The receipt of this letter threw ALMORAN into another agony of
indignation: he felt again the loss of his prerogative; the offer of
advice he disdained as an insult, to which he had been injuriously
subjected by the will of his father; and he was disposed to reject
whatever was suggested by OMAR, even before his proposal was known. With
this temper of mind he began to read, and at every paragraph took new
offence; he determined, however, not to admit OMAR to the honour of a
conference upon the subject, but to settle a plan of government with his
brother, without the least regard to his advice.
A supercilious attention to minute formalities, is a certain indication
of a little mind, conscious to the want of innate dignity, and
felicitous to derive from others what it cannot supply to itself: as the
scrupulous exaction of every trifling tribute discovers the weakness of
the tyrant, who fears his claim should be disputed; while the prince,
who is conscious of superior and indisputable power, and knows that the
states he has subjugated do not dare to revolt, scarce enquires whether
such testimonies of allegiance are given or not.
Thus, the jealousy of ALMORAN already enslaved him to the punctilios of
state; and the most trifling circumstances involved him in perplexity,
or fired him with resentment: the friendship and fidelity of OMAR stung
him with rage, as insolent and intrusive; and though it determined him
to an immediate interview with his brother, yet he was embarrassed how
to procure it. At first he rose, and was about to go to him; but he
stopped short with disdain, upon reflecting, that it was an act of
condescension which might be deemed an acknowledgement of superiority:
he then thought of sending for HAMET to come to him; but this he feared
might provoke him, as implying a denial of his equality: at length he
determined to propose a meeting in the chamber of council, and was just
dispatching an officer with the message, when HAMET entered the
apartment.
The countenance of HAMET was flushed with joy, and his heart was warmed
with the pleasing sensations of affection and confidence, by the same
letter, from which ALMORAN had extracted the bitterness of jealousy and
resentment, and as he had no idea that an act of courtesy to his brother
could derogate from his own dignity or importance, he indulged the
honest impatience of his heart to communicate the pleasure with which it
overflowed: he was, indeed, somewhat disappointed, to find no traces of
satisfaction in the countenance of ALMORAN, when he saw the same paper
in his hand, which had impressed so much upon his own.
He waited some time after the first salutations, without mentioning the
scheme of government he was come to concert; because having observed
that ALMORAN was embarrassed and displeased, he expected that he would
communicate the cause, and pleased himself with the hope that he might
remove it: finding, however, that this expectation was disappointed, he
addressed him to this effect:
'How happy are we, my dear brother, in the wisdom and fidelity, of OMAR!
how excellent is the system of government that he has proposed! how easy
and honourable will it be to us that govern, and how advantageous to the
people that obey!'
'The advantages,' said ALMORAN, 'which you seem to have discovered, are
not evident to me: tell me, then, what you imagine they are, and I will
afterwards give you my opinion.'
'By establishing a system of laws as the rule of government,' said
HAMET, 'many evils will be avoided, and many benefits procured. If the
law is the will only of the sovereign, it can never certainly be known
to the people: many, therefore, may violate that rule of right, which
the hand of the Almighty has written upon the living tablets of the
heart, in the presumptuous hope, that it will not subject them to
punishment; and those, by whom that rule is fulfilled, will not enjoy
that consciousness of security, which they would derive from the
protection of a prescribed law, which they have never broken. Neither
will those who are inclined to do evil, be equally restrained by the
fear of punishment; if neither the offence is ascertained, nor the
punishment prescribed. One motive to probity, therefore, will be
wanting; which ought to be supplied, as well for the sake of those who
may be tempted to offend, as of those who may suffer by the offence.
Besides, he who governs not by a written and a public law, must either
administer that government in person, or by others: if in person, he
will sink under a labour which no man is able to sustain; and if by
others, the inferiority of their rank must subject them to temptations
which it cannot be hoped they will always resist, and to prejudices
which it will perhaps be impossible for them to surmount. But to
administer government by a law which ascertains the offence, and directs
the punishment, integrity alone will be sufficient; and as the
perversion of justice will in this case be notorious, and depend not
upon opinion but fact, it will seldom be practised, because it will be
easily punished.'
ALMORAN, who had heard the opinions of HAMET with impatience and scorn,
now started from his feat with a proud and contemptuous aspect: he first
glanced his eyes upon his brother; and then looking disdainfully
downward, he threw back his robe, and stretching out his hand from him,
'Shall the son of Solyman,' said he, 'upon whose will the fate of
nations was suspended, whose smiles and frowns were alone the criterions
of right and wrong, before whom the voice of wisdom itself was silent,
and the pride even of virtue humbled in the dust; shall the son of
Solyman be harnessed, like a mule, in the trammels of law? shall he
become a mere instrument to execute what others have devised? shall he
only declare the determinations of a statute, and shall his ear be
affronted by claims of right? It is the glory of a prince, to punish for
what and whom he will; to be the sovereign, not only of property, but
of life; and to govern alike without prescription or appeal.'
