THE ST. JOHN'S RIVER SOCIETY.
Since the preceding chapters were printed the author chanced to
discover some interesting manuscripts in the collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society which throw a good deal of light upon
the history of the old townships on the River St. John. It is to be
regretted that this discovery was not made a little sooner, but it is
not too late to give the reader the benefit of it in a supplementary
way.
The association that undertook the settlement of the townships of
Conway, Gage, Burton, Sunbury and New-town has been referred to in
these pages as "The Canada Company," but its proper name was "The St.
John's River Society." The original promoters of the gigantic land
speculation--for such we must call it--set on foot at Montreal in
1764, were chiefly army officers serving in Canada, hence the name,
"The Canada Company." When, however, it was determined to enlarge the
association by the addition of the names of gentlemen in Boston, New
York, Philadelphia, and Halifax, and when the valley of the River St.
John was selected as the place where the most desirable lands were to
be had the Canada Company took a new name and was known as "The St.
John's River Society."
The president of the society was Captain Thomas Falconer, who was
at this time at Montreal with his regiment. The most active
promoter of the society's plans for several years, however, was
Beamsley P. Glasier. This gentleman has already been frequently
spoken of in connection with events on the St. John. He was a
captain in the Royal American Regiment and afterwards attained the
rank of lieutenant-colonel. He had previously served in the Fifth
Massachusetts Regiment, in which he was commissioned ensign early
in February, 1745. The regiment rendered gallant service under Sir
William Pepperrell at the taking of Louisburg, and we have abundant
evidence of Glasier's reputation as a brave determined leader in the
following document, the original of which is to be found in the
archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society:
"AGREEMENT. We whose names are underwritten have enlisted
ourselves voluntarily to go on ye attack of the Island Battery at
the mouth of the Harbor of Louisburgh provided Beamsley Glaizer is
our Capt. on said attack and then wee shall be ready att Half am
Hours warning[77]" [Signed by forty individuals.]
[77] The date of this document is probably May, 1745. The Island
Battery was one of the most formidable defences in Louisburg.
Captain Glasier served subsequently under Sir Wm. Johnson and Gen'l
John Winslow.
The idea of securing large grants of land in Nova Scotia was taken up
by officers of the Royal Americans, the 44th foot and other regiments
at Montreal early in the year 1764. Among the promoters were Capt.
Thos. Falconer, Capt. Beamsley Glasier, Capt. John Fenton, Rev. John
Ogilvie, D. D., (chaplain of the Royal American regt.), Major Thos.
Moncrief, Capt. Daniel Claus, Capt. Samuel Holland, Brig. Gen'l. Ralph
Burton, Lieut. Wm. Keough, Lieut. Richard Shorne and others.
Captain Glasier seems to have obtained am extended leave of absence
from his military duties and for three years most of his time was
spent in trying to settle the society's townships. He sailed from
Quebec on the 28th of August, 1764, and after exploring the southern
coast of Nova Scotia and entering many of the harbors in order to get
"the best information of the Goodness of Land, and Conveniency for
carrying on the Fishery," he at length reached Halifax on the 26th of
October. The events subsequent to his arrival we shall let him
describe in his own words.
"Upon my arrival I waited on the governor, and gave him my
letters; he rec'd me with great politeness and ordered a meeting
of Council the next day in order to consult where I should pitch
upon a tract of land suitable for such a Grand Settlement, for it
is looked upon as the most Respectable of any in the province, and
I must say that everybody in authority seem'd to interest
themselves in the thing and give me all the advice and assistance
in their power. Many Places was talked of, but none was so
universally approved as the River St. Johns. It was therefore the
opinion of the Council, and all that wished well to the
establishment, that I should go across the country to Pisiquid
(Windsor), and take passage on board a Vessell that was going from
thence with Provisions for the Garrison of Fort Frederick, which I
accordingly did, and arrived the 18th of November. * *
"As soon as I arrived I procured a Boat and went up the River
above the falls as far as where the good land begins to make its
appearance; but an uncommon spell of cold weather had set in and
frozen over the small rivers leading into the Main River. * *
"Besides what I saw, which answered exactly with the account I had
of it before, I had the best information from the Indians and
Inhabitants settled 40 miles up the River and the Engineer of the
Fort, who had Just been up to take a plan of the River, so that I
was not at a loss one moment to fix on that spot for the
settlement."
