast. The doors of the
house were broken open, and just then Sir John Johnson fired a gun at
the hall, which was the signal for his retainers and Highland partisans
to rally in arms. As they could muster a force of five hundred men in a
short time, the party deemed it prudent to disperse.[110]
The royalists became more open and bolder in their course, throwing
every impediment in the way of the Safety Committee of Tryon county, and
causing embarrassments in every way their ingenuity could devise. They
called public meetings themselves, as well as to interfere with those of
their neighbors; all of which caused mutual exasperation, and the
engendering of hostile feelings between friends, who now ranged
themselves with the opposing parties.
On October 26th the Tryon County Committee submitted a series of
questions for Sir John Johnson to answer.[111] These questions, with Sir
John's answers, were embodied by the Committee in a letter to the
Provincial Congress of New York, under date of October 28th, as follows:
"As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire or rather
desire Sir John Johnson's absolute opinion and intention of the three
following articles, viz:
1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form themselves into
Companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress,
to the defence of our Country's cause;
2. Whether he would be willing himself also to assist personally in
the same purpose;
3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County Court-House and
Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee of our County to
make use of the said publick houses for our want and service in our
common cause;
We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday, sent three
members of our Committee with the aforementioned questions contained
in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir John, thereupon, the
following answer:
1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had
denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to anybody, nor would
yet deny it for the use which these houses have been built for; but
he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at Johnstown to be his
property till he is paid seven hundred Pounds--which being out of his
pocket for the building of the same.
2. In regard of embodying his tenants into Companies, he never did
forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure;
but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure they would
not.
3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would sign any
association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would
rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he replied,
that if we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he would oppose
it; and also mentions that there have many unfair means been used for
signing the Association, and uniting the people; for he was informed
by credible gentlemen in New-York, that they were obliged to unite,
otherwise they could not live there. And that he was also informed,
by good authority, that likewise two-thirds of the Canajoharie and
German Flatts people have been forced to sign; and, by his opinion,
the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined
them.
Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the people to sign
in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and it appears by
itself rediculous that one-third should have forced two-thirds to
sign. On the contrary, they would prove that it was offered to any
one, after signing, that the regretters could any time have their
names crossed, upon their requests.
We thought proper to refer these particular inimical declarations to
your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion and advice,
for our further directions. Please, also, to remember what we
mentioned to you in our former letters, of the inimical and provoking
behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which they still continue,
under the authority of said Sir John."[112]
The attitude of Sir John had become such that the Continental Congress
deemed it best, on December 30th to order General Schuyler "to take the
most speedy and effective measures for securing the said Arms and
Military Stores, and for disarming the said Tories, and apprehending
their chiefs."[113] The action of Congress was none too hasty; for in a
letter from Governor William Tryon of New York to the earl of Dartmouth,
under date of January 5, 1776, he encloses the following addressed to
himself:
"Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will plead my
excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your Excellency the
bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will inform you of many
particulars that cannot at this time with safety be committed to
writing. The distracted & convulsed State this unhappy country is now
worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the
many Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns induces me
to fall upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the
propriety of which I entirely submit to Your Excellency's better
judgment, depending on that friendship which you have been pleased to
honour me with for your advice on and Representation to his Majesty
of what we propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this
quarter, among whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have
a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and have
now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan--We must however
not think of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money,
necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution, all of
which Mr. McDonell who will inform you of everything that has been
done in Canada that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the
papers you are soon to sail for England I despair of having the
pleasure to pay my respect to you but most sincerely wish you an
Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family & friends. I am.
Your Excellency's most obedient
humble Servant,
John Johnson."[114]
General Schuyler immediately took active steps to carry out the orders
of Congress, and on January 23, 1776, made a very lengthy and detailed
report to that body.[115] Although he had no troops to carry into
execution the orders of Congress, he asked for seven hundred militia,
yet by the time he reached Caughnawaga, there were nearly three thousand
men, including the Tryon county militia. Arriving at Schenectady, he
addressed, on January 16th, a letter to Sir John Johnson, requesting him
to meet him on the next day, promising safe conduct for him and such
person as might attend him. They met at the time appointed sixteen miles
beyond Schenectady, Sir John being accompanied by some of the leading
Highlanders and two or three others, to whom General Schuyler delivered
his terms. After some difficulty, in which the Mohawk Indians figured as
peacemakers, Sir John Johnson and Allan McDonell (Collachie) signed a
paper agreeing "upon his word and honor immediately deliver up all
cannon, arms, and other military stores, of what kind soever, which may
be in his own possession," or that he may have delivered to others, or
that he knows to be concealed; that "having given his parole of honour
not to take up arms against America," "he consents not to go to the
westward of the German-Flats and Kingsland (Highlanders') District," but
to every other part to the southward he expects the privilege of going;
agreed that the Highlanders shall, "without any kind of exception,
immediately deliver up all arms in their possession, of what kind
soever," and from among them any six prisoners may be taken, but the
same must be maintained agreeable to their respective rank.
[Illustration: Johnson Hall.]
On Friday the 19th General Schulyer marched to Johnstown, and in the
afternoon the arms and military stores in Sir John's possession were
delivered up. On the next day, at noon, General Schuyler drew his men up
in the street, "and the Highlanders, between two and three hundred,
marched to the front, where they grounded their arms;" when they were
dismissed "with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct which
could insure them protection." On the 21st, at Cagnuage, General
Schuyler wrote to Sir John as follows:
"Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch (Highlanders)
people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broadswords when they
came to the country, yet many of them had, and most of them were
possessed of dirks; and as none have been given up of either, I will
charitably believe that it was rather inattention than a wilful
omission. Whether it was the former or the latter must be ascertained
by their immediate compliance with that part of the treaty which
requires that all arms, of what kind soever, shall be delivered up.
After having been informed by you, at our first interview, that the
Scotch people meant to defend themselves, I was not a little
surprised that no ammunition was delivered up, and that you had none
to furnish them with. These observations were immediately made by
others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of the consequences
which might have been fatal to those people, to take notice of it on
the spot. I shall, however, expect an eclaircissement on this
subject, and beg that you and Mr. McDonell will give it me as soon as
may be."
Governor Tryon reported to the earl of Dartmouth, February 7th, that
General Schuyler "marched to Johnson Hall the 24th of last month, where
Sr John had mustered near Six hundred men, from his Tenants and
neighbours, the majority highlanders, after disarming them and taking
four pieces of artillery, ammunition and many Prisoners, with 360
Guineas from Sr John's Desk, they compelled him to enter into a Bond in
1600 pound Sterling not to aid the King's Service, or to remove within a
limited district from his house."[116]
The six of the chiefs of the Highland clan of the McDonells made
prisoners were, Allan McDonell, sen. (Collachie), Allan McDonell, Jur.,
Alexander McDonell, Ronald McDonell, Archibald McDonell, and John
McDonell, all of whom were sent to Reading, Pennsylvania, with their
three servants, and later to Lancaster.[117]
Had Sir John obeyed his parole, it would have saved him his vast
estates, the Highlanders their homes, the effusion of blood, and the
savage cruelty which his leadership engendered. Being incapable of
forecasting the future, he broke his parole of honor, plunged headlong
into the conflict, and dragged his followers into the horrors of war.
