Chorlton-upon-Medlock; a man, his Union, containing one sitting-room
wife and seven children; income per and two bed-rooms; a man, his wife
week, 1_l._ 11_s._; rent 1_s._ and three children; rent 2_s._
6_d._ per week; three beds for 6_d._ per week; income per week
seven, in a dark, unventilated back 12_s._ 6_d._, being an average of
room, bed-covering of the meanest 2_s._ 6_d._ per week for each
and scantiest kind—the man and wife person. Here, with a sickly man,
occupying the front room as a the house presented an appearance
sleeping-room for themselves, in of comfort in every part, as also
which the whole family take their the bedding was in good order.
food and spend their leisure time;
here the family, in a filthy
destitute state, with an income
averaging 3_s._ 5¼_d._ each per
week, four being children under 11
years of age.
2. 2.
Cellar in York-street, In a dwelling-house, Stove-street,
Chorlton-upon-Medlock; a man—a one sitting-room, one kitchen and
hand-loom weaver—his wife and two bed-rooms, rent 4_s._ per week.
family (one daughter married, with A poor widow, with a daughter also
her husband forms part of the a widow, with ten children, making
family), comprising altogether together 13 in family; 1_l._ 6_s._
seven persons; income 2_l._ 7_s._, per week, averaging 2_s._ per head
or 6_s._ 8½_d._ per head; rent per week. Here there is every
2_s._ Here, with the largest amount appearance of cleanliness and
of income, the family occupy two comfort.
filthy, damp, unwholesome cellars,
one of which is a back place
without pavement or flooring of any
kind, occupied by the loom of the
family, and used as a sleeping-room
for the married couple and single
daughter.
3. 3.
John Salt, of Carr Bank (labourer), George Hall, of Carr Bank
wages 12_s._ per week; a wife, and (labourer), wages 10_s._ per week;
one child aged 15: he is a drunken, has reared ten children; he is in
disorderly fellow, and very much in comfortable circumstances.
debt.
4. 4.
William Haynes, of Oakamoore John Hammonds, of Woodhead
(wire-drawer), wages 1_l._ per (collier), wages 18_s._ per week;
week; he has a wife and five has six children to support; he is
children; he is in debt, and his a steady man and saving money.
family is shamefully neglected.
5. 5.
George Locket, of Kingsley George Mosley, of Kingsley
(boatman), wages 18_s._ per week, (collier), wages 18_s._ per week;
with a wife and seven children; his he has a wife and seven children;
family are in a miserable he is saving money.
condition.
6. 6.
John Banks, of Cheadle (collier), William Faulkner, of Tean
wages 18_s._ per week; wife and (tape-weaver), wages 18_s._ per
three children; his house is in a week; supports his wife and seven
filthy state, and the furniture not children without assistance.
worth 10_s._
7. 7.
William Weaver, of Kingsley Charles Rushton, of
(boatman), wages 18_s._ per week; Lightwoodfields, wages 14_s._ per
wife and three children; he is a week; he supports his wife and five
drunken, disorderly fellow, and his children in credit.
family entirely destitute.
8. 8.
Richard Barlow, of Cheadle William Sargeant, of
(labourer), wages 12_s._ per week; Lightwoodfields (labourer), wages
wife and five children, in 13_s._ a-week; he has a wife and
miserable circumstance, not a bed six children, whom he supports
to lie on. comfortably.
9. 9.
Thomas Bartlem, of Tean (labourer), William Box, of Tean (tape-weaver),
wages 14_s._ per week; his wife wages 18_s._ or 20_s._ per week;
earns 7_s._ per week; five supports his wife in bad health,
children; he is very much in debt; and five children.
home neglected.
10. 10.
Thomas Johnson, of Tean Ralph Faulkner, of Tean
(blacksmith), wages 18_s._ per (tape-weaver), wages 18_s._ or
week; his wife earns 7_s._ per 20_s._ per week; supports a wife
week; three children; he is very and five children, three of them
much in debt, and his family are deaf and dumb.
grossly neglected.