Capt. Glasier spent about four days in examining the river. It will be
noticed he speaks of "an uncommon spell of cold weather;" nevertheless
the river was open for a good distance. This goes to show that the
winter season did not begin any earlier 140 years ago than it does
today.
Judging by the account of his journey from Fort Frederick to Halifax
Capt. Glasier was a good traveller. He says, "We breakfasted at the
Fort, dined at Annapolis and walked from thence to Halifax 5 days 145
miles in company with a brother of Lord Byron, who made the tour with
me to see the country."
Beamsley Glasier would have made a good immigration agent, for he
certainly describes the country in glowing colors, yet his description
of the valley of the St. John is in the main quite accurate and it is
exceedingly interesting to have a glimpse of that region in its
pristine state.
"The entrance of St. John's River," he writes, "forms like a Bay
between two points[78] about 3 leagues apart from thence it grows
narrower gradually up to the Falls, which is 200 yards broad. The
Falls, which has been such a Bugbare, is rather a narrow place in
the River than Falls, for at half tide it is as smooth as any
other place in the River, the tide then just beginning to make and
grows gradually stronger until high water, from that till two
hours ebb a Vessell of 500 tons may go up or down. I know of very
few Harbours in America that has not a barr or some other
impediment at the entrance so as to wait for the tide longer than
at St. Johns; here if you are obliged to wait you are in a good
harbour out of all danger of bad weather.
"On each side the falls the rocks are high and so continue about
four leagues, all Lime stone; then begins the finest Prospect in
the world, the Land becomes flat, not a stone or pebble for 60
miles * * the banks something higher than it is a little way in;
it runs level from six to twelve miles back and some places
farther, such land as I cannot describe. The New England People
[in Maugerville] have never plowed but harrowed in their grain,
such Grain of all kinds, such Hemp, Flax, &c, as was never seen."
[78] Mispeck Point on the east and Negro Head on the west.
Capt. Glasier's description of the interval lands in their virgin
state, untouched by the white man's axe, is particularly interesting.
It serves to explain why these lands were not over-run by forest fires
and were considered so desirable by the early settlers.
"The trees," he says, "are all extremely large and in general very
tall and chiefly hard wood;[79] no Spruce, Pine, Firr, &c. Neither
is there underwood of brush, you may drive a Cart and Oxen thro'
the trees. In short it looks like a Park as far as ever your eye
can carry you. The pine trees fit for large masts are farther back
and bordering on the small Rivers as I am told by the Indians.
These fellows are the most intelligent people I ever saw; near 400
live about 60 miles up the River, and seem to be well pleased at
our coming here, I saw all their Chiefs at the Fort. The land on
the N. E. side the River has been overflowed sometimes, but it
goes off immediately and leaves such a manure as you may
imagine--tho' it has not for several years past; the other side is
higher, the lands not so good in general. When I said not so Good
I would not be understood to mean that they are not good, for even
those are as good as any I ever saw in America, with the same kind
and quality of wood, but does not run back so far.
[79] A few giant elms of the primeval forest are yet to be found
on the bank of the St. John. The author not long since
examined the stump of a large elm that grew a few miles
below the town of Woodstock. It was four feet in diameter
and the number of concentric rings 325, so that it must
have been a sapling in the days of Queen Elizabeth.
"I suppose we shall have the Proprietor's Town on the west side,
tho' the New England People are all settled on the other side. The
whole Country abounds with Game; there is likewise plenty of Moose
weighing from 1000 to 1500 lbs. each, fatt and finer than beef,
which you may kill every day. Wild fowl of all kinds, cocks,
snipes, and partridges are so plenty that the Gentlemen who was
with me swore that it was no sport, as we could shoot 3 or 4 at a
shot. An Indian made me a present of a pair of horns of a small
Moose as he called them, for he assured me that some was twice as
heavey. These measured 5 feet and 2 inches and weighed 33-1/2 lb.,
judge you the biggness of the owner.
"Upon the Interval land you have a long kind of Grass[80] which
the Cattle in that country fatten themselves upon. I never in my
life saw fatter beef than one I saw killed there, & the New
England People vowed that the heiffers of the same breed that had
a calf in Boston at 3 years old came in at 2 years at St. Johns,
so much they improved in growth and Wantonness as they called it.
[80] This grass still grows naturally on the St. John River
intervals, and is known to the farmers as "blue-joint."