General Schuyler wrote him, March 12, 1776, stating that the evidence
had been placed in his hands that he had been exciting the Indians to
hostility, and promising to defer taking steps until a more minute
inquiry could be made he begged Sir John "to be present when it was
made," which would be on the following Monday.
Sir John's actions were such that it became necessary to use stringent
measures. General Schuyler, on May 14th, issued his instructions to
Colonel Elias Dayton, who was to proceed to Johnstown, "and give notice
to the Highlanders, who live in the vicinity of the town, to repair to
it; and when any number are collected there, you will send off their
baggage, infirm women and children, in wagons." Sir John was to be taken
prisoner, carefully guarded and brought to Albany, but "he is by no
means to experience the least ill-treatment in his own person, or those
of his family."[118] General Schuyler had previously written (May 10th)
to Sir John intimating that he had "acted contrary to the sacred
engagements you lay under to me, and through me to the publick," and
have "ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany."[119] The
reason assigned for the removal of the Highlanders as stated by General
Schuyler to Sir John was that "the elder Mr. McDonald (Allan of
Collachie), a chief of that part of the clan of his name now in Tryon
County, has applied to Congress that those people with their families
may be moved from thence and subsisted."[120] To this Sir John replied
as follows:
"Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776.
Sir: On my return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I received your letter
by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDonald had desired to
have all the clan of his name in the County of Tryon, removed and
subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my tenants, and
have been, for near two years supported by me with every necessary,
by which means they have contracted a debt of near two thousand
pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge, if left in
peace. As they are under no obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse
to comply with his extraordinary request; therefore beg there may be
no troops sent to conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look
upon it as a total breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs.
McDonald showed me a letter from her husband, written since he
applied to the Congress for leave to return to their families, in
which he mentions that he was told by the Congress that it depended
entirely upon you; he then desired that their families might be
brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard to
moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to treat of.
Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither herself
nor any of the other families would choose to go down.
I am, sir, your very humble servant,
John Johnson."[121]
Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown May 19th, and as he says, in his
report to General John Sullivan, he immediately sent "a letter to Sir
John Johnson, informing him that I had arrived with a body of troops to
guard the Highlanders to Albany, and desired that he would fix a time
for their assembling. When these gentlemen came to Johnson Hall they
were informed by Lady Johnson that Sir John Johnson had received General
Schuyler's letter by the express; that he had consulted the Highlanders
upon the contents, and that they had unanimously resolved not to deliver
themselves as prisoners, but to go another way, and that Sir John
Johnson had determined to go with them. She added that, that if they
were pursued they were determined to make an opposition, and had it in
their power, in some measure."[122]
The approach of Colonel Dayton's command caused great commotion among
the inhabitants of Johnstown and vicinity. Sir John determined to
decamp, take with him as many followers as possible, and travel through
the woods to Canada. Lieutenant James Gray, of the 42nd Highlanders,
helped to raise the faithful bodyguard, and all having assembled at the
house of Allen McDonell of Collachie started through the woods. The
party consisted of three Indians from an adjacent village to serve as
guides, one hundred and thirty Highlanders, and one hundred and twenty
others.[123] The appearance of Colonel Dayton was more sudden than Sir
John anticipated. Having but a brief period for their preparation, the
party was but illy prepared for their flight. He did not know whether or
not the royalists were in possession of Lake Champlain, therefore the
fugitives did not dare to venture on that route to Montreal; so they
were obliged to strike deeper into the forests between the headwaters of
the Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Their provisions soon were exhausted;
their feet soon became sore from the rough travelling; and several were
left in the wilderness to be picked up and brought in by the Indians who
were afterwards sent out for that purpose. After nineteen days of great
hardships the party arrived in Montreal in a pitiable condition, having
endured as much suffering as seemed possible for human nature to
undergo.
Sir John Johnson and his Highlanders, unwittingly, paid the Highest
possible compliment to the kindness and good intentions of the patriots,
when they deserted their families and left them to face the foe. When
the flight was brought to the attention of General Schuyler, he wrote to
Colonel Dayton, May 27, in which he says:
"I am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which he suggests
the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain at their
habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; but
prudence dictates that this should be done under certain
restrictions. These people have been taught to consider us in
politicks in the same light that Papists consider Protestants in a
religious relation, viz: that no faith is to be kept with either. I
do not, therefore, think it prudent to suffer any of the men to
remain, unless a competent number of hostages are given, at least
five out of a hundred, on condition of being put to death if those
that remain should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies of
our country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe; but if
an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as to numbers,
by the junction of those left, would be against us. I am, however, so
well aware of the absurdity of judging with precision in these
matters at the distance we are from one another, that prudence
obliges me to leave these matters to your judgment, to act as
circumstances may occur."[124]
Lady Johnson, wife of Sir John, was taken to Albany and there held as a
hostage until the following December when she was permitted to go to New
York, then in the hands of the British. Nothing is related of any of the
Highlanders being taken at that time to Albany, but appear to have been
left in peaceable possession of their lands.
As might have been, and perhaps was, anticipated, the Highland
settlement became the source of information and the base of supplies for
the enemy. Spies and messengers came and went, finding there a welcome
reception. The trail leading from there and along the Sacandaga and
through the Adirondack woods, soon became a beaten path from its
constant use. The Highland women gave unstintingly of their supplies,
and opened their houses as places of retreat. Here were planned the
swift attacks upon the unwary settlers farther to the south and west.
Agents of the king were active everywhere, and the Highland homes became
one of the resting places for refugees on their way to Canada. This
state of affairs could not be concealed from the Americans, who, none
too soon, came to view the whole neighborhood as a nest of treason.
Military force could not be employed against women and children (for
from time to time nearly all the men had left), but they could be
removed where they would do but little harm. General Schuyler discussed
the matter with General Herkimer and the Tryon County Committee, when it
was decided to remove of those who remained "to the number of four
hundred." A movement of this description could not be kept a secret,
especially when the troops were put in motion. In March, 1777, General
Schuyler had permitted both Alexander and John MacDonald to visit their
families. Taking the alarm, on the approach of the troops, in May, they
ran off to Canada, taking with them the residue of the Highlanders,
together with a few of the German neighbors. The journey was a very long
and tedious one, and very painful for the aged, the women, and the
children. They were used to hardships and bore their sufferings without
complaint. It was an exodus of a people, whose very existence was almost
forgotten, and on the very lands they cleared and cultivated there is
not a single tradition concerning them.
