CHAPTER XV

RAIDS

The very idea of a cavalry raid is attractive and carries with it a

certain romance.

It is impossible to do otherwise than admire the boldness of the

conception of Stuart’s raid in 1862, when, with 1200 men and two

guns, he rode right round the Federal lines, alarmed McClellan, and

caused him to withdraw troops to cover his line of cavalry and thus

weaken his first line. Yet even this raid, brilliant as it was and

tactically successful, is said to be strategically a mistake. For, to

quote General Alexander’s _American Civil War_, it “seriously alarmed

McClellan for his rear. But for it the probabilities are he would never

have given the subject any thought, and he certainly would not have

been prepared with a fleet of loaded transports on hand when he was,

soon after, forced to change his base to Harrison’s landing on the

James River.... On the whole, therefore, the _éclat_ of our brilliant

raid lost us much more than its results were worth. Where important

strategy is on foot, too great care can scarcely be used to avoid

making any such powerful suggestion to the enemy as resulted in this

case.”

Similarly the raid in 1863, by the same general, had disastrous results

for the Confederates. Lee was then preparing for his campaign north of

the Potomac. Stuart proposed moving with the cavalry in between the

Federal army and Washington, and rejoining the main army when north of

the Potomac. Lee, unfortunately, sanctioned it, and Stuart set out on

the 24th June, did some minor damage to the Federals, but lost Lee, not

rejoining him till late in the afternoon of the 2nd July, the second

day of the battle of Gettysburg. Had Lee had his cavalry with him, that

campaign might have had a very different ending. Therefore, in this

case, the timing of the raid was wrong, and of benefit only to the

enemy.

The value of Gourko’s raid across the Balkans in July 1877, when in

eight days he carried dismay into the heart of Turkey, destroyed parts

of the railroad and telegraph on the principal lines, and gained a

great deal of information as to Turkish movements, appears to be

undoubted. His force, however, was not entirely a cavalry one.

Coming to a more recent date, in the Manchurian War, the Japanese, only

a few days before the battle of Mukden, by means of an undertaking

against the rear of the Russians, which was carried out by two Japanese

squadrons (280 men), marching as quickly as possible by night and

hiding by day, succeeded in reaching an important railway bridge 200

kilometres north of Tieh-ling and in rear of the Russians. The troops

covering the bridge were surprised at night, and their attention

was thus drawn away from the bridge, which a skilfully-led patrol

succeeded in blowing up. The railway service was interrupted for

several days. A regular panic set in among the Russian Headquarter

Staff. The immediate result was that 8000 Russian troops were diverted

for the defence of the line and were unable to take part in the

decisive battle at Mukden: an instance of most admirable timing of a

raid.

It is true that cavalry raids may disorganize the lines of

communication “which in the case of large armies,” as Bernhardi says,

“have increased in importance.” But, on the other hand, we must

remember that well-organized lines of communication are now almost

invariably railways. On these there is a most efficient engineer

service, with a breakdown train and gang of trained road-layers and

menders always ready. These are able to mend a railway in approximately

the same time that it takes to break it up. It is only badly organized

lines of communication which are really vulnerable,--though we must

not forget that the blowing up of a French bridge near the frontier in

1870, during the siege of Paris, very nearly caused the siege to be

raised.

The pages of De Brack’s _Light Cavalry Outposts_ are full of instances

of successful raids, those of which Curély was the hero being specially

attractive and effective.[64] In our own knowledge are the raids of

De Wet and others on our line of communication in South Africa, which

entailed a large number of troops being allotted to the defence of

the railway; whilst little less effective were the operations of our

columns against the Boers when, hiding by day and riding by night,

they swooped down upon the Boers and captured their herds of cattle

and horses. The Boers suffered little inconvenience from those columns

which had not recourse to methods combining speed with avoidance of

observation, and with secrecy in their preparation.

All these operations are obviously those which are favoured by

“conditions of sparsely-settled terrain and very partially-developed

telegraphic communication, and few roads and railways,” and the success

of many of the American raids forms no basis for the assumption, so

often made, that equal results would attend their employment in Europe

outside Russia.[65]

The other side of the question may be seen in some of the unsuccessful

raids entered upon by both sides in the American War, when raids became

“the fashion”--raids, which were not only unsuccessful, but which even

had the effect of depriving their own side of their cavalry at a most

important juncture, quite apart from the number of cavalry horses

rendered useless.

A typical instance of this is seen in Wheeler’s raid on the Federal

lines of communications. When beaten off at Dalton he made his way

into East Tennessee; his subsequent operations in that region had no

effect upon the fortune of the two armies battling round Atlanta.