"Their Hoggs and Sheep they keep on the Islands, which are
overflowed generally when the River brakes up which is commonly
about the middle of April. This overflowing leaves these Islands
so rich that the Hoggs grow fatt by eating Ground nuts without
any other food in summer (in our Grant we have some of these
Islands) nor do they put up their Horses in the Winter, except
those that work, tho' you may cut any quantity of Grass. Can I say
more of the Soil, Trees, situation, &c.? Be assured it is all
True."
"The fish is the next thing. This River abounds with all sorts of
small fry, Trout, Salmon, Bass, Whitefish & Sturgeon. The Bass is
ketcht in Wiers just under the Point below the Fort, so that good
voyages may be made in that branch; all the expence is in making
the Wiers, and as to Sturgeon they are more remarkably plenty than
any place upon the Continent, and if there was persons that
understood pickling them it would be a very profitable undertaking
and fetches ready money in London."
The Glasier letters (which have just been printed in the Collections
of the N. B. Hist. Society) show that before Beamsley Glasier left
Montreal, as the accredited agent of the St. John's River Society,
there had been a good deal of discussion about the location of the
townships it was desired to procure and settle. It was ultimately
decided that this matter should be left to the discretion of Captain
Glasier after he had made a personal examination of certain localities
and obtained reliable information respecting the ungranted lands in
Nova Scotia. Glasier wrote from Halifax on the 15th December, 1764, to
Captain Thos. Falconer and the Society's committee at Montreal,
informing them of his selection of the valley of the River St. John as
by all odds the most desirable situation. He says:
"When I compare this place to any other we ever thought of I am
surprised it had not been fixed on before I came away. The island
of St. Johns (or Prince Edward Island) is not good land, besides
being so far to the northward it is too exposed if a war should
happen, as is all up the Gut of Canso, Bay Challeurs, etc. Besides
the whole of that part of the country, as well as all the coast to
the head Cape Sable and up the Bay of Fundy, is bound with fog
almost three months in the year. In this River you have none above
the falls, nor have you Musquitos here in any sort of comparison
to any other part of this country. Besides you are so near the
settled parts of New England that you may sail with a good wind to
Boston in 30 hours, or if you have a mind to coast along shore you
may harbour every 4 or 5 Leagues all the way to Boston and that
all winter. I think we are very happy not to settle on the Lake
where we proposed, for if we had anything to send to market it
would take more time and be a greater risk to get it out of the
River St. Lawrence than to go from here to Europe."
On the 1st March following Capt. Glasier addressed a letter to John
Fenton of Boston informing the members of the Society in that quarter
of the success of his subsequent proceedings. He apologizes for the
tardiness of his communication by saying, "I have put off writing, as
the world puts off Repentence till the last moment." Glasier is very
enthusiastic as to the outlook.
"The interval lands on the St. John," he says, "are wonderful, not
a stone and black mold 6 feet deep, no underwood, large tall Trees
all hardwood; you may drive a Coach through the Trees, we can cut
what Grass we please and we may improve the land immediately; in
short I can't describe it to you. * * * * I hope we shall be able
to begin something this summer, there is the D--l and all of
people applying for lands in this province. There is now settled
50 families just above us, all Yankys[81]; they are not very good
Farmers you know but they raised fine grain last year."
[81] The reference is to the settlement made at Maugerville two or
three years before, which at this time seems to have been
called the Township of Peabody, in honor of Captain Francis
Peabody.
In the choice of the St. John river valley as the best situation for
the townships that were to be laid out and settled, Beamsley Glasier
seems to have been guided very largely by the advice of Charles
Morris, the surveyor general of Nova Scotia, and his son Charles
Morris, junior. The younger Morris had a personal interest in the
Society and Capt. Glasier writes of him:
"Mr. Morris's son is one of our Proprietors and is to go with me
in April to survey the whole tract I have asked for. He is Deputy
to his Father and very clever, as you'll have occasion to know
hereafter. We propose setting out from Halifax about the beginning
of April and take a survey of Port O'Bear[82] on our way to St.
Johns. I imagine the whole will take us a great deal of time as we
shall go up all the small rivers. I have engaged a little schooner
for the purpose. As places for our Mills and good Timber, oak as
well as pine, is a great object, and as Mr. Morris is a Conesieur
in the Goodness of Lands, if we don't fix upon convenient spots to
answer all our purposes it will be our faults."
[82] Probably Port Le Bear (or Hebert) near Shelburne on the southern
coast of Nova Scotia.
