Protectorate Of Richard Cromwell.
Cromwell was dead, and his son Richard had succeeded him without
any excitement or resistance. To the joy which had seized the
Royalists at the news of the decease of the Protector, to the
transports which had caused cries to be heard in Amsterdam of
"The Devil is dead," had succeeded an exaggerated dejection. "We
have not yet found that advantage by Cromwell's death that we
reasonably hoped," wrote Hyde to Howard, one of the most faithful
servants of the king in England; "nay rather, we are in the worse
situation for it, people imagining by the great calm that has
followed that the nation is united, and that the king has very
few friends. ... I hope, however, that this young man will not
inherit the good fortune of his father, and that there will
happen some confusion which will open a door for us."
Confusion had already set in, latent and silent as yet, but the
most zealous partisans of Cromwell and of his sons were even then
under no delusion. Amidst the general adhesion which had fallen
to the lot of the new Protector at his accession, they were
filled with anxiety and convinced that their success was
superficial and their peril imminent. The body of Cromwell was
still lying upon its bed of state, and already the impression
which his death had caused and the unanimous assent which it had
brought to his successor were but a vain appearance.
[Image]
Richard Cromwell.
{283}
The strong hand which had raised and supported the power was
scarcely cold in death when from all quarters the pretensions
sprang up which he had reduced to silence. The first blow was not
long delayed. For several days the Republican leaders of the army
assembled at the house of Desborough. On the 14th of October, two
or three hundred officers, conducted by Fleetwood, or rather
conducting at their head General Fleetwood, presented to Richard
a petition demanding that the army should henceforth have an
appointed leader empowered to nominate to all the vacant posts.
It was taking away the army from the Protector and placing the
Protector at the mercy of the army. Richard preserved a good
countenance; Thurloe had prepared his answer. He intrenched
himself behind the "Petition and advice," the fundamental act of
the Protectorate, which was opposed to the request of the
officers. He spoke of the arrears due to the troops, of his wish
to pay them. The officers did not persist: it was enough to have
made known their demand; they promised themselves to return to
the attack. Richard and his friends did not deceive themselves as
to these pretensions. "In the present state of affairs," wrote
Henry Cromwell to his brother, "the waves, I am afraid, are too
rough for you to be able to cast your anchor anywhere; you must
content yourself with drifting and waiting for the turn of tide.
... I sometimes think of a Parliament, but I doubt whether wise
men would be willing to embark in such ventures in the midst of
so troubled a State; should they be willing, could the army be
prevented from offering violence to the elections?"
{284}
It was also towards a Parliament that the thoughts of the friends
of the Protector inclined in England. Money was wanting. Thurloe
had caused Mazarin to be sounded as to a loan of fifty thousand
pounds sterling; but the cardinal, recently so assiduous in his
attentions to Cromwell, was not disposed to make the same efforts
in favor of his successors; he wished to live on good terms with
him, and see his destiny accomplished without lending him
efficient assistance to contribute artificially to secure his
position. He pleaded his own embarrassments, and refused the
money. Every resource had been exhausted; the time of arbitrary
taxes and of the rule of the majors-general had passed away; with
his genius, Cromwell had carried tyranny with him to the tomb.
The council of the Protector resolved to convoke a Parliament.
"We shall have great struggles to sustain," wrote Thurloe to
Henry Cromwell; "the Republicans assemble every day and discuss
as to what republic they ought to prefer, for they deem it
certain that they have only to choose and take. They flatter
themselves that a portion of the army will march with them. I
trust that they are mistaken. However, I must say that I do not
like the aspect of things, and my fears outweigh my hopes."
Under the dominion of the fears expressed by Thurloe the new
government did not dare to conduct the elections according to the
electoral system prepared by the Long Parliament and twice
practiced by Cromwell; the customs of the monarchy were revived
in the hope of influencing the elections in the boroughs.
Scotland and Ireland, recently incorporated with England, had no
traditional right to invoke. To each were allotted thirty
representatives, whose elections were necessarily to depend upon
the army which ruled them.
{285}
The army of Ireland was commanded by Henry Cromwell; that of
Scotland by Monk, who had shown himself favorable to the new
power. The "other House" was convoked by letters patent similar
to those which the king had formerly addressed to the peers of
the kingdom. Thus no legal or consistent principle presided at
the formation of the new Parliament. When it assembled on the
27th of January, 1659, after elections which had been much
discussed, but had everywhere been freely accomplished, the
diversity in its ranks was considerable. The Protector and his
advisers were not, however, discouraged. "Our enemies in
Parliament are numerous and bold beyond measure," wrote Lord
Falconbridge to Henry Cromwell, "but more than doubly
counterbalanced by the moderate party, so that if the results are
slow and difficult to obtain, we do not see, as to the present,
great cause for fear."