Hood, deprived of Wheeler’s cavalry--“the eyes of his army”--found

himself in the dark as to Sherman’s movements. On the evening of the

27th he jumped hastily to the conclusion that Wheeler’s raid had been

successful, and that Sherman’s army was retiring from lack of supplies

to the other side of the Chattahoochee. For forty-eight hours he

adhered to this strange delusion, and by that time the Federals had

gained a position from which it was impossible to dislodge them.[66]

Quite without permanent result were the big raids by De Wet into the

Cape Colony and by Botha into Natal, both of which caused the loss of

many overridden horses, and had a bad moral effect on the Boers, who

were hunted from pillar to post; but the attack on our mule transport

in rear of the columns moving on Kimberley and Paardeberg was an

excellent piece of work and far-reaching in its effect.

Again, the Russian raids against the Japanese were strangely

unfortunate in their results, but it is probable that sufficient

secrecy was not observed prior to these raids moving off.

Taking Mischenko’s raid or reconnaissance into Northern Korea early in

the Russo-Japanese War as an instance, it is interesting to see the

manner, first, in which it was met by the Japanese; second, in which

it allowed itself to be distracted from the main object. This raid was

sent to find out what force of Japanese was in front of the Russians,

and, arriving at Chon Chou at 11 A.M., “tumbled upon” a town garrison,

deployed five sotnias in all, keeping one in reserve, thus voluntarily

renouncing its mobility to attack a town. The result might have been

foretold. The force was held in front by two squadrons dismounted and

attacked by one squadron mounted on the flank, meanwhile a Japanese

infantry battalion is brought up at the double. Result: retirement of

the Russians, reconnaissance practically valueless.

In the case of General Mischenko’s long ride to Yinkov with fifty-three

sotnias of Cossacks, four commandos of mounted scouts, twenty-two guns,

and four machine guns, the primary object of the raid, and a notable

one, was to interrupt the junction of the Japanese troops, freed by

the fall of Port Arthur, with those on the Shaho, a quite secondary

objective being the stores at Yinkov. 1500 pack-horses accompanied

the column. 30 kilometres were covered in two days. On the third day

the garrisons of Hai-cheng (1500) and Ta-shih-chiao, somewhat larger

(the distance between these towns being 20 miles), sufficed to turn

the leader of 9000 cavalry from his first objective, and to send him

towards Yinkov. Here he dismounted sixteen sotnias for a night attack,

but, meeting with wire entanglements and a vigorous resistance, retired.

Nothing had been effected.

Rennenkampf’s reconnaissance on the 9th May to Kuan-tien-cheng. Force

at his disposal one battalion, ten sotnias, and eight guns. We read

that, making “two very trying marches,” he reaches Kuan-tien-cheng

with six sotnias. “The remainder of the detachment had been left behind

at various points on the line of communication, partly on account of

the exhaustion of the men and horses, partly to secure its line of

retreat. As the march had been carried out without any regard to the

pace of the various arms, the detachment was completely scattered.”

A Japanese force of 400 infantry left the town, but shortly returned

reinforced by a battalion, which unexpectedly attacked and drove the

Russians away. The result of the reconnaissance was nil. And so on....

Rennenkampf was indefatigable. But the work “though so fruitless had

exhausted the sotnias, which were now considerably under strength, and

most of the horses had sore backs,” and so it will always be. Those who

have seen the state of men and horses after four, three, or even two

nights in the saddle will not need assurance on this subject.

Von Pelet Narbonne puts down the general failure of Russian raids to

the small value of the Cossacks, who were not trained in offensive

dismounted action, nor possessed with a keen desire to use the sword.

He then compares the method of the Japanese, whose tactics were more

suited in his opinion to the intricate and mountainous nature of the

country. They sent infantry with their cavalry, who carried out the

unavoidable reconnaissance combat. This method certainly economized the

cavalry, an arm in which the Japanese were very deficient. Again, the

Japanese cavalry frequently met the Russian cavalry by dismounted fire

from the mud walls of villages, and were mistaken by them for infantry.

What, then, are the general conclusions at which we arrive?--

1st. That big raids seldom have results which justify the loss and wear

and tear of the horses and men.

2nd. That a raid must not be entered upon except with a special and

adequate purpose and as a result of careful reconnaissance by spies and

others.

3rd. That once entered upon, the leader must devote himself to carrying

out his mission and not allow himself to be turned aside on any account

whatever.

4th. That a small, swift, well-hidden raid on a line of communication

made at a favourable moment may cause the detachment of a large number

of troops, whose absence will be felt in the decisive battle.

5th. That raids against which the enemy has made preparations are

purposeless, but are nevertheless often made by cavalry leaders, lest

they should incur the reproach of having done nothing.

6th. That the first raids in a war are often successful.

7th. That a friendly country favours raids, and conversely an enemy’s

country renders them difficult to the verge of impracticability.

8th. That cavalry should not be sent off on raids when required for

action on a battlefield.

9th. That a raid is like any other detachment, _i.e._ if it succeeds in

drawing away from the decisive point at the right time a stronger force

than itself, it is justified; and therefore the chief point to consider

in planning a raid is its timing.

Our Cavalry · 第 15 / 20 章