HAMET, who was struck with astonishment at this declaration, and the
vehemence with which it was uttered, after a short recollection made
this reply: 'It is the glory of a prince, to govern others, as he is
governed by Him, who is alone most merciful and almighty! It is his
glory to prevent crimes, rather than to display his power in punishment;
to diffuse happiness, rather than inforce subjection; and rather to
animate with love, than depress by fear. Has not He that shall judge us,
given us a rule of life by which we shall be judged? is not our reward
and punishment already set before us? are not His promises and
threatenings, motives to obedience? and have we not confidence and joy,
when we have obeyed? To God, His own divine perfections are a law; and
these He has transcribed as a law to us. Let us, then, govern, as we are
governed; let us seek our happiness in the happiness that we bestow, and
our honour in emulating the benevolence of Heaven.'
As ALMORAN feared, that to proceed farther in this argument would too
far disclose his sentiments, and put HAMET too much upon his guard; he
determined for the present to dissemble: and as he perceived, that
HAMET'S opinion, and an administration founded upon it, would render him
extreamly popular, and at length possibly establish him alone; he was
now felicitous only to withdraw him from public notice, and persuade him
to leave the government, whatever form it should receive, to be
administered by others: returning, therefore, to his seat, and assuming
an appearance of complacence and tranquillity, with which he could not
form his language perfectly to agree; 'Let us then,' said he, 'if a law
must be set up in our stead, leave the law to be executed by our slaves:
and as nothing will be left for us to do, that is worthy of us, let us
devote ourselves to the pleasures of ease; and if there are any
enjoyments peculiar to royalty, let us secure them as our only
distinction from the multitude.'
'Not so,' says HAMET; 'for there is yet much for a prince to do, after
the best system of laws has been established: the government of a nation
as a whole, the regulation and extent of its trade, the establishment of
manufactories, the encouragement of genius, the application of the
revenues, and whatever can improve the arts of peace, and secure
superiority in war, is the proper object of a king's attention.
'But in these,' said ALMORAN, 'it will be difficult for two minds to
concur; let us, then, agree to leave these also to the care of some
other, whom we can continue as long as we approve, and displace when we
approve no longer: we shall, by this expedient, be able to avert the
odium of any unpopular measure; and by the sacrifice of a slave, we can
always satisfy the people, and silence public discontent.'
'To trust implicitly to another,' says HAMET, 'is to give up a
prerogative, which is at once our highest duty and interest to keep; it
is to betray our trust, and to sacrifice our honour to another. The
prince, who leaves the government of his people implicitly to a subject,
leaves it to one, who has many more temptations to betray their interest
than himself: a vicegerent is in a subordinate station; he has,
therefore, much to rear, and much to hope: he may also acquire the power
of obtaining what he hopes, and averting what he rears, at the public
expence; he may stand in need of dependents, and may be able no
otherwise to procure them, than by conniving at the fraud or the
violence which they commit: he may receive, in bribes, an equivalent for
his share, as an individual, in the public prosperity; for his interest
is not essentially connected with that of the state; he has a separate
interest; but the interest of the state, and of the king, are one: he
may even be corrupted to betray the councils, and give up the interests
of the nation, to a foreign power; but this is impossible to the king;
for nothing equivalent to what he would give up, could be offered him.
But as a king has not equal temptations to do wrong, neither is he
equally exposed to opposition, when he does right: the measures of a
substitute are frequently opposed, merely from interest; because the
leader of a faction against him, hopes, that if he can remove him by
popular clamour, he shall succeed to his power; but it can be no man's
interest to oppose the measures of a king, if his measures are good,
because no man can hope to supplant him. Are not these the precepts of
the Prophet, whose wisdom was from above?'--"Let not the eye of
expectation be raised to another, for that which thyself only should
bestow: suffer not thy own shadow to obscure thee; nor be content to
derive that glory, which it is thy prerogative to impart."
'But is the prince,' said ALMORAN, always the wisest man in his
dominions? Can we not find, in another, abilities and experience, which
we do not possess? and is it not the duty of him who presides in the
ship, to, place the helm in that hand which can best steer it?'
'A prince,' said HAMET, 'who sincerely intends the good of his people,
can scarce fail to effect it; all the wisdom of the nation will be at
once turned to that object: whatever is his principal aim, will be that
of all who are admitted to his council; for to concur with his
principal aim, must be the surest recommendation to his favour. Let us,
then, hear others; but let us act ourselves.'
As ALMORAN now perceived, that the longer this conversation continued,
the more he should be embarrassed; he put an end to it, by appearing to
acquiesce in what HAMET had proposed. HAMET withdrew, charmed with the
candour and flexibility which he imagined he had discovered in his
brother; and not without some exultation in his own rhetoric, which, he
supposed had gained no inconsiderable victory. ALMORAN, in the mean
time, applauded himself for having thus far practised the arts of
dissimulation with success; fortified himself in the resolutions he had
before taken; and conceived new malevolence and jealousy against HAMET.