The task of surveying and exploring proved of greater magnitude than
Glasier had anticipated, and at the end of the summer the Surveyor
General of Nova Scotia and his son had only been able to make a
general sketch of the river and townships, not an accurate survey, and
Glasier expressed the opinion that it would be a work of two years at
least before the River would be thoroughly known. Just how much time
was spent in the work of exploration and survey we do not know, but
the younger Morris spent three months in the summer of 1766 surveying
the townships of Gage and Sunbury, and in addition to this he says:
"The Surveyor General and myself expended more than a Hundred Pounds
Sterling of our own Money in surveying the River last year."
Captain Glasier was very desirous of obtaining the best lands on the
river and he states frankly, in one of his letters, "what we want is
the good lands only, or as small a quantity of the bad as is
possible." He was not ready to make definite application for lands,
therefore, until he had ascertained the whereabouts of all lakes,
ponds, sunken and bad lands, etc., in order to avoid paying quit rents
to the crown for that which was not improvable.
Meanwhile trouble was brewing at Halifax, and it was only by the good
offices of Governor Wilmot, Charles Morris, sr., and other members of
the Council that the St. John River Society was saved from disaster.
We get an idea of the threatened danger in a letter of Hon. Michael
Francklin to Captain Glasier of July 22, 1765, in which great concern
is expressed that Glasier had not yet made his choice of the lands he
desired. "You cannot conceive how the Government is embarrassed,"
writes Francklin, "by the daily applications that are made. We have no
less than three agents from Pennsylvania who are put off on your
account. * * * My dear Sir be thoroughly persuaded that no set of
people will have the preference to your Gentlemen in anything that can
be done for them, but pray do reflect and consider the Government here
and our situation, how disagreeable it is to lock up a whole River,
sufficient for fifty Townships, and people applying every day that we
are obliged to put off until you are served. Consider what a risque
the Government runs of losing a number of valuable settlers. I beg of
you, on my own account and as one who has the welfare and prosperity
of the Province at heart, that you will by some means or other make
your choice as soon as possible and transmit it to the Governor."
Captain Glasier comments on this in a letter to Nathaniel Rogers of
Boston. "Some of the Council are wanting to establish those companies
belonging to Philadelphia who are waiting at Halifax, as you'll see by
the inclosed letter from one of them to me. I see through the whole,
the Governor[83] keeps them off till I return."
[83] Captain Glasier seems to have been on excellent terms with Gov'r
Wilmot. On 1st March, 1755, he wrote to Capt. Fenton of
Boston, "I have received great civility from all sorts of
people here in Halifax. I have made your compliments to the
Gov'r and he has desired his to you; poor D----l has had the
Gout all winter, which seems to be the General Distemper in
this place amongst people of Rank."
By the advice of Governor Wilmot the society filled up the number of
their Proprietors to sixty and at once began to make preparations for
the settlement of the lands promised, and which were granted in the
month of October, 1765. Glasier advised the establishment of a
magazine of stores at Fort Frederick, also the sending of horses,
cattle, sheep, and swine, with any settlers they could procure, as
soon as possible. He adds, "As young strong Fellows might be hired in
Canada for 120 livres a year, 20 of them might be hired and sent here
next spring; the Canada horses are much the best for this country * *
* The men you hire will be able to hew or cut timber for your houses,
clear the land where you have the Town, provide a covering for the
cattle, and cut hay, raise potatoes for your hogs--there is a Spanish
potatoe in this country that yields so much that a boy of 12 years old
will raise as many as will keep 20 hogs, they are made use of for that
purpose throughout all New England. * * The Iron for Saw Mills I think
should be bought in Canada as that Iron is so good. Any French that
have taken the oath of allegiance may become your settlers."
An assessment of L30 was now ordered to be made on each member of the
Society to meet necessary expenses. The Rev. Dr. Ogilvie of New York
was chosen as Treasurer. Richard Barlow, late a sergeant in the 44th
regiment, was appointed store keeper at St. John. Capt. Falconer, who
sent him from Montreal, described him as "a steady man used to
business of that nature, who proposes to be a settler, has a family
and some money to enable him to begin tolerably well." Barlow was to
receive 12 shillings N. Y. currency pr. week and "oneration of
provisions," also 200 acres of land and a town lot. He was directed to
proceed from Montreal to Boston and there take upon him the care of
the tools, utensils, materials and stores of all kinds and embark with
them for the River St. Johns in Nova Scotia.