From papers still in existence, preserved in Series B, Vol. 158, p. 351,
of the Haldeman Papers, it would appear that some of the families,
previous to the exodus, had been secured, as noted in the two following
petitions, both written in either 1779 or 1780, date not given although
first is simply dated "27th July," and second endorsed "27th July":
"To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and Commander in Chief
of all His Majesty's Forces in Canada and the Frontiers thereof,
The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains in the King's
Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth,
That your Memorialist, John Macdonell's, family are at present
detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the Province of
New York, destitute of every support but such as they may receive
from the few friends to Government in said quarters, in which
situation they have been since 1777.
And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of his brother,
Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Regiment: that the
family of his said brother have been detained by the Rebels in and
about Albany since the year 1775, and that unless it was for the
assistance they have met with from Mr. James Ellice, of Schenectady,
merchant, they must have perished.
Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency will be
graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said families
into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to demand them
in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining their releasement,
as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see fit, and your
Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound.
John Macdonell,
Alexander Macdonell."
"To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel Commander of
the King's Royal Regiment of New York.
The humbel petition of sundry soldiers of said Regiment sheweth,--
That your humble petitioners, whose names are hereunto subscribed,
have families in different places of the Counties of Albany and
Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated by the enemies of
Government.
Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour would be pleased to
procure permission for them to come to Canada,
And your petitioners will ever pray.
John McGlenny, Thomas Ross. Alexander Cameron, Frederick Goose, Wm.
Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan McIntire, Andrew Mileross, Donald
McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus Grant, John McDonald,
Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William Cameron, George Murdoff,
William Chession (Chisholm), John Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald
Ross, Donald Chissem, Roderick McDonald, Alexander Grant."
The names and number of each family intended in the written
petition:--
Name of Family Consisting of No
1, Duncan McIntyre's Wife, Sister and Child 3
2, John Christy's Wife and 3 Children 4
3, George Mordoffs " and 6 " 7
4, Daniel Campbell's " and 5 " 6
5, Andrew Milross' Wife 1
6, William Urghad's Wife and 3 " 4
7, Donald McCarter's " and 3 " 4
8, Donald Ross' " and 1 Child 2
9, Allan Grant's " and 1 Child 2
10, William Chissim's " and 1 " 2
11, Donald Chissim's " and 2 Children 3
12, Hugh Chissim's " and 5 " 6
13, Roderick McDonald's " and 4 " 5
14, Angus Grant's " and 5 " 6
15, Alexander Grant's " and 4 " 5
16, Donald Grant's " and 4 " 5
17, John McDonald's Wife 1
18, John McGlenny's " and 2 " 3
19, Alexander Ferguson's " and 5 " 6
20, Thomas Ross' " and 4 " 5
21, Thomas Taylor's " and 1 Child 2
22, Alexander Cameron's " and 3 Children 4
23, William Cameron's " and 3 " 4
24, Frederick Goose's " and 4 " 5
Mrs. Helen MacDonell, wife of Allan, the chief, was apprehended and sent
to Schenectady, and in 1780 managed to escape, and made her way to New
York. Before she was taken, and while her husband was still a prisoner
of war, she appears to have been the chief person who had charge of the
settlement, after the men had fled with Sir John Johnson. A letter of
hers has been preserved, which is not only interesting, but throws some
light on the action of the Highlanders. It is addressed to Major Jellis
Fonda, at Caughnawaga.
"Sir: Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this purpose,
concerning the Inhabitants of this Bush being made prisoners. There
was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased to observe in
your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird came amongst the
people to give them warning to go in to sign, and swear. To this they
will never consent, being already prisoners of General Schuyler. His
Excellency was pleased by your proclamation, directing every one of
them to return to their farms, and that they should be no more
troubled nor molested during the war. To this they agreed, and have
not done anything against the country, nor intend to, if let alone.
If not, they will lose their lives before being taken prisoners
again. They begged the favour of me to write to Major Fonda and the
gentlemen of the committee to this purpose. They blame neither the
one nor the other of you gentlemen, but those ill-natured fellows
amongst them that get up an excitement about nothing, in order to
ingratiate themselves in your favour. They were of very great hurt to
your cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do not
know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if not
prevented. Only think what daily provocation does.
Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda.
I am, Sir, Your humble servant, Callachie, 15th March, 1777. Helen
McDonell."[125]
Immediately on the arrival of Sir John Johnson in Montreal, with his
party who fled from Johnstown, he was commissioned a Colonel in the
British service. At once he set about to organize a regiment composed of
those who had accompanied him, and other refugees who had followed their
example. This regiment was called the "King's Royal Regiment of New
York," but by Americans was known as "The Royal Greens," probably
because the facings of their uniforms were of that color. In the
formation of the regiment he was instructed that the officers of the
corps were to be divided in such a manner as to assist those who were
distressed by the war; but there were to be no pluralities of
officers,--a practice then common in the British army.
In this regiment, Butler's Rangers, and the Eighty-Fourth, or Royal
Highland Emigrant Regiment also then raised, the Highland gentlemen who
had, in 1773, emigrated to Tryon county, received commissions, as well
as those who had previously had joined the ranks. After the war proper
returns of the officers were made, and from these the following tables
have been extracted. The number of private soldiers of the same name are
in proportion.
"FIRST BATTALION KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK.
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of|Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity| |
------------------------------------|-------|-----------------------------
Captain|Alexander Macdonell|Scotland| 8 yrs.|200 acres of land in fee
| (Aberchalder) | | | simple, under Sir John
| | | | Johnson, at yearly annual
| | | | rent of £6 per 100.
Captain|Angus Macdonell |Scotland|25 yrs.|Ensign in 60th Regt., 8th
| | | | July, 1760; Lieut. in
| | | | do. Dec 27, 1770; sold
| | | | out on account of bad
| | | | health, May 22, 1775.
| | | | Had no lands.
Captain|John Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had landed property, 500
| (Scotas) | | | acres, purchased and
| | | | began to improve in
| | | | April, 1774.
Captain|Archibald Macdonell|Scotland| 8 yrs.|Merchant; had no lands.
| (Leek) | | |
Captain|Allen Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had 200 acres in fee
Lieut | (Leek) | | | simple, under Sir John,
| | | | at £6 per 100 acres.
Lieut |Hugh Macdonell |Scotland| 7 yrs.|Son of Captain Macdonell
| (Aberchalder) | | |
Ensign |Miles Macdonell |Scotland| 3 yrs.|Son of Captain John
| (Scotas) | | | Macdonell.
==========================================================================
SECOND BATTALION KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of|Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity| |
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------
Captain|James Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held ---- acres in fee simple,
| | | | under Sir John, at
| | | | £6 per 100 acres.
