When “care” is mentioned as taken for sanitary measures, it is to be

remembered that it is care only at the outset, and that when in habitual

action the care required is really less, and the measures should be

characterized as means for avoiding care and trouble and diminishing

pecuniary loss.

The effect of sanitary care in the mines of Camborne is, so far as it

has been carried, marked in the following table, made up by Mr. Blee, a

medical practitioner in the neighbourhood, from the mortuary registers,

showing the average age of death of the population as compared with the

average of death in two other adjacent parishes of Illogan and Gwennap,

in both of which some beneficent alterations have been made, especially

in Illogan, but the works are stated to be new, and the circumstances

not so favourable as at Camborne:—

TABLE showing the average Ages of Persons dying above 30, and

registered, in three years in the Parish of Camborne, in two years in

Gwennap, and in one year in Illogan.

┌────────┬───────────────┬────────┬───────────────────────────────────┐

│ │ Males. │Females.│ Proportion per cent. of Miners’ │

│ │ │ │ Deaths by Mine Accidents. │

├────────┼───────┬───────┼────────┼───────────────────────────────────┤

│ │Miners.│ Not │ │ │

│ │ │Miners.│ │ │

├────────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼───────────────────────────────────┤

│Gwennap │ 45│ 60│ 64│ 16│

│Illogan │ 49│ 68│ 64│ 32│

│Camborne│ 54│ 60│ 63│ 5│

└────────┴───────┴───────┴────────┴───────────────────────────────────┘

The improvement in Camborne had not reached the residences, where the

miners kept pigs, in sties close behind the house, and a dungheap is

carefully fostered in a catch-pit adjacent. Dr. Barham, and the medical

men practising in the vicinity, attribute to the decomposition of

vegetable matter in the “soaked soil from the receptacles near the

dwellings a form of fever which has been hanging about Camborne, and has

often passed into the typhoid condition, and has been attended with

great prostration of strength.”[30]

I have obtained through Mr. Baker, of Leeds, who, as superintendent of

factories, has had good means of making an accurate comparison, the

following contrast of the results as shown in the state of mortality

amidst the population of two contiguous manufacturing districts employed

in similar proportions in the same description of work, and differing

only in the state of the atmosphere in which they lived. The districts

are the townships of Great Bradford and Horton, in Yorkshire, both in

the parish of Bradford, and contiguous, differing only in elevation and

atmospheric influence.

“The town of Bradford lies in a hollow formed by the high land of the

surrounding country, a part of which forms the township of Horton, and

both populations, in about an equal ratio, are employed in

worsted-mills, built about the same period of time, in the same kind

of architecture, with the same appliances for ventilation and

purification in every respect, differing only in comparison as to

numbers both of population and mills.

Population. Births. Deaths.

Bradford 34,560 1 in 25·8 1 in 37·3

Horton 17,618 1 in 28·0 1 in 47·0

“The difference between the two localities will at once be seen, and

can only be accounted for by the difference in atmospheric influences,

the former population being resident in ill-conditioned dwellings,

without sufficient ventilation; the latter residing in localities

which, though undrained in many instances, are yet open to pure air

and breezes which never reach the town without the most perfect

contamination.”

Dr. Barham mentions, as an example of the benevolent foresight which

economizes the strength and life of workmen, and perceives that there is

a profit as well as humanity in so doing, that at Tresavean, a great

copper mine in Gwennap, as a substitute for the ladders, before

universal, machinery has been erected for the raising and lowering of

the miners. This, he states, will be effected at the cost of 2000_l._ at

the least, but this sum, it is calculated, will soon be repaid by the

saving of the time and fatigue of the men.

Such evidence as that above given, and as will be submitted in other

instances, will leave little doubt that, by a combination of practicable

sanitary regulations comprehending the economy of the residence as well

as the place of work, the enormous suffering and waste of life which at

present depresses large masses of the working population may be rendered

comparatively inconsiderable. The amount of such depression on the

mining population, in making it consist of young persons and more

transient, is marked in a return prepared by Mr. R. Lanyon, the medical

practitioner acquainted with the locality, and which was read at the

Polytechnic Society in Cornwall.