A large assortment of materials, stores, tools and other articles were
purchased by Nathaniel Rogers in Boston, including mill geer,
carpenter's tools, farming implements, also three yoke of oxen and
tackling necessary for drawing logs, etc. These were shipped to St.
John in the schooner "Lucy," James Dickey, master, "consigned to
Richard Barlow storekeeper at St. John's and passenger on board for
the use of the St. John's society."
Capt. Glasier's expectation was that a majority of the settlers of the
township might be expected from New England. He says, "There is a
number of Families from N. England come this summer (1765) on a
presumption that there was sufficient land to be had, as one Peabody
and his associates had settled themselves the same way about four
years ago and had a great struggle to get their Grant this year after
all their improvements. These people want to become our settlers, but
it is not possible for me to settle them for I can't tell them, 'fix
your selves on such a spott and it shall be yours;' no, the lands must
be lay'd out in proper form, lots No. 1, 2, 3, &c., and drawn for. The
people are waiting for my answer, as I have told them there will be
lands for them when we can come into a proper method. They have all
got stock and all materials to carry on farming and will want no help
from us."
The difficulties experienced by Capt. Francis Peabody and his
associates in securing their lands at Maugerville have been referred
to already--see page 154--but further light is thrown upon the
matter in the appendix to this Chapter, in which will be found the
memorial of the Maugerville people to the Lords of Trade and
Plantations, together with a letter addressed to Joshua Mauger by
Charles Morris and Henry Newton, who had been sent to the River St.
John by the Governor of Nova Scotia to investigate the situation.
An important meeting of the members of the St. John's River Society
and their representatives was held at New York on the 3d of June,
1766, when it was decided that steps should be taken as soon as
possible for dividing the lands belonging to the society; that a
surveyor should be employed to lay out the town either at Grimross or
some other place more convenient or proper for the purpose; that a
grist and saw mill should be immediately built on "Nishwack creek";
that Captain Glasier should agree with proper persons to build the
mills, lay out the town, survey the lots for division and take
possession in due form of all grants (including the island called
Perkins Island, in the Bay of Passamaquoddy) in,the name of the
Society. It was further decided that as a sum of money was required
for the expenses of surveying and dividing the lands into lots,
building the mills, etc., that the second year's subscription money
should be paid on or before the 24th of August.
Two sites were regarded with favor for the town, Grimross and St.
Ann's Point. Both places had been originally cleared and settled by
the French. Glasier states in one of his letters: "At Grimross there
is timber and lime, which the French had prepared to build a church;
there is cleared land three miles in length, an old settlement where
our Principal Town must be built, if we can't have St. Anns Point,
which is the finest spot on the River for our purpose. There are many
difficulties to surmount, which you will know hereafter; there is but
one good stream on all the River fit to erect Mills upon, which I have
got for us, and, between ourselves, have been obliged to pop them
between two other grants (by the assistance of Mr. Morris). There is
about 100 Families in the Township of Peabody, they have not one mill
of any kind, nor can there be; they have been obliged to bring all
from New England. These mills must be our first object; we shall be
able to furnish our neighbors with Lumber as well as ourselves. I
have arranged for the Timber and all other materials to be prepared
and inclose you Mr. Simonds estimate of the cost. * * * Mr. Simonds is
perfectly acquainted with the business of Saw-mills and knows every
minivar [manoeuvre] belonging to them. I think we are lucky in having
him on the spot to manage so material a part of our establishment.
These Mills properly managed will pay for themselves at least four
times a year, besides we can't carry on our Settlement without them."
James Simonds' estimate of the cost of the mills will be found in the
letter which follows. It was probably considerably under the mark for
people are usually optimistic in such things:--
"Passamaquoddy, August 20th, 1765.
"Sir,--Agreeable to your desire I have made the nearest
calculation I could of the cost of two mills and dam on Nashwog
River, and am of opinion that two hundred pounds currency will
complete them. The first cost is very great, which will be mostly
for the dam, yet as the stream is sufficient for an addition of
three or four mills on the same dam, it will be cheaper in the end
than to build the same number of mills and a dam to each on small
brooks that will be almost dry near half the year.
"I must advise you Sir to have your Iron work made of the best
Iron, as breaches in any part of mills is of fatal consequence to
the profit of them. I have sent the dimensions of the cranks,
knowing it to be the practice in New England to make them so small
as to retard the business of sawing, besides frequently
breaking--the breaking of one may be a greater damage than the
cost of two. I have described them something large, but think you
had better exceed the size than fall short of it.