_Mr. Harrison_, the medical officer of the Preston union, observes that—
“I have known many families whose income has exceeded 100_l._ a-year,
who in times of sickness have been in great distress, and even some
who have been obliged to have recourse to the parish for assistance.
And I am acquainted with several families now of the best paid class
of workpeople, whose total weekly earnings will average 2_l._, and in
some cases 3_l._ a-week, who, should sickness overtake the head of the
family, and some of the principal workers among the children, would be
thrown upon the parish. I have been convinced from extensive
observation, that the masters of these people have it in their power
to improve the condition and happiness of their workpeople beyond what
can be effected by any other agency.”
These descriptions are not confined to the English towns. Mr. Jupp and
others cite instances from the rural districts. They are similarly
prevalent in Scotland. As an example I would refer to the description
given by Dr. Scott Alison, of the condition of the highly-paid collier
population of Tranent. Take another instance of the condition of the
same class, the colliers at Ayr, given by _Dr. Sym_, in his report on
the sanitary condition of the population of that town:—
“Although the colliers have large wages, they are, from their want of
economy and their dissolute habits, uniformly in poverty; and their
families, though well fed, are miserably clothed, ill lodged,
uneducated, and less industrious than the families of the weavers; the
females of which work with great constancy at hand-sewing. The modes
of living of these two classes are very different. The weaver is not
intemperate, because he cannot afford to purchase ardent spirits, and
the nature of his employment prevents him from having those hours of
idleness during the day which the collier is so apt to consume in
dissipation. He lives on very innutritious food, seldom eats butchers’
meat, and the most indigent, who are generally Irishmen, subsist
chiefly on potatoes. The collier, on the other hand, indulges to
excess in ardent spirits, and both he and his family partake of animal
food every day. In short, the colliers live better than any of the
other labouring classes in Ayr.”
_Dr. Scott Alison_, speaking of the colliers of Tranent, states that
they obtain very high wages. “A man, his wife, and perhaps two children
may earn perhaps 40_s._ a-week, if industriously employed during that
time.” On the subject of appearances of destitution, on which medical
men sometimes report, he observes—
“I have had occasion to know that medical men, judging from internal
appearances of the dwellings of the labouring classes, are liable to
be led into erroneous inferences as to the extent of destitution. The
appearance of the place or of the person is no test of the want of
means or of the highness or lowness of wages. Filth is more frequently
evidence of depravity than of destitution; indeed, in places where the
wages or means are really scanty, there is very frequently
considerable cleanliness. If a stranger went into the house of a
collier, he might exclaim, ‘What extreme wretchedness and
destitution!’ when, in fact, on the Saturday they had received 30_s._,
which before the Tuesday had all been squandered. I think medical men,
who are not intimately acquainted with the character of people, are
often drawn into mistakes.”
The domestic condition of this population admits of a contrast with the
condition of individuals of their own description of employment, or with
the condition of other classes of miners who receive no higher wages,
but whose condition is highly superior, to show that the depraved habits
and condition are not the necessary result of the employment. He
contrasts the condition of the colliery population of Tranent with the
condition of the agricultural labourers in the immediate vicinity of the
town:—
“With very few exceptions, the condition of the interior of the houses
of the hind population is excellent, most pleasing to the eye, and
comfortable. These respectable people, in spite of the defective
construction of their cottages, manage to throw an air of comfort,
plenty, neatness, and order around their homes. I have often been
delighted to observe these characteristics, and not less so to mark
the co-existence of pure, moral, and religious principles in the
inmates, the presence of practical religion and practical morals. When
the floor wears away, it is repaired; when the walls lose their
whiteness, they are whitewashed; and every few days the whole wooden
furniture in the house is subjected to thorough cleansing with sand
and warm water. The various articles of furniture, and the different
household utensils, are kept in places allotted to them; and the
earthenware and china well cleaned, are neatly arranged, and made to
serve as ornaments to the apartment. The metal spoons, candlesticks,
and pitchers for containing milk and water, are well burnished. The
milk taken from the cow may be seen set apart in vessels kept in the
nicest order; and beside them lie the churning-barrel and strainer. A
fire sheds its cheerful influence over the scene; the kettle never
wants hot water; and the honest, frugal housewife is ever discharging
some household duty in a spirit of placid contentment, attending to
her partner when present, or preparing his meals against his return
from the fields.