On examining the ages of 2145 _men_ engaged in mining, it was found that

their average age was 30 years, and that the average period they had

been engaged in work was 15 years. On examining the condition of 1033

_men_, artisans, agricultural labourers, living and working in the

vicinity, it was found that their average age was 40 years, and that

their average period of work then completed was 25 years. Of the mining

population one-third only had reached 50 years of age, whilst of the

non-mining population one-third had attained 70 years of age.

I might submit these two examples, the one as a young and comparatively

weak population, the other as a comparatively mature and strong

population. The adult mining population of 30 years of age is not, I

apprehend, a population advancing to a further stage of maturity, but

one kept down by noxious agencies and premature mortality to that limit

of age, with no chance for them or for other generations to pass beyond

it whilst in this employment, except through the operation of sanitary

measures in removing the causes of depression.

The difference in the proportions of ages between a depressed and

unhealthy and a comparatively long-lived and strong population, is shown

in the following comparative view of the ages of the miners and of the

1033 non-mining labourers who were living and working:—

┌──────────────┬───────┬─────┬──────┬─────┬──────┬─────┬─────┬────────┐

│ │ 30 │ 40 │ 45 │ 50 │ 55 │ 60 │ 70 │80 Years│

│ │ Years │Years│Years │Years│Years │Years│Years│ and │

│ │of Age │ and │ and │ and │ and │ and │ and │upwards.│

│ │ and │under│under │under│under │under│under│ │

│ │ under │ 45. │ 50. │ 55. │ 60. │ 70. │ 80. │ │

│ │ 40. │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │

├──────────────┼───────┼─────┼──────┼─────┼──────┼─────┼─────┼────────┤

│Miners 1651│ 772│ 377│ 239│ 125│ 56│ 29│ 1│ │

│Labourers 1033│ 695│ 422│ Not │ 284│ Not │ 144│ 48│ 7│

│ │ │ │given.│ │given.│ │ │ │

│ │ Per │ Per │ Per │ Per │ Per │ Per │ Per │ Per │

│ │ cent. │cent.│cent. │cent.│cent. │cent.│cent.│ cent. │

│Miners │ 47│ 23│ 14│ 7½│ 3½│ 1½│ │ │

│Labourers │ 67│ 41│ │ 27│ │ 14│ 4½│ ½│

└──────────────┴───────┴─────┴──────┴─────┴──────┴─────┴─────┴────────┘

So that whilst in every 100 men of the younger population of workpeople

there would not be 2 men of the experience beyond sixty years of age,

not 8 above fifty, or not a fourth passed forty; in the older population

there would be 14 beyond sixty, 27 beyond fifty, or a clear majority of

mature age, and, it may be presumed, of the comparatively staid habits

given by age. Dr. Scott Allison found that the average age of the living

male heads of families of the _collier_ population at Tranent whose

condition he has contrasted with that of the agricultural population,

and whose ages he could ascertain, was 34 years; whilst the average age

of the living male heads of the agricultural families was 51 years and

10 months. He considers that the like proportions would be found to be

more extensively prevalent, and would serve as fair indications of the

relative condition of the different populations.

Whenever the adult population of a physically depressed district, such

as Manchester, is brought out on any public occasion, the preponderance

of youth in the crowd and the small proportion of aged, or even of the

middle aged, amongst them is apt to strike those who have seen

assemblages of the working population of other districts more favourably

situated.