"The best workmen will be the cheapest as the whole depends on the
effectual laying the foundation of the dam, etc. I make no doubt
but when the mills are completed they will saw at least 5 M boards
pr. day.
"I am Sir, your most obedient servant,
"JAMES SIMONDS."
It may be noticed, in passing, that Mr. Simonds writes from
Passamaquoddy. The headquarters of the trade and fishery there was at
Indian Island, or as it was sometimes called, Perkins Island. Mr.
Simonds and Wm. Hazen were members of the St. John's River Society and
it would appear from Capt. Glasier's letter to Nathaniel Rogers of
10th Nov'r., 1765, that the Society had ambitious designs with regard
to this locality. "Our Fishery at Passamaquoddy," writes Glasier, "is
an object worth our attention; it is the best in the province. A
Block-house will be built there next spring and I can get a party from
the Fort sand some small cannon which will secure the Fishermen
against any insult from the Indians. This spot is more valuable than
you can imagine. I was promised by some of the principal Fishermen
belonging to New Hampshire if I got a grant of this Island they would
came to the number of 100 families with all their crafts, etc., and
become our settlers at Saint Johns, and if we get Grand Manan[84] it
will give us a chain of Harbours all the way to Mount Desert, which
will be all we want."
[84] In another part of his letter Glasier says, "Capt. Falconer, who
is on the spot, is desired to petition the Lords of Trade for
this Island." Capt. Falconer intended to have gone to the
River St. John to assist in the management of affairs there,
but this plan was upset by his being ordered with his regiment
to Ireland.
The avidity manifested by the agent of the St. John's River Society in
seeking favors at the hands of government would seems to countenance
the idea, suggested in the preceding chapter of this history,[85] that
when he memoralized the government of Nova Scotia for a grant of "the
Point or Neck of land bearing three quarters of a mile from Fort
Frederick, with 60 acres of land adjoining to it, for the making and
curing Fish," he had in view the valuable peninsula on the east side
of the harbor of St. John, on which the principal part of the city now
stands; but further investigation shows that this is not the case and
that the point of land meant was the neck adjoining the fort, on the
Carleton side of the harbor.[86]
[85] See page 208, ante.
[86] Speaking of the fishery in St. John harbor, Captain Glasier
writes, under date December 15, 1764, "The Bass is ketcht in
Weirs just under the Point below the Fort," that is on the
Carleton side of the harbor, and in the next sentence he goes
on to identify this point or neck of land with that adjoining
Fort Frederick. "The Cod Fish," he says, "strikes in here a
month sooner than at Cape Sable shore & goes off a month
sooner; you ketch the Fish a league within the mouth of the
Harbour and quite up to the Island [Navy Island] near the
Point of Land I have asked for."
We have ample testimony as to Beamsley Glasier's zeal and energy as
director of the affairs of the St. John's River Society. Charles
Morris, junior, says of him, "Capt. Glasier has done everything that
was possible for any man to do, and more than any one else in his
situation would have done to serve the Society," adding that he had
not been properly supported, and if he had retired "there would have
ended the Grand Settlement of St. John's River, for as soon as he had
left it, in all probability the Indians (who have been made to believe
our Dam will destroy their Fishery) would have burnt and destroyed all
that has been done this summer at the Mills, and before we could build
other mills and get things in so good a way again the lands would be
forfeited, for there will be a court of Escheats held and all the
lands that have been granted in this province that are not settled and
improved agreeable to the express condition of the Grant will
absolutely be declared forfeited." "But," he continues, "I can't
imagine the Society will suffer theirs to be forfeited, for I am well
convinced that less than L30 sterling from each proprietor will build
all the mills, divide all the lands and pay every expense that has
attended the settlement from first to last; and each proprietor will
then have 7,000 acres of good land laid out into lots, mills built and
everything ready and convenient to carry on and make a fine settlement
of it."
Glasier rarely complained of the difficulties with which he was
confronted, but on one occasion be admits "I am in a very disagreeable
situation and am heartily tired of it, and was it not for ingaging in
the Mills, would curse and quit the whole business. I have not been
well treated; to agents for all the Philadelphia and other Companys
have been genteely appointed and every expence paid with honor. What I
have done by myself has been ten times more than they all together and
the expence not the fifth part in proportion."