Lieut |Ronald Macdonell |Scotland| 3 yrs.|Farmer.
| (Leek) | | |
==========================================================================
CORPS OF BUTLER'S RANGERS, COMMANDED BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL
JOHN BUTLER
-------|-------------------|---------|-------|----------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of |Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity | |
-------|-------------------|----------|------|----------------------------
Captain|John Macdonell |Inverness-|9 yrs.|Came to America with
| (Aberchalder) |shire | | his father and other
| |Scotland | | Highlanders in 1773,
| | | | settled in Tryon County,
| | | | near Johnstown, in
| | | | the Province of New
| | | | York; entered His
| | | | Majesty's Service as a
| | | | Subaltern Officer, June
| | | | 14, 1775, in the 84th
| | | | or Royal Highland
| | | | Emigrants.
First | | | |
Lieut. |Alexander Macdonell|Inverness-|7 yrs.|Came to America with
| (Collachie) |shire | | his father and other
| |Scotland | | Highland Emigrants in
| | | | 1773, settled in Tryon
| | | | County, near Johnstown,
| | | | in the Province
| | | | of New York; entered
| | | | His Majesty's Service
| | | | as a Volunteer in the
| | | | 84th or Royal Highland
| | | | Emigrants.
Second | | | |
Lieut. |Chichester |Inverness-|6 yrs.|Came to America with
| Macdonell |shire | | his father and other
| (Aberchalder) |Scotland | | Highland Emigrants in
| | | | 1773, and settled near
| | | | Johnstown; entered
| | | | His Majesty's Service
| | | | as a Volunteer in the
| | | | King's Royal Regiment
| | | | of New York in
| | | | the year 1778.
=======|===================|==========|======|============================
EIGHTY-FOURTH OR ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT
=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================
Rank | NAME | Place of |Service| REMARKS
| | Nativity | |
-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------
Captain|Allan Macdonell | | |Prisoner at Lancaster in
| (Collachie) | | | Pennsylvania.
Lieut. |Ronald Macdonell | |40 yrs.|
Lieut. |Arch'd Macdonell | | 8 yrs.|
=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================
SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT
-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of |Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity | |
-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------
Lieut |Angus Macdonell | | | "[126]
=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================
In the month of January, following his flight into Canada, Sir John
Johnson found his way into the city of New York. From that time he
became one of the most bitter and virulent foes of his countrymen
engaged in the contest, and repeatedly became the scourge of his former
neighbors--in all of which his Highland retainers bore a prominent part.
In savage cruelty, together with Butler's Rangers, they outrivalled
their Indian allies. The aged, the infirm, helpless women, and the
innocent babe in the cradle, alike perished before them. In all this the
MacDonells were among the foremost. Such warfare met the approval of the
British Cabinet, and officers felt no compunction in relating their
achievements. Colonel Guy Johnson writing to lord George Germain,
November 11, 1779, not only speaks of the result of his conference with
Sir John Johnson, but further remarks that "there appeared little
prospect of effecting anything beyond harrassing the frontiers with
detached partys."[127] In all probability none of the official reports
related the atrocities perpetrated under the direction of the minor
officers.
Although "The Royal Greens" were largely composed of the Mohawk
Highlanders, and especially all who decamped from Johnstown with Sir
John Johnson, and Butler's Rangers had a fair percentage of the same, it
is not necessary to enter into a detailed account of their achievements,
because neither was essentially Highlanders. Their movements were not
always in a body, and the essential share borne by the Highlanders have
not been recorded in the papers that have been preserved. Individual
deeds have been narrated, some of which are here given.
The Royal Greens and Butler's Rangers formed a part of the expedition
under Colonel Barry St. Leger that was sent against Fort Schuyler in
order to create a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne's army then on
its march towards Albany. In order to relieve Fort Schuyler (Stanwix)
General Herkimer with a force of eight hundred was dispatched and, on
the way, met the army of St. Leger near Oriskany, August 6, 1777. On the
3rd St. Leger encamped before Fort Stanwix, his force numbering sixteen
hundred, eight hundred of whom were Indians. Proper precautions were not
taken by General Herkimer, while every advantage was enforced by his
wary enemy. He fell into an ambuscade, and a desperate conflict ensued.
During the conflict Colonel Butler attempted a _ruse-de guerre_, by
sending, from the direction of the fort, a detachment of The Royal
Greens, disguised as American troops, in expectation that they might be
received as reenforcements from the garrison. They were first noticed by
Lieutenant Jacob Sammons, who at once notified Captain Jacob Gardenier;
but the quick eye of the latter had detected the ruse. The Greens
continued to advance until hailed by Gardenier, at which moment one of
his own men observing an acquaintance in the opposing ranks, and
supposing them to be friends, ran to meet him, and presented his hand.
The credulous fellow was dragged into their lines and notified that he
was a prisoner.
"He did not yield without a struggle; during which Gardenier, watching
the action and the result, sprang forward, and with a blow from his
spear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated his man. Others of
the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the second and wounded
the third. Three of the disguised Greens now sprang upon him, and one of
his spurs becoming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the
ground. Still, contending, however, with almost super-human strength,
both of his thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of two
of his assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, as
if to thrust him through. Seizing the bayonet with his left hand, by a
sudden wrench he brought its owner down upon himself, where he held him
as a shield against the arms of the others, until one of his own men,
Adam Miller, observing the struggle, flew to the rescue. As the
assailants turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon his
seat; and although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping the
bayonet which had been drawn through it, he seized his spear lying by
his side, and quick as lightning planted it to the barb in the side of
the assailant with whom he had been clenched. The man fell and
expired--proving to be Lieutenant McDonald, one of the loyalist
officers from Tryon county."[128]
This was John McDonald, who had been held as a hostage by General
Schuyler, and when permitted to return home, helped run off the
remainder of the Highlanders to Canada, as previously noticed. June 19,
1777, he was appointed captain Lieutenant in The Royal Greens.[129]
During the engagement thirty of The Royal Greens fell near the body of
McDonald. The loss of Herkimer was two hundred killed, exclusive of the
wounded and prisoners. The royalist loss was never given, but known to
be heavy. The Indians lost nearly a hundred warriors among whom were
sachems held in great favor. The Americans retained possession of the
field owing to the sortie made by the garrison of Fort Schuyler on the
camp of St. Leger. On the 22nd St. Leger receiving alarming reports of
the advance of General Arnold suddenly decamped from before Fort
Schuyler, leaving his baggage behind him. Indians, belonging to the
expedition followed in the rear, tomahawking and scalping the
stragglers; and when the army did not run fast enough, they accelerated
the speed by giving their war cries and fresh alarms, thus adding
increased terror to the demoralized troops. Of all the men that Butler
took with him, when he arrived in Quebec he could muster but fifty. The
Royal Greens also showed their numbers greatly decimated.
Among the prisoners taken by the Americans was Captain Angus McDonell of
The Royal Greens.[130] For greater security he was transferred to the
southern portion of the State. On October 12th following, at Kingston,
he gave the following parole to the authorities:
"I, Angus McDonell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal American
regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and enlarged
on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I will continue
within one mile of the house of Jacobus Hardenburgh, and in the town
of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and that I will not do any act,
matter or thing whatsoever against the interests of America; and
further, that I will remove hereafter to such place as the governor
of the state of New York or the president of the Council of Safety
of the said state shall direct, and that I will observe this my
parole until released, exchanged or otherwise ordered.