In the course of some inquiries under the Constabulary Force Commission

as to the proportions of a paid force that would apparently be requisite

for the protection of the peace in the manufacturing districts,

reference was made to the meetings held by torchlight in the

neighbourhood of Manchester. It was reported to us, on close observation

by peace-officers, that the bulk of the assemblages consisted of mere

boys, and that there were scarcely any men of mature age to be seen

amongst them. Those of mature age and experience, it was stated,

generally disapproved of the proceedings of the meetings as injurious to

the working classes themselves. These older men, we were assured by

their employers, were intelligent, and perceived that capital, and large

capital, was not the means of their depression, but of their steady and

abundant support. They were generally described as being above the

influence of the anarchical fallacies which appeared to sway those wild

and really dangerous assemblages. The inquiry which arose upon such

statements was how it happened that the men of mature age, feeling their

own best interests injured by the proceedings of the younger portion of

the working classes, how they, the elders, did not exercise a

restraining influence upon their less experienced fellow-workmen? On

inquiring of the owner of some extensive manufacturing property, on

which between 1000 and 2000 persons were maintained at wages yielding

40_s._ per week per family, whether he could rely on the aid of the men

of mature age for the protection of the capital which furnished them the

means of subsistence? he stated he could rely on them confidently. But

on ascertaining the numbers qualified for service as special constables,

the gloomy fact became apparent, that the proportion of men of strength

and of mature age for such service were but as a small group against a

large crowd, and that for any social influence they were equally weak.

The disappearance by premature deaths of the heads of families and the

older workmen at such ages as those recorded in the returns of dependent

widowhood and orphanage, must to some extent practically involve the

necessity of supplying the lapse of staid influence amidst a young

population by one description or other of precautionary force.

On expostulating on other occasions with middle-aged and experienced

workmen on the folly as well as the injustice of their trade unions, by

which the public peace was compromised by the violences of strike after

strike, without regard to the experiences of the suffering from the

continued failures of their exertions for objects the attainment of

which would have been most injurious to themselves, the workmen of the

class remonstrated with, invariably disclaimed connexion with the

proceedings, and showed that they abstained from attendance at the

meetings. The common expression was, they would not attend to be borne

down by “mere boys,” who were furious, and knew not what they were

about. The predominance of a young and violent majority was general.

In the metropolis the experience is similar. The mobs against which the

police have to guard come from the most depressed districts; and the

constant report of the superintendents is, that scarcely any old men are

to be seen amongst them. In general they appear to consist of persons

between 16 to 25 years of age. The mobs from such districts as Bethnal

Green are proportionately conspicuous for a deficiency of bodily

strength, without, however, being from that cause proportionately the

less dangerously mischievous. I was informed by peace officers that the

great havoc at Bristol was committed by mere boys.

The experience of the metropolitan police is also similar as to the

comparatively small proportion of force available for public service

from such depressed districts. It is corroborative also of the evidence

as to the physical deterioration of their population, as well as the

disproportion in respect to age. Two out of every three of the

candidates for admission to the police force itself are found defective

in the physical qualifications. It is rare that any one of the

candidates from Spitalfields, Whitechapel, or the districts where the

mean duration of life is low, is found to possess the requisite physical

qualifications for the force, which is chiefly recruited from the open

districts at the outskirts of the town, or from Norfolk and Suffolk, and

other agricultural counties.

In general the juvenile delinquents, who come from the inferior

districts of the towns, are conspicuously under size. In a recent

examination of juvenile delinquents at Parkhurst by Mr. Kay

Shuttleworth, the great majority were found to be deficient in physical

organization. An impression is often prevalent that the criminal

population consists of persons of the greatest physical strength.

Instances of criminals of great strength certainly do occur; but

speaking from observation of the adult prisoners from the towns and the

convicts in the hulks, they are in general below the average standard of

height.

Reverting to the observations as to the influence of adverse physical

circumstances on the morals of the population, I must here include in

the observation the younger portion of the population.

I might adduce the evidence of the teachers of the pauper children at

Norwood to show that a deteriorated physical condition does in fact

greatly increase the difficulty of moral and intellectual cultivation.