“The external economy of the houses of the hinds is on the whole very
good. The ground in front of the cottages is kept clean and free of
impurities. The little garden, which is almost invariably connected
with the cottage, is kept in good order, and is in general well
cultivated.”
The like contrast, derived from an intimate knowledge of the population
of another class, is presented in the following portions of a report
from _Mr. Wood_, of Dundee:—
“There are many families among the working classes who are in the
receipt of from 15_s._ to 22_s._ per week, who are insufficiently
clothed, and irregularly and poorly fed, and whose houses as well as
their persons appear filthy, disorderly, and uncomfortable. There are
other families among them, containing the same number of persons,
whose incomes average from 10_s._ to 14_s._ a-week, who are neatly,
cleanly, and sufficiently clothed, regularly and suitably fed, and
whose houses appear orderly and comfortable. The former class care
little for the physical comfort, and far less for the intellectual,
moral, and religious education of their children; in many cases,
indeed, they neglect the education of their offspring when it is
offered to them gratuitously, and in place of sending them to school,
where they might be fitted for the duties and disappointments of life,
they send them at a very early age to some employment, where they will
earn the poor pittance of 1_s._ 6_d._ to 3_s._ a-week. The latter
class, on the contrary, are most anxious to give their children a good
education: they study to obtain it for them by every means in their
power, and they pay for it most cheerfully. The former class again
grasp at every benefit which the charitable institutions of the place
have provided for the poor. When, for example, medical attendance is
given them gratuitously, they not unfrequently despise and refuse it,
unless medicines are given them gratuitously also. Whereas the latter
description of families are not only ready and willing to pay for
medicines when prescribed to them, but they generally manifest much
gratitude, and very often present their medical attendant with a small
fee.
“Now it is among the former class of families where generally there
appears to me to be a deficiency of wholesome food and of warm
clothing; where contagious, febrile diseases are most commonly found;
and from whence they are most extensively propagated. Fever is no
doubt found among the latter, more frugal, and therefore better
conditioned families, but seldom of that malignant, contagious
character which it invariably assumes among the other class of
families. Here, then, we have on the one hand, filth, destitution, and
disease, associated with good wages; and on the other, cleanliness,
comfort, and comparative good health, in connexion with wages which
are much lower. The difference in the amount of their incomes does not
account for the difference in the amount of comfort which is found
existing among the working classes. The statements just made make
known the fact, that above a certain amount, say 12_s._ or 14_s._ of
weekly income, wages _alone_, without intelligence and good habits,
contributes nothing towards the comfort, health, and independence of
the working population. * * * Were I asked how I would propose to
relieve such a family, I would say, show them how they may live
comfortably within their incomes; let them be taught and trained to
habits of industry, frugality, sobriety, cleanliness, &c., and with
this 12_s._ or 14_s._ they may live in health and happiness as others
in similar circumstances have lived and are now living. The man who
maintains himself and his family in comfort on 12_s._ or 14_s._ of
weekly income, possesses what he well deserves, happiness at home, and
he stands forth in his neighbourhood a noble example of honest
independence. I am persuaded that the filth, fever, and destitution in
many families is occasioned, not by their small incomes, but by a
misapplication or a prodigal waste of a part, in some cases a great
part, of their otherwise sufficient wages. Frequently cases are found
where, with a want of skill and economy, there is combined the
intemperate use of intoxicating liquors, and here the misery may be
said to be complete.
“Such is the explanation which I have to offer regarding much of the
misery now prevalent, and it is the explanation invariably given by
the economical working classes themselves when questioned on the
subject. Heads of families, having three or four children, whose
incomes average from 14_s._ to 18_s._ per week, have assured me that a
man with a wife and three or four children can live comfortably on
12_s._ or 14_s._ a-week; and they generally account for the misery and
destitution existing among families by saying, that many who have good
wages reduce themselves to poverty and deprive themselves of
sufficient food and clothing by their mismanagement, want of
frugality, and drinking practices. Cases of waste and dissipation have
been related to me, where the husband having gone to the
tippling-house to enjoy his glass and his friend, the wife, knowing
this, sent for her bottle and her friend, and enjoyed herself at home.