Whilst engaged in his work on the River St. John, Glasier was obliged
to make occasional trips to Boston, taking passage usually in the
vessels of Hazen, Simonds and White. The excitement produced in New
England by the operation of the obnoxious Stamp Act gave him some
concern. He writes in November, 1765, "I have some things to settle
with the Governor & Council next time they sit, that prevents my
going to Boston by this vessel, but I shall go the next time she
sails, if you Boston people don't burn her, which I should be very
sorry should happen as she carrys no stamps. My heart bleeds for my
Country, what will be the end of all this?"
Two projects especially claimed Glasier's attention in the summer of
1766: The first the founding of a town, the second the building of his
saw-mill. "I propose," he says, "to lay out the Town at Grimross in 80
squares, in addition to public squares; then they are to be numbered
and drawn for by some person on the spot in the form of lottery
tickets, which I shall have sent to the proprietors so that we may fix
as many families as can be had this Summer on the Town lots. * * I
must have young Mr. Morris from Halifax to survey and lay out the
Town, as nothing can be done at Grimross before he arrives."
In connection with the erection of the Nashwaak mills Capt. Glasier
acknowledges his obligation to Hazen & Jarvis of Newburyport. He says:
"They have procured me men to build the mills and stores of all kinds
for the workmen." The mill geer came this season, but on the 25th
October Glasier writes, "The mills won't be finished this fall, it is
such a work it was not possible to get through with it. * * * * My
time has been divided between the Mills and the Surveying. I am
condemned to tarry here this winter and can know nothing of what is
doing in the world."
On the 2nd February following, he writes Mr. Nath'l Rogers of Boston,
"We are now employed in getting logs to the mills. I hope we shall get
them going early in the summer. They will begin to pay something of
the expense before the fall. It's impossible for me to tell you in a
letter the expenses of the different branches of business which I am
obliged to carry on to complete the whole. It is not only building
mills, surveying, etc., but clearing up the land, building houses,
making roads, hiring oxen (for we have not half enough of them) and in
fine so much I shall never pretend to write it. James Simonds, Esq.,
who is the Bearer of this, will be able to inform you much better than
I can. * * * I am determined to finish what I have undertaken and then
quit it. I am not in the best situation in the world, as I believe
you'll think when I tell you I am not only shut out from all society
and know nothing of what is carrying on in the world, but my stores
are all expended, nor is there one thing to be bought here, pray send
me last year's magazines and some English newspapers as well as the
Boston ones. * * * I should be glad if you'd send the oxen, they may
be not old nor of the largest kind but good to draw. I pay half a
dollar a day for each yoak I hire so that they'll almost pay for
themselves in one year in work. Those that we have here have worked
more than one hundred days since I came, so that if we had been
obliged to have hired them at the rate I pay others it would amount to
a large sum. Twelve is the least that can be employed always at the
mills hauling logs, as they will cut 8,000 feet a day, I am told, when
they are finished. * * * * I told you I would not write you a long
letter, as there is nothing I hate so much; it's the D----l to have
ten thousand things to say."
Beamsley Glasier's connection with the St. John river was now drawing
to a close. In the summer of 1767 he went to New York where we find
him engaged, in company with the Rev. Dr. Ogilvie, in collecting the
second annual subscription from the members of the society. The
military gentlemen proved very dilatory in paying their subscriptions.
Whether Capt. Glazier became disheartened at the outlook, or whether
he received peremptory orders to rejoin the Royal American Regiment is
uncertain. But about the end of August, 1767, James Porteous,
representing the Montreal committee, wrote to Nathaniel Rogers: "We
are now informed Capt. Glazier is at New York on his way to join his
Regiment, it therefore becomes necessary to appoint another person to
transact the Society's business, for which purpose we have appointed
Mr. James Simonds, one of the Proprietors, agent with whom you will
please correspond on any occurrence regarding the settlement."
Messrs. Hazen & Jarvis, as well as their partners at St. John,
manifested great interest in the attempts of the Society to settle
their townships. Many details are mentioned in their letters, such as
those contained in the following to James Simonds. These details may
appear of little importance, yet everything that throws light upon the
methods employed in peopling a new country ought to have an interest
for after generations. In explanation of the subject matter of the
letter below it should be mentioned that Philip John Livingston and
others of the more energetic proprietors of the townships were sending
settlers, from New York, and other places to the River St. John.
Newburyport, Octo. 8th, 1767.