The intellects of the children of such inferior physical organization

are torpid; it is comparatively difficult to gain their attention or to

sustain it; it requires much labour to irradiate the countenance with

intelligence, and the irradiation is apt to be transient. As a class

they are comparatively irritable and bad tempered. The most experienced

and zealous teachers are gladdened by the sight of well-grown healthy

children, which presents to them better promise that their labours will

be less difficult and more lasting and successful. On one occasion a

comparison was made between the progress of two sets of children in

Glasgow, the one set taken from the wynds and placed under the care of

one of the most skilful and successful infant schoolmasters, the other a

set of children from a more healthy town district and of a better

physical condition, placed under the care of a pupil of the master who

had charge of the children from the wynds. After a trial for a

sufficient time, the more experienced master acknowledged the

comparative inferiority of his pupils, and his inability to keep them up

to the pace of the better bodily conditioned children.

The facts indicated will suffice to show the importance of the moral and

political considerations, viz., that the noxious physical agencies

depress the health and bodily condition of the population, and act as

obstacles to education and to moral culture; that in abridging the

duration of the adult life of the working classes they check the growth

of productive skill, and abridge the amount of social experience and

steady moral habits in the community: that they substitute for a

population that accumulates and preserves instruction and is steadily

progressive, a population that is young, inexperienced, ignorant,

credulous, irritable, passionate, and dangerous, having a perpetual

tendency to moral as well as physical deterioration.

The group of cases of the mining population from Alston and Garrigill,

it appears to me, will, when considered, afford an example of the

powerful nature of the physical elements of deterioration. In that

district the employers and persons of the higher classes have paid great

attention to maintain the means of moral improvement. They have only not

been made aware of the practicability or of the importance of sustaining

the physical condition of the workpeople, as exemplified in respect to

the same description of labourers at Camborne.

The duration of life amongst the mining population of the lead-miners at

Alston and Garrigill, and the adjacent district, is about 14 years less

than that given by the Swedish tables. Their physical condition was

depressed. “The young men appeared very healthy, but exceedingly few of

them,” says Dr. Mitchell, “were of a large size; and in general it may

be said they are of a small size.” He states that in moral condition

they are most exemplary:—

“The means of education in Alston parish are extensive: there is the

grammar-school, the master of which must be acquainted with Latin, but

he gives a general education; there is a charity-school, and a school

kept by a master on his own account; there is the school of the London

Lead Company at Nenthead, at which other children besides those of

their own workpeople are allowed to attend. There is a school at

Garrigill Gate, and one at Tynehead, and another at Leadgate; there

are also many dame schools and 10 Sunday schools. * * * I procured the

catalogues of several libraries, and the books are such as to convey

valuable information, and are far superior to most of the works which

are found in the catalogues of the institutions called literary and

scientific in and about the metropolis. * * * As to the intellectual

condition of the people, it is decidedly superior to that of any

district of England of which I have any knowledge. The witnesses

uniformly manifested a clearness of comprehension of the inquiries

made of them, and gave distinct replies, and added of themselves other

information hearing on the subject. Almost all of them could sign

their evidence, and most of them wrote exceedingly well. * * * The

evidence of the employers and the parochial authorities, as well as of

the men themselves, fully proves that there is a very general

sobriety, and that the contrary practice is exceedingly rare. * * *

Offences against property are very rare. It may be doubted whether we

may consider it a proof of the honesty of the people, that pigs of

lead may be seen lying by the road sides and in the fells as much

exposed as so many stones. There is no magistrate nearer to Alston

than a distance of 14 miles. Offences against the law are very rare.”

Instances have been frequently presented in the course of this inquiry

of the moral degradation of the children of workpeople, and of the

workpeople themselves, who have once been what those miners now are in

moral condition; but the cases taken from the pauper roll of the union

will serve to show that even a good education will not, of itself,

sustain such a body of workmen against the physical causes of

depression. The group of cases of widowhood, when considered, will serve

to show that the causes in question create the evils of which they are

supposed to be natural correctives.