A single visit to one of these spendthrift families, who are in the
receipt of good wages, would convince any one that their persons and
houses might be far more orderly, clean, and comfortable, were they
but half trained to the tastes and habits of household industry,
sobriety, and economy.”
The more closely the investigation as to the causes of epidemic disease
is carried the more have the grounds been narrowed on which any
presumption can be raised that it is generally occasioned by extreme
indigence, or that it could be made generally to disappear simply by
grants of money.
In the great mass of cases in every part of the country, in the rural
districts and in the places of commercial pressure, the attacks of
disease are upon those in full employment, the attack of fever precedes
the destitution, not the destitution the disease. There is strong
evidence of the existence of a large class of persons in severe penury
in some places, as in Glasgow, being subject to fever, but the fever
patients did not, as a class, present evidence of being in destitution
in any of the places we examined. _Dr. William Davidson_, the senior
physician of the Glasgow Royal Infirmary, who has written a Treatise on
the Sources and Propagation of Continued Fevers, for which the prize
instituted by Dr. Thackeray, of Chester, was unanimously awarded at the
annual meeting of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association,
states in that treatise, when speaking of the influence of delicacy of
constitution as a predisposing cause of fever,—
“We have kept a record of the physical habit of the patients admitted
into the Glasgow Fever Hospital from May 1st to November 1st, 1839,
and the following were the divisions adopted:—
“1. Moderate, by which is meant a person having an ordinary quantity
of muscle and cellular substance.
“2. Full or plethoric, having an extra quantity of adipose texture or
of blood.
“3. Muscular.
“4. Spare.
“5. Emaciated or unhealthy in appearance.
┌──────────────────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┐
│ │ Males. │Females.│ Total. │
├──────────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│Moderate │ 116│ 93│ 209│
│Full or Plethoric │ 28│ 73│ 101│
│Muscular │ 44│ │ 44│
│Spare │ 24│ 41│ 65│
│Unhealthy or Emaciated│ 2│ 8│ 10│
│ │ │ │ ———│
│ │ │ │ 429│
└──────────────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┘
“The whole of these 429 cases were characterized by the typhoid
eruption, and will therefore be considered as decided cases of typhus.
It appears from this table that there were only 10 cases in an
emaciated or unhealthy condition; and almost all of them, as far as
could be ascertained, were engaged in their ordinary occupations at
the time of their seizure. The spare and unhealthy, when added
together, only form about 17 per cent. of the whole number.”
He gives two tables of the proportionate numbers of persons admitted,
during the year 1839, into the Glasgow Fever Hospital, whose persons
were clean or filthy:—
“These two tables show that, among 611 cases admitted as continued
fever, there were 340 filthy and 271 clean, or about 55 per cent.
filthy; that among 395 cases of eruptive typhus, there were 245 filthy
and 150 clean, or about 62 per cent. filthy; and that among 48 cases
of febricula there were 14 filthy and 34 clean, or about 29 per cent.
filthy.”
Amongst the fever patients are found a larger proportion of the highly
intemperate than appear to be usually found amongst the labouring
classes.
_Dr. Davidson_, in remarking on the influence of intemperance on fever,
adduces the following table to show the proportion of temperate and
intemperate individuals who were admitted into the Glasgow Fever
Hospital from November 1st, 1838, to November 1st, 1839, whose habits
could be ascertained with more or less certainty. He states that the
eruptive cases only are included:—
Temperate. A little Intemperate. Intemperate.
Typhus (MALES) 125 51 73
Typhus (FEMALES) 76 8 30
I have been informed that those were classed as “temperate” who never
indulged in strong liquors to the extent of inebriety; those a “little
intemperate” who now and again, perhaps at long intervals, drank to
intoxication; and those as “intemperate” who were habitually so—who
drank whenever they could get ardent spirits.