Angus McDonell."
[Illustration: The Valley of the Wyoming.]
The following year Captain Angus McDonald and Allen McDonald, ensign in
the same company were transferred to Reading, Pennsylvania. The former
was probably released or exchanged for he was with the regiment when it
was disbanded at the close of the War. What became of the latter is
unknown. Probably neither of them were Sir John Johnson's tenants.
The next movement of special importance relates to the melancholy story
of Wyoming, immortalized in verse by Thomas Campbell in his "Gertrude of
Wyoming." Towards the close of June 1778 the British officers at Niagara
determined to strike a blow at Wyoming, in Pennsylvania. For this
purpose an expedition of about three hundred white men under Colonel
John Butler, together with about five hundred Indians, marched for the
scene of action. Just what part the McDonells took in the Massacre of
Wyoming is not known, nor is it positive any were present; but belonging
to Butler's Rangers it is fair to assume that all such participated in
those heartrending scenes which have been so often related. It was a
terrible day and night for that lovely valley, and its beauty was
suddenly changed into horror and desolation. The Massacre of Wyoming
stands out in bold relief as one of the darkest pictures in the whole
panorama of the Revolution.
While this scene was being enacted, active preparations were pushed by
Alexander McDonald for a descent on the New York frontiers. It was the
same Alexander who has been previously mentioned as having been
permitted to return to the Johnstown settlement, and then assisted in
helping the remaining Highland families escape to Canada. He was a man
of enterprise and activity, and by his energy he collected three hundred
royalists and Indians and fell with great fury upon the frontiers.
Houses were burned, and such of the people as fell into his hands were
either killed or made prisoners. One example of the blood thirsty
character of this man is given by Sims, in his "Trappers of New York,"
as follows:
"On the morning of October 25, 1781, a large body of the enemy under
Maj. Ross, entered Johnstown with several prisoners, and not a little
plunder; among which was a number of human scalps taken the afternoon
and night previous, in settlements in and adjoining the Mohawk
valley; to which was added the scalp of Hugh McMonts, a constable,
who was surprised and killed as they entered Johnstown. In the course
of the day the troops from the garrisons near and militia from the
surrounding country, rallied under the active and daring Willett, and
gave the enemy battle on the Hall farm, in which the latter were
finally defeated with loss, and made good their retreat into Canada.
Young Scarsborough was then in the nine months' service, and while
the action was going on, himself and one Crosset left the Johnstown
fort, where they were on garrison duty, to join in the fight, less
than two miles distant. Between the Hall and woods they soon found
themselves engaged. Crosset after shooting down one or two, received
a bullet through one hand, but winding a handkerchief around it he
continued the fight under cover of a hemlock stump. He was shot down
and killed there, and his companion surrounded and made prisoner by a
party of Scotch (Highlanders) troops commanded by Captain McDonald.
When Scarsborough was captured, Capt. McDonald was not present, but
the moment he saw him he ordered his men to shoot him down. Several
refused; but three, shall I call them men? obeyed the dastardly
order, and yet he possibly would have survived his wounds, had not
the miscreant in authority cut him down with his own broadsword. The
sword was caught in its first descent, and the valiant captain drew
it out, cutting the hand nearly in two."[131]
This was the same McDonald who, in 1779, figured in the battle of the
Chemung, together with Sir John and Guy Johnson and Walter N. Butler.
Just what part the Mohawk Highlanders, if any, had in the Massacre of
Cherry Valley on October 11, 1778, may not be known. The leaders were
Walter N. Butler, son of Colonel John Butler, who was captain of a
company of Rangers, and the monster Brant.
Owing to the frequent depredations made by the Indians, the Royal
Greens, Butler's Rangers, and the independent company of Alexander
McDonald, upon the frontiers, destroying the innocent and helpless as
well as those who might be found in arms, Congress voted that an
expedition should be sent into the Indian country. Washington detached a
division from the army under General John Sullivan to lay waste that
country. The instructions were obeyed, and Sullivan did not cease until
he found no more to lay waste. The only resistance he met with that was
of any moment was on August 29, 1779, when the enemy hoping to ambuscade
the army of Sullivan, brought on the battle of Chemung, near the present
site of Elmira. There were about three hundred royalists under Colonel
John Butler and Captain Alexander McDonald, assisting Joseph Brant who
commanded the Indians. The defeat was so overwhelming that the royalists
and Indians, in a demoralized condition sought shelter under the walls
of Fort Niagara.
The lower Mohawk Valley having experienced the calamities of border wars
was yet to feel the full measures of suffering. On Sunday, May 21,
1780, Sir John Johnson with some British troops, a detachment of Royal
Greens, and about two hundred Indians and Tories, at dead of night fell
unexpectedly on Johnstown, the home of his youth. Families were killed
and scalped, the houses pillaged and then burned. Instances of daring
and heroism in withstanding the invaders have been recorded.
Sir John's next achievement was in the fall of the same year, when he
descended with fire and sword into the rich settlements along the
Schoharie. He was overtaken by the American force at Klock's Field and
put to flight.
Sir John Johnson with the Royal Greens, principally his former tenants
and retainers, appear to have been especially stimulated with hate
against the people of their former homes who did not sympathize with
their views. In the summer of 1781 another expedition was secretly
planned against Johnstown, and executed with silent celerity. The
expedition consisted of four companies of the Second battalion of Sir
John's regiment of Royal Greens, Butler's Rangers and two hundred
Indians, numbering in all about one thousand men, under the command of
Major Ross. He was defeated at the battle of Johnstown on October 25th.
The army of Major Ross, for four days in the wilderness, on their
advance had been living on only a half pound of horse flesh per man per
day; yet they were so hotly pursued by the Americans that they were
forced to trot off a distance of thirty miles before they
stopped,--during a part of the distance they were compelled to sustain a
running fight. They crossed Canada Creek late in the afternoon, where
Walter N. Butler attempted to rally the men. He was shot through the
head by an Oneida Indian, who was with the Americans. When Captain
Butler fell his troops fled in the utmost confusion, and continued their
flight through the night. Without food and even without blankets they
had eighty miles to traverse through the dreary and pathless wilderness.
On August 6, 1781, Donald McDonald, one of the Highlanders who had fled
from Johnstown, made an attempt upon Shell's Bush, about four miles
north of the present village of Herkimer, at the head of sixty-six
Indians and Tories. John Christian Shell had built a block-house of his
own, which was large and substantial, and well calculated to withstand
a seige. The first story had no windows, but furnished with loopholes
which could be used to shoot through by muskets. The second story
projected over the first, so that the garrison could fire upon an
advancing enemy, or cast missiles upon their heads. The owner had a
family of six sons, the youngest two were twins, and only eight years
old. Most of his neighbors had taken refuge in Fort Dayton; but this
settler refused to leave his home. When Donald McDonald and his party
arrived at Shell's Bush his brother with his sons were at work in the
field; and the children, unfortunately were so widely separated from
their father, as to fall into the hands of the enemy.