With such an educated class of workmen, the obtainment of a place and

the wages of an adult must be the necessary preliminary to a marriage,

and unless such place or wages were obtained, the young workman would

either remain single or seek employment further a-field. But we will

suppose, for illustration, that a casualty occurs, such as the last

death on the list, J. M., where a young miner who has married and has a

wife and two children is prematurely swept away by an epidemic at 21

years of age, leaving a widow and two destitute orphan children

dependent on poor relations, or on the ratepayers. The first mentioned,

say S. H., then takes the vacant place of work, marries, and is killed

at 34 years of age by “an accident in the mine,” leaving a widow and

seven orphan children. This third vacancy in the place of work is

occupied by another miner H. Y., who marries and works until he is 45,

when he is killed by “consumption,” leaving a widow and five children.

Such casualties do not of course actually so fall on any one place of

work, but the vacancies so created in different places at the younger

periods of life must be and are supplied by new hands coming into the

employment, and marrying as a consequence of that employment, and the

succession will fairly represent 1 he mode in which the vacancies

created by the various causes of death displayed in the last table and

in the other tables of the causes of premature widowhood and orphanage

occur.

In works where the average period of working ability is extended to the

natural period of superannuation, which the evidence shows that a

combination of internal and external sanitary measures maybe expected to

give, namely an average of full 60 years, the account for one place

would be one superannuated workman and one widow, and a family of four

or five well-grown children, who, having received parental care during

that period, will probably all have obtained, before its termination,

the means of independent self-support. Whereas with a population of only

15 or 20 years of working ability, the same place of work may during the

same period have been filled by two generations and one-fourth of

workpeople, not one of which has brought all the children dependent on

it to maturity or a condition for self-support; and the account of

widowhood and orphanage will frequently for the same place of work stand

thus:—

Workmen prematurely Dead. Orphan Children. Years’ loss of Support.

J. M. 1 widow 2 39

S. H. 1 widow 7 26

H. Y. 1 widow 5 15

That is to say, three widows instead of one, and three sets of stunted

and unhealthy children dependent for such various periods, as those

above specified, and competing for employment at the same place, instead

of one set of healthy children arrived at the age of working ability for

self-support. The occupation of the places of work by a comparatively

young and procreative population, brought forward by the premature

removal of the middle aged and the aged workers, by the various causes

of premature deaths—the acceleration of births by premature deaths in

infancy as stated in a preceding note—will, I apprehend, sufficiently

clearly account for the generally increased proportions of births in

those districts where the rate of mortality is high; and it will

scarcely be necessary to give further illustrations of the dreadful

fallacy which tends to an acquiescence in the continuance of the causes

of pestilence and premature mortality as correctives of the pressure of

population.”

Though the deaths from accidents bear only a small proportion to the

deaths from disease, yet registries show that the scattered deaths from

various descriptions of violence amount to an average of about 12,000

yearly, in England and Wales alone, or more than aroused the national

attention in the late massacre of the troops of the empire during the

war in India. The position which this class of causes occupy, in the

production of destitute orphanage and widowhood, is shown in the

previous tables; but these do not comprehend the whole of the effects;

another class of which appear on examining the causes of pauperism:

namely, the injuries which occasion permanent disablement. In an

analysis of the causes of pauperism, by _Mr. Simkiss_, the auditor of

the Wolverhampton union, the cases of which the subjoined is a list were

apparent on the pauper-roll.

┌──────┬──────────────┬──────────────────┬────────────────────────────┐

│No. of│ Previous │ Nature of │ Respective Ages. │

│Cases.│Occupations of│ Accident. │ │

│ │ the Paupers. │ │ │

├──────┼──────────────┼──────────────────┼────────────────────────────┤

│ 18│Miners │Hurt in mines │21, 23, 27, 30, 34, 34, 40, │

│ │ │ │ 40, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50, │

│ │ │ │ 50, 51, 53, 60, 60. │

│ 2│Ditto │Burnt in mines │40, 60. │

│ 1│Locksmith │Lamed by accident │30. │

│ 1│Wheelwright │Accident by waggon│69. │

│ 1│Single woman │Lost her arm by │23. │

│ │ │ accident. │ │

└──────┴──────────────┴──────────────────┴────────────────────────────┘

Report to Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State For the Home Department, from the Poor Law Commissioners, on an Inquiry Into the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain; With Appendices · 第 28 / 65 段