Delays and difficulties were not slow in manifesting themselves.
On the 1st of February, Thurloe boldly proposed to Parliament the
recognition of the new Protector. "It has pleased God," he said,
"to put an end to the days of his Highness. Sad consequences were
expected from that blow. God has granted us the favor of a son of
his Highness who possesses the hearts of the people, a testimony
to his undoubted right of succession. ... It behooves this House
to respond to this favor by recognizing in his Highness, now
engaged in his functions, the undoubted successor. ... It is with
this object that I propose a bill for the recognition of the
Protector."
{286}
The ill-humor as well as the surprise of the Republicans was
extreme. They did not expect so soon to see recommended the
contest upon fundamental matters. "This is not proposed
opportunely," exclaimed Haslerig; "we have many things to
consider; the committee of grievances, the affairs of religion.
... Let us not busy ourselves with a bill of this importance
before the day of fasting and solemn prayers which we have
ordered; we have never destroyed anything without first
addressing our prayers to God; let us not attempt to establish
without praying." The discussion was long and animated; the
Republicans maintained the full sovereignty of the people and of
their supreme power. The Cromwellians, warned by experience and
political instinct, did not think that the popular voice sufficed
for the whole government, or that they had the right of
destroying and establishing at their pleasure. They gained the
ascendant at last, and, on the 14th of February, the House voted
that it recognized and declared his Highness Richard, Lord
Protector and first magistrate of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
and of all the territories dependent thereon; but, at the same
time, the House declared that the bill should contain additional
clauses intended to limit the power of the first magistrate and
to guarantee the rights and liberties of Parliament and the
people. Thurloe alone voted against this amendment.
The victory appeared decisive; but the long debate had revived
all the memories of discords, inflamed all passions, and once
more set the Republic at contention with the Protectorate under
the eyes of the observant and motionless Royalists. "The
dissension is such in Parliament (wrote to Hyde one of his
friends, John Barwick), that it will probably end in confusion:
one party thinks that the Protectorate cannot last; the other
that the Republic cannot raise itself again; the indifferent hope
that both will be right. It is easy to foresee and foretell the
upshot."
{287}
Beaten upon the Protectorate, the Republicans fell back upon the
second House, the existence of which they called into question.
The debate was long and stormy: all the friends and followers of
Cromwell sat in that assembly which overshadowed the Commons; but
there again, Haslerig, Vane, and their friends were defeated. The
second House remained as it had been constituted by Cromwell; the
attacks directed against the internal and external policy of the
dead Protector also failed. The great name of Cromwell still
protected his work and his son.
Then began a fresh toil; two powers were in opposition,
Parliament and the army. In their blind hatred of the
Protectorate, which claimed, they said, to oppress them, the
Republican leaders undertook to foment the natural jealousy which
existed between the politicians and the soldiers, in order to
compel the Protector to lean for support upon one of the two
parties, thus destroying beforehand all equilibrium in the
government.
The situation could not possibly be sustained; a catastrophe was
rapidly approaching. Cromwell had been able, although with great
difficulty, to caress and misuse in turns the revolution which he
had accomplished, and the army which he had conducted to victory;
neither to Parliament nor to the army was Richard anything. He
still possessed the majority in the House; but when, by the aid
of the alarm of the moment and the services of the adherents of
his father, he triumphed over his enemies, it was for him a
barren victory: the day was coming when, placed between the army
and Parliament as a powerless moderator, he was to fall a victim
to the blows which were aimed at each other by these two great
enemies, for he could neither conciliate them nor choose between
them without peril.
{288}
In a moment of weakness, without consulting his surest friends,
Richard had yielded to the solicitations of Fleetwood and
Desborough, who demanded of him the convocation of a general
council of the officers, summoned to agree amongst themselves and
with the Protector. This was forming a hostile and rival assembly
in opposition to Parliament. The House of Commons complained. The
Republican leaders alone, by a sudden change, manifested some
alarm at the idea of the disaffection of the army. Alarmed at the
constant albeit silent progress of the Royalists, Vane, Haslerig,
and their friends, had secretly become reconciled with the
officers. The House carried out its schemes and voted that the
council general of the officers could not assemble without the
authority of the Protector and of the two Houses of Parliament.
Lord Broghill proposed to Richard that he should himself dissolve
the council. "How am I to proceed?" said the Protector in
embarrassment. "I will compose your speech for you." Accordingly,
on the morrow Richard arrived at the council which was being held
at Wallingford House; he listened for an hour to the discussion,
then, rising suddenly, "Gentlemen," he said, "I gratefully accept
your services; I have examined your grievances and I think that
the best means of redressing them is to confer about them with
Parliament, which will do you justice. I therefore annul the
orders that I gave for your assembling, and I invite you all to
return to your various commands."