"Shell and his other boys succeeded in reaching their castle, and
barricading the ponderous door. And then commenced the battle. The
besieged were well armed, and all behaved with admirable bravery; but
none more bravely than Shell's wife, who loaded the pieces as her
husband and sons discharged them. The battle commenced at two
o'clock, and continued until dark. Several attempts were made by
McDonald to set fire to the castle, but without success, and his
forces were repeatedly driven back by the galling fire they received.
McDonald at length procured a crow-bar and attempted to force the
door; but while thus engaged he received a shot in the leg from
Shell's Blunderbuss, which put him _hors du combat_. None of his men
being sufficiently near at the moment to rescue him, Shell, quick as
lightning, opened the door, and drew him within the walls a prisoner.
The misfortune of Shell and his garrison was, that their ammunition
began to run low; but McDonald was very amply provided, and to save
his own life, he surrendered his cartridges to the garrison to fire
upon his comrades. Several of the enemy having been killed and others
wounded, they now drew off for a respite. Shell and his troops,
moreover, needed a little breathing time; and feeling assured that,
so long as he had the commanding officer of the beseigers in his
possession, the enemy would hardly attempt to burn the citadel, he
ceased firing. He then went up stairs, and sang the hymn which was a
favorite of Luther during the perils and afflictions of the Great
Reformer in his controversies with the Pope. While thus engaged the
enemy likewise ceased firing. But they soon after rallied again to
the fight, and made a desperate effort to carry the fortress by
assault. Rushing up to the walls, five of them thrust the muzzles of
their guns through the loopholes, but had no sooner done so, than
Mrs. Shell, seizing an axe, by quick and well directed blows ruined
every musket thus thrust through the walls, by bending the barrels.
A few more well-directed shots by Shell and his sons once more drove
the assailants back. Shell thereupon ran up to the second story, just
in the twilight, and calling out to his wife with a loud voice,
informed her that Captain Small was approaching from Fort Dayton with
succors. In yet louder notes he then exclaimed--'Captain Small march
your company round upon this side of the house. Captain Getman, you
had better wheel your men off to the left, and come up upon that
side.' There were of course no troops approaching; but the directions
of Shell were given with such precision, and such apparent
earnestness and sincerity, that the stratagem succeeded, and the
enemy immediately fled to the woods, taking away the twin-lads as
prisoners. Setting the best provisions they had before their
reluctant guest. Shell and his family lost no time in repairing to
Fort Dayton, which they reached in safety--leaving McDonald in the
quiet possession of the castle he had been striving to capture in
vain. Some two or three of McDonald's Indians lingered about the
premises to ascertain the fate of their leader; and finding that
Shell and his family had evacuated the post, ventured in to visit
him. Not being able to remove him, however, on taking themselves off,
they charged their wounded leader to inform Shell, that if he would
be kind to him, (McDonald,) they would take good care of his
(Shell's) captive boys. McDonald was the next day removed to the fort
by Captain Small, where his leg was amputated; but the blood could
not be stanched, and he died within a few hours. The lads were
carried away into Canada. The loss of the enemy on the ground was
eleven killed and six wounded. The boys, who were rescued after the
war, reported that they took twelve of their wounded away with them,
nine of whom died before they arrived in Canada. McDonald wore a
silver-mounted tomahawk, which was taken from him by Shell. It was
marked by thirty scalp-notches, showing that few Indians could have
been more industrious than himself in gathering that description of
military trophies."[132]
The close of the Revolution found the First Battalion of the King's
Regiment of New York stationed at Isle aux Noix and Carleton Island with
their wives and children to the number of one thousand four hundred and
sixty-two. The following is a list of the officers of both Battalions at
the close of the War:
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE FIRST BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL
REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS
| |Nativity|Service|
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
Lt |Sir John Johnson |America | 8 yrs.|Succeeded his father, the late
Col | Bart | | | Sir Wm. Johnson, as a
Com | | | | Maj. Gen. of the Northern
Lt | | | | Dis. of the Prov. of New
| | | | York; was in possession
| | | | of nearly 200,000 acres of
| | | | valuable land, lost in
| | | consequence
| | | | of the rebellion.
Maj |James Gray |Scotland|26 yrs.|Ensign in Lord London's
| | | | Regt., 1745; Lieut, and
| | | | Capt. in ye 42nd till after
| | | | taking the Havannah, at
| | | | which time he sold out.
| | | | Had some landed property,
| | | | part of which is secured
| | | | to his son, ye remnant
| | | | lost in consequence
| | | | of the rebellion.
Capt |Angus McDonell |Scotland|25 yrs.|Ensign in 60th Regt. July
| | | | 8th, 1760; Lieut, in same
| | | | regt., 27th Dec., 1770.
| | | | Sold out on account of bad
| | | | state of health, 22nd May,
| | | | 1775. Had no lands.
Capt |John Munro |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had considerable landed
| | | | property, lost in
| | | | consequence of ye Rebellion,
| | | | and served in last war in
| | | | America.
Capt |Patrick Daly |Ireland | 9 yrs.|Lieut, in the 84th Regt. at
| | | | the Siege of Quebec,
| | | | 1775-76.
Capt |Richard Duncan |Scotland|13 yrs.|Five years Ensign in the
| | | | 56th Regiment.
Capt |Sam'l. Anderson |America | 8 yrs.|Had landed property, and
| | | | served in last war in
| | | | America.
Capt |John McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had landed property, 500
| | | | acres, purchased and began
| | | | to improve in April
| | | | 1774.
Capt |Alex McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|200 acres of land in fee
| | | | simple under Sir John
| | | | Johnson. Bart., ye annual
| | | | rent of £6 per 100
-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE FIRST BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL
REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."
-------|-------------------|--------+-------+------------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS
| |Nativity|Service|
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
Capt |Arch. McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Merchant. No lands.
Capt |Allan McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held 200 acres of land under
Lt | | | | Sir John Johnson, at £6
| | | | per 100.
Lt |Mal. McMartin |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held 100 acres of land under
| | | | Sir John Johnson, at £6.
Lt |Peter Everett |America | 7 yrs.|Had some landed property.
Lt |John Prentiss |America | 9 yrs.|A volunteer at the Siege of
| | | | Quebec, 1775-76.
Lt |Hugh McDonell |Scotland| 7 yrs.|Son of Capt. McDonell.
Lt |John F. Holland |America | 5 yrs.|Son of Major Holland,
| | | | Surveyor-General,
| | | | Province of Quebec.
Lt |William Coffin |America | 3 yrs.|Son of Mr. Coffin, merchant,
| | | | late of Boston.