He adds,—
“In the Glasgow Fever Hospital there occurred 81 deaths from eruptive
typhus in individuals whose habits were ascertained, and 34 of these
were reported as intemperate, 19 a little intemperate, and 28
temperate. In Dr. Craigie’s table of the deaths in 31 fever cases that
occurred in the Edinburgh Royal Infirmary, there were 15 stated to be
irregular or dissipated; only two regular; the habits of the remainder
are not stated.
“It is also a singular fact, which has been noticed by several
writers, that fever is more fatal among the higher than among the
lower classes. Dr. Braken states, in reference to the fever which
prevailed at Waterford during the years 1817–18–19, that ‘it would be
difficult to adjust the rates of mortality in the upper classes, but
it seems probable that one-fourth, or perhaps one-third of all those
persons who were attacked with fever fell victims to its power.’
“Drs. Barker and Cheyne, in their historical account of the Irish
epidemic, state that, ‘in every part of the country, fever was
reported to have been much more fatal amongst the upper than the lower
classes.’ To what is this difference of mortality, so generally
remarked by experienced hospital physicians, to be attributed, and
which in Ireland seemed to be very remarkable, namely, in the lower
classes about one in twenty-three cases, and in the upper classes one
in three or four generally, but in other places about one in seven?
Can the difference in the mode of living account for this anomaly? as
the first live very much on potatoes, while the others use a larger or
smaller proportion of animal food; and the lower classes almost
everywhere in this country use less animal food and stimulating dishes
than those who are more wealthy and in a higher sphere of society.”
In remarking on the supposed influence of fear and the depressing
passions in producing fever, _Dr. Davidson_, however, remarks:—
“The influence of fear and the depressing passions has also been
considered as very powerful in predisposing persons to be affected
with typhus contagion. There can be no doubt that fear has a tendency
to produce a temporary depression of the physical powers; but, as has
been already shown, there is no proof that persons of a naturally
spare or weak habit of body, who are generally very sensitive, are
more liable to fever than those of an ordinary constitution; this
opinion must also be considered hypothetical. Indeed the facts, as far
as our inquiries have enabled us to judge, seem to prove that the
apprehension of fever, more particularly when it is not epidemic, is
very rarely felt until the person is actually seized with the disease;
for some cannot recollect of a single circumstance by which they could
be exposed to contagion; and a considerable number of those who had
undoubtedly been exposed to it were only made aware of the fact when
it had been elicited by cross-examination. We are quite aware that
cases may be brought forward of sensitive individuals who have been
seized with fever soon after visiting a person labouring under the
disease; but as this fact can be opposed with at least an equal number
of persons who were destitute of fear, and yet caught it after an
exposure to contagion, no conclusion whatever can be drawn from them.
It must be observed, however, that though there is no proof that
persons who are naturally weak in body or of a sensitive disposition
are more susceptible of fever than those who are naturally vigorous
and robust, yet that, during famine or commercial distress, poverty,
by depressing the mind and lowering the physical status from
insufficient aliment, does powerfully predispose a community to become
affected with fever. This has been already shown in a former part of
the essay, and has been again alluded to in order that the distinction
might be made between an individual of naturally weak mental and
physical stamina, and one who has been reduced to that state by
deficient nutriment.”
There appears to be little evidence on one side or the other in support
of this last hypothesis, other than such as that cited from Dr. Davidson
himself; but it is to be observed that the wet or bad seasons, which
suspend agricultural industry and much labour in the towns, is usually
of a character of itself to predispose to disease, if not to produce it;
and that it does propagate it amongst all classes, high and low, in
proportion to their exposure to it. It appears to be highly probable
that the privation attendant on the stoppage of work, by diminishing the
means for the purchase of fuel, of soap, &c., and in various ways by
inducing lax habits of life, may increase the amount of exposure to and
loss from the all-pervading cause.
The preponderant evidence given on this subject by the great majority of
the medical officers in England who are accustomed to visit the
labouring classes in their own dwellings, is however of the tenor of the
following from the medical officer of the Whitechapel union acting in
Spitalfields parish.
_Mr. Byles_, the medical officer of the Whitechapel union:—