{289}
Surprised and exasperated, the malcontents did not dare to resist
in the face of the Protector. They retired, but shortly
afterwards meeting Lord Broghill in the House of Lords, some of
the leaders of the army, turning towards him, loudly demanded
that an address should be presented to the Protector, in order to
ascertain who had counselled him to thus dissolve the council of
war without having previously informed the whole Parliament of
his design. "Since such an address is proposed," said Lord
Broghill, "I in my turn propose another: it must also be learnt
who counselled the Protector to assemble a council of war without
the previous knowledge and approbation of Parliament; it will be
seen which of these two councils is the more guilty." Courageous
frankness impresses the most impetuous: the two propositions
remained without result. But the situation became day by day more
difficult; the struggle was more flagrant between the House of
Commons and the army. Notwithstanding the prohibitions of the
Protector and the House, the council of officers continued to
assemble at Wallingford House, concealing its strength and
preparing its blows. The friends of the Protector urged him to
action. "A bold hand, supported by a good head is necessary
here," said Lord Howard; "Lambert, Desborough, Fleetwood, and
Vane are the leaders of all this. Simply give me your sanction,
and I will rid you of them; for your honor, lend to my zeal the
support of your name." Ingoldsby joined his solicitations to
those of Howard, proposing to take charge of Lambert, who was
looked upon as the most dangerous.
{290}
Richard continued to hesitate. "I have never done anybody any
harm, and I never will," he said; "I will not have a drop of
blood spilt for the preservation of my greatness, which is a
burden to me." Howard persisted. "I thank you for your
friendship," the Protector said at length, "but let us speak no
more of it; violent counsels do not suit me." Howard left
Whitehall. Released from the two Cromwells, whom he had loyally
served, he now, like Lord Broghill, thought only of preparing the
return of Charles Stuart.
The Cavaliers yet hoped to involve the Protector himself in their
cause, and made redoubled advances towards him, but Richard
declined. As honest almost as he was weak, while a Royalist by
inclination, he was loth to betray his name and his cause, or to
attempt serious enterprises by himself. He had for a moment
sought a support in Monk, offering him a pension of twenty
thousand pounds sterling if he would take up his cause and defend
him against his enemies; but Monk, more shrewd than hasty, had
been content to reply, "Let the Protector keep his money; it will
be of more service to him than my adherence."
The enemies whom Richard dreaded, and against whom he wished to
enroll the able commander of the army in Scotland, were in
greater haste than the latter. They desired to obtain from the
Protector the dissolution of the House of Commons, the real
object of their fears and of their wrath. Richard obstinately
refused to grant this object. It was resolved to compel him. The
Protector, being well informed, sent for Fleetwood; he did not
reply, but repaired to St. James's, where were already assembled
a great number of officers.
{291}
The whole army was soon convoked. A counter-order from the
Protector summoned him to Whitehall. A few colonels, faithful to
Richard, would have brought their regiments to him; the majors
and sub-alterns had already ordered the soldiers to proceed
towards St. James's. The very guards of the Protector disbanded;
he found himself almost alone. It was on the 21st of April, at
midday, Desborough arrived at Whitehall, and, with his accustomed
uncouthness, declared to Richard that if he wished to dissolve
Parliament, the officers would take care of him and of his
interests; otherwise, they would effect the dissolution without
him, and would leave him to extricate himself from the difficulty
as he could. The poor Protector yet hesitated; he assembled some
of his most trusty friends: Whitelocke alone spoke against the
dissolution, being prudently resolved not to mix himself up in
it; the necessity was urgent. Richard yielded, and, on the
morrow, April 22d, as the Commons were assembling in their hall,
the Usher of the Black Rod invited them to the House of Lords,
without informing them, however, that the Secretary of State,
Furniss, awaited them there with the decree of dissolution. A few
members left at once; but the immense majority remained
motionless in their seats, notwithstanding a second summons from
the usher. At length, accompanying the speaker in a body to his
coach, in the presence of the soldiers placed at the door of
Parliament, the House of Commons, which had no desire to hear the
reading of its own death-warrant, adjourned until the following
Monday morning to resume its labors.
{292}
On the same evening the decree of dissolution was published, and
padlocks were placed upon the door of the House of Commons. The
monarchical government attempted by Cromwell and the only
Parliament freely elected since the death of Charles I. fell
together. The phantom of the Republic, conjured up by the army,
arose and took its stand between England and royalty.
[Image]
Charles II.
{293}