Lt |Jacob Farrand |America | 7 yrs.|Nephew to Major Gray.
Lt |William Claus |America | 7 yrs.|Son of Col. Claus, deputy
| | | | agent Indian Affairs.
Lt |Hugh Munro |America | 6 yrs.|Son of Capt. John Munro.
Lt |Joseph Anderson |America | 6 yrs.|Son of Capt. Sam'l Anderson.
Lt |Thomas Smith |Ireland | 4 yrs.|Son of Dr. Smith.
Ens |John Connolly |Ireland | 2 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Ens |Jacob Glen |America | 3 yrs.|Son of John Glen, Esq., of
| | | | Schenectady. Had
| | | | considerable landed
| | | | property.
Ens |Miles McDonell |Scotland| 3 yrs.|Son of Capt. John McDonell.
Ens |Eben'r Anderson |America | 6 yrs.|Son of Capt. Sam'l. Anderson.
Ens |Duncan Cameron |Scotland|14 yrs.|In service last war preceding
| | | | this one.
Ens |John Mann |America | 8 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Ens |Francis McCarthy |Ireland |28 yrs.|Formerly Sergeant in the
| | | | 34th Regiment.
Ens |John Valentine |America |24 yrs.|18 years in 55th and 62nd
| | | | Regiments.
Ch'p |John Doty |America | 8 yrs.|Formerly minister of the
| | | | Gospel at Schenectady.
Adjt |James Valentine |Ireland | 4 yrs.|Son of Ens John Valentine.
Q.M. |Isaac Mann |America | 8 yrs.|Merchant.
Surg. |Charles Austin |England |22 yrs.|14 years in hospital work.
M'te |James Stewart |Scotland|14 yrs.|Surgeon's mate in the 42nd
| | | | Regt. the war before last.
-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE SECOND BATTALION, KING'S
ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."
-------|-------------------|--------+-------+------------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS
| |Nativity|Service|
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
Maj. |Robert Leake |England | 7 yrs.|Had some landed property,
| | | | etc., lost in consequence
| | | | of the rebellion.
Capt. |Thos. Gummesell |England | 8 yrs.|Formerly Merchant in New
| | | | York.
Capt. |Jacob Maurer |Foreign'r|28 yrs|Served in ye army in the
| | | | 60th Regt., from 1756 to
| | | | 1763, afterwards in the
| | | | Quarter-Master General's
| | | | Dept.
Capt. | Wm. Morrison |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Was lieut., 19th June, 1776,
| | | | in 1st Batt.; Capt., 15th
| | | | Nov., 1781, in the 2nd
| | | | Batt.
Capt. |James McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held 200 acres of land in fee
| | | | simple, under Sir John
| | | | Johnson, at £6 per 100.
Capt. |Geo. Singleton |Ireland | 8 yrs.|Formerly merchant.
Capt. |Wm. Redf'd Crawford|America | 8 yrs.|Held lands under Sir John
| | | | Johnson.
Capt. |---- Byrns |Ireland | 8 yrs.|Held lands under Sir John
| | | | Johnson.
Capt. |---- Lepscomb |England | 7 yrs.|Midshipman Royal Navy.
Capt. |---- McKenzie |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held lands under Sir John
| | | | Johnson.
Lt. |Patrick Langan |Ireland | 7 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Lt. |Walter Sutherland |Scotland|10 yrs.|Soldier and non-commissioned
| | | | officer in 26th Regt;
| | | | ensign, 17th Oct., 1779, in
| | | | 1st Batt., lieut., Nov.,
| | | | 1781, in 2nd Batt.
Lt. |William McKay |Scotland|15 yrs.|7 years volunteer and
| | | | sergeant in 21st Regt.
Lt. |Neal Robertson |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Merchant.
Lt. |Henry Young |America | 8 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |John Howard |Ireland |18 yrs.|Farmer; served 6 years last
| | | | war, from 1755 to 1761, as
| | | | soldier and
| | | | non-commissioned officer
| | | | in 28th Regt.
-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE SECOND BATTALION, KING'S
ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."--Continued.
-------|-------------------|---------+-------+-----------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of | of | REMARKS
| |Nativity |Service|
-------|-------------------|---------|-------|-----------------------------
Lt. |Jeremiah French |America | 7 yrs.| Farmer.
Lt. |Phil. P. Lansingh |America | 4 yrs.|High Sheriff, Chariot County.
Lt. |Hazelt'n Spencer |America | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |Oliver Church |America | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |William Fraser |Scotland | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |Christian Wher |Foreign'r| 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Ens. |Alex. McKenzie |N.Britain| 4 yrs.|Farmer.
Ens. |Ron. McDonell |N.Britain| 3 yrs.|Farmer.
Ens. |---- Hay |America | 3 yrs.|Son of Gov. Hay at Detroit.
Ens. |Samuel McKay |America | 3 yrs.|Son of the late Capt. McKay.
Ens. |Timothy Thompson |America | 3 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Ens. |John McKay |America | 3 yrs.|Son of the late Capt. McKay.
Ens. |---- Johnson |Ireland | 2 yrs.|Nephew of the late Sir Wm.
| | | | Johnson, Bart.
Ens. |---- Crawford |America | 4 yrs.|Son of Capt. Crawford.
Ch'p |John Stuart |America | 3 yrs.|Missionary for the Mohawk
| | | | Indians at Fort Hunter.
Adjt. |---- Fraser |Scotland |10 yrs.|7 years soldier and
| | | | non-commissioned officer in
| | | | 34th Regiment.
Q.M. |---- Dies |America | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Surg. |R. Kerr |Scotland | 8 yrs.|Assistant Surgeon.[133]
=======+===================+=========+=======+=============================
The officers and men of the First Battalion, with their families,
settled in a body in the first five townships west of the boundary line
of the Province of Quebec, being the present townships of Lancaster,
Charlottenburgh, Cornwall, Osnabruck and Williamsburgh; while those of
the Second Battalion went farther west to the Bay of Quinte, in the
counties of Lennox and Prince Edward. Each soldier received a
certificate entitling him to land; of which the following is a copy:
"His Majesty's Provincial Regiment, called the King's Royal Regiment
of New York, whereof Sir John Johnson, Knight and Baronet is
Lieutenant-Colonel, Commandant.
These are to certify that the Bearer hereof, Donald McDonell, soldier
in Capt. Angus McDonell's Company, of the aforesaid Regiment, born in
the Parish of Killmoneneoack, in the County of Inverness, aged
thirty-five years, has served honestly and faithfully in the said
regiment Seven Years; and in consequence of His Majesty's Order for
Disbanding the said Regiment, he is hereby discharged, is entitled,
by His Majesty's late Order, to the Portion of Land allotted to each
soldier of His Provincial Corps, who wishes to become a Settler in
this Province. He having first received all just demands of Pay,
Cloathing, &c., from his entry into the said Regiment, to the Date of
his Discharge, as appears from his Receipt on the back hereof.
Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at Montreal, this twenty-fourth
Day of December, 1783.
John Johnson."
"I, Donald McDonell, private soldier, do acknowledge that I have
received all my Cloathing, Pay, Arrears of Pay, and all Demands
whatsoever, from the time of my Inlisting in the Regiment and Company
mentioned on the other Side to this present Day of my Discharge, as
witness my Hand this 24th day of December, 1783.
Donald McDonell."[134]
There appears to have been some difficulty in according to the men the
amount of land each should possess, as may be inferred from the petition
of Colonel John Butler on behalf of The Royal Greens and his corps of
Rangers. The Order in Council, October 22 1788 allowed them the same as
that allotted to the members of the Royal Highland Emigrants.[135]
Ultimately each soldier received one hundred acres on the river front,
besides two hundred at a remote distance. If married he was entitled to
fifty acres more, an additional fifty for every child. Each child, on
coming of age, was entitled to a further grant of two hundred acres.
It is not the purpose to follow these people into their future homes,
for this would be later than the Peace of 1783. Let it suffice to say
that their lands were divided by lot, and into the wilderness they went,
and there cleared the forests, erected their shanties out of round logs,
to a height of eight feet, with a room not exceeding twenty by fifteen
feet.
These people were pre-eminently social and attached to the manners and
customs of their fathers. In Scotland the people would gather in one of
their huts during the long winter nights and listen to the tales of
Ossian and Fingal. So also they would gather in their huts and listen to
the best reciter of tales. Often the long nights would be turned into a
recital of the sufferings they endured during their flight into Canada
from Johnstown; and also of their privations during the long course of
the war. It required no imagination to picture their hardships, nor was
it necessary to indulge in exaggeration. Many of the women, through the
wilderness, carried their children on their backs, the greater part of
the distance, while the men were burdened with their arms and such goods
as were deemed necessary. They endured perils by land and by water; and
their food often consisted of the flesh of dogs and horses, and the
roots of trees. Gradually some of these story tellers varied their tale,
and, perhaps, believed in the glosses.
A good story has gained extensive currency, and has been variously told,
on Donald Grant. He was born at Crasky, Glenmoriston, Scotland, and was
one of the heroes who sheltered prince Charles in the cave of Corombian,
when wandering about, life in hand, after the battle of Culloden, before
he succeeded in effecting his escape to the Outer Hebrides. Donald, with
others, settled in Glengarry, a thousand acres having been allotted to
him. This old warrior, having seen much service, knew well the country
between Johnstown and Canada. He took charge of one of the parties of
refugees in their journey from Schenectady to Canada. Donald lived to a
good old age and was treated with much consideration by all, especially
those whom he had led to their new homes. It was well known that he
could spin a good story equal to the best. As years went on, the number
of Donald's party rapidly increased, as he told it to open-mouthed
listeners, constantly enlarging on the perils and hardships of the
journey. A Highland officer, who had served in Canada for some years,
was returning home, and, passing through Glengarry, spent a few days
with Alexander Macdonell, priest at St. Raphael's. Having expressed his
desire to meet some of the veterans of the war, so that he might hear
their tales and rehearse them in Scotland, that they might know how
their kinsmen in Canada had fought and suffered for the Crown, the
priest, amongst others, took him to see old Donald Grant. The
opportunity was too good to be lost, and Donald told the general in
Gaelic the whole story, omitting no details; giving an account of the
number of men, women and children he had brought with him, their perils
and their escapes, their hardships borne with heroic devotion; how, when
on the verge of starvation, they had boiled their moccasins and eaten
them; how they had encountered the enemy, the wild beasts and Indians,
beaten all off and landed the multitude safely in Glengarry. The General
listened with respectful attention, and at the termination of the
narrative, wishing to say something pleasant, observed: "Why, dear me,
Donald, your exploits seem almost to have equalled even those of Moses
himself when leading the children of Israel through the Wilderness from
Egypt to the Land of Promise." Up jumped old Donald. "Moses," exclaimed
the veteran with an unmistakable air of contempt, and adding a double
expletive that need not here be repeated, "Compare ME to Moses! Why,
Moses took forty years in his vain attempts to lead his men over a much
shorter distance, and through a mere trifling wilderness in comparison
with mine, and he never did reach his destination, and lost half his
army in the Red Sea. I brought my people here without the loss of a
single man."
It has been noted that the Highlanders who settled on the Mohawk, on the
lands of Sir William Johnson, were Roman Catholics. Sir William, nor his
son and successor, Sir John Johnson, took any steps to procure them a
religious teacher in the principles of their faith. They were not so
provided until after the Revolution, and then only when they were
settled on the lands that had been allotted to them. In 1785, the people
themselves took the proper steps to secure such an one,--and one who was
able to speak the Gaelic, for many of them were ignorant of the English
language. In the month of September, 1786, the ship "McDonald," from
Greenock, brought Reverend Alexander McDonell, Scotus, with five hundred
emigrants from Knoydart, who settled with their kinsfolk in Glengarry,
Canada.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 101: Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 30, 1773.]
[Footnote 102: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. II. p. 151.]
[Footnote 103: _Ibid_, p. 637.]
[Footnote 104: _Ibid_, p. 638.]
[Footnote 105: _Ibid_, p. 661.]
[Footnote 106: _Ibid_, p. 665.]
[Footnote 107: _Ibid_, p. 672.]
[Footnote 108: _Ibid_, p. 712.]
[Footnote 109: _Ibid_, p. 880.]
[Footnote 110: Stone's Life of Brant, Vol. I, p. 106.]
[Footnote 111: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III. p. 1194.]
[Footnote 112: _Ibid_, p. 1245.]
[Footnote 113: _Ibid_, p. 1963.]
[Footnote 114: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 651.]
[Footnote 115: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. IV, pp. 818-829.]
[Footnote 116: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 668.]
[Footnote 117: See Appendix, Note J.]
[Footnote 118: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 447.]
[Footnote 119: _Ibid_, p. 643.]
[Footnote 120: _Ibid_, p. 642.]
[Footnote 121: _Ibid_, p. 644.]
[Footnote 122: _Ibid_, p. 511.]
[Footnote 123: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 683.]
[Footnote 124: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI. p. 647.]
[Footnote 125: Sir John Johnson's Orderly Book, p. LXXXII.]
[Footnote 126: Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry in Canada, p. 22.]
[Footnote 127: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 779.]
[Footnote 128: Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. I, p. 238.]
[Footnote 129: Johnson's Orderly Book, p. 57.]
[Footnote 130: _Ibid_, p. 59.]
[Footnote 131: _Ibid_, p. 56.]
[Footnote 132: Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. II, p. 164.]
[Footnote 133: Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry, p. 47.]
[Footnote 134: _Ibid_, p. 51.]
[Footnote 135: See Appendix, Note K.]