"We wrote you last Sunday by a sloop that came in here from New
York for some cattle, sheep and hogs. She took on board the cows;
the hogs and sheep go by this vessel. There is ten families [of
settlers], each of which was to have 1 cow, 1 sow, and 6 sheep,
but as they thought it necessary to have one of the hogs a boar,
and it was impossible to procure all the creatures of an equal
goodness, we must beg you will assist them (if they need it) in
the division of them. There was put on board this sloop 90 bushels
of ears of corn, 60 of which is on the Company's account and 30
for these families' hogs, so that what may be more than 60 bushels
upon their arrival with you, please to deliver with the hogs. The
freight of these hogs and sheep we shall charge here.
Mr. White is arrived with our Wm. Hazen and writes you by this
vessel. We suppose he will tell you that we think it will not be
best to build a vessel with you this winter.
We have sent all we could procure of your memo. by this,
vessel--the remainder will come by Mr. White who will sail the
last of next week. You will observe there are seven hogsheads of
rye and Indian corn wanting of the number in the invoices. These
we took out to get ground and you shall have them when Mr. White
goes.
Please to get as much lime as possible on board Capt. Newman, as
we have agreed with him to land it in Portsmouth, you will
therefore please to consign him to Mess. John & Temple Knight in
that place.
There are 100 sheep on board the sloop which cost upon an average
about 6s. 10d. a head. Now as the ten families who came from Now
York were to have 60 ewe sheep (and as they chose a ram or two in
the number) you will please to deliver them their number out of
the old sheep which we shall charge at seven shillings per head.
There is a very likely ram on board (without horns) which we
bought of Capt. White for the Company. This you will take care
of.
Since writing the above we have been getting the sheep on board
and find several very old, which please to take for the Company's
use, and we will get an abatement made by the person whom we
bought them of and who has deceived us in them.
Please to dispatch Newman as soon as possible as he has been
detained here longer than he ought to have been. What will be
wanting to fill up Newman besides the lime please to make up in
lumber.
We would recommend it to you not to tarry till Mr. White's arrival
with you before you go up the River.
Mr. Pickard and Mr. Hartt will give you an account of what freight
they have on board which you will receive of them at the customary
rate.
We are Sir,
Your sincere Friends and devoted hum, Serv's.
HAZEN & JARVIS.
To Jas. Simonds, Esq'r.
Philip John Livingston, who has been mentioned as a promoter of the
settlement of the townships, was a member of a distinguished and
wealthy New York family. His mother was Catherine de Peyster and his
wife a daughter of Samuel Bayard. His brother, John W. Livingston, and
his wife's brother, Abraham de Peyster, were both captains in Col.
Edmund Fanning's King's American Regiment during the Revolutionary
war. Philip John Livingston was himself high sheriff of Dutchess
County, Now York, and during the Revolution held several important
positions under British authority in the City of New York. His father,
brothers and sons were all Loyalists.
About the close of the year 1767 Col. Glasier wrote from New York,
seemingly in excellent spirits at the prospect of speedy settlement of
the lands. "He informs us," writes Leonard Jarvis, "that one hundred
families will go down next year to settle on the St. John river--that
a vessel from Ireland will arrive there this fall--that Mr.
Livingston, a gentleman of fortune, has purchased three shares, and
that the Patent is daily getting into fewer hands. This gives us
encouragement to think that some time hence our interest in your River
will be valuable."
Among the proprietors of the townships who labored to effect their
settlement and improvement was Richard Shorne, a native of Ireland,
with whom were associated the Rev. Curryl Smith of Alminsta, West
Meath, Ireland, and his sons John and Robert Smith of the city of
Dublin. Mr. Shorne took up his residence at the River St. John in 1767
and lived there for several years. He was on July 8, 1768, returned a
member of the Nova Scotia House of Assembly for Sunbury county, his
colleague being Phinehas Nevers of Maugerville. He seems to have made
his headquarters at or near St. Anne's Point, where supplies were sent
to him from Newburyport by Hazen & Jarvis.
Simonds & White informed their partners at Newburyport in a letter
dated June 22, 1768, that they had been obliged to make considerable
advances out of their stores to some settlers that Mr. Livingston had
sent to the St. John river. Livingston it seems found fault with
certain items charged to him in the accounts and this led to a rather
indignant remonstrance on the part of Simonds & White. They wrote, "We
are surprised that he should mention anything as to the sums not being
due, when not only that but near as much more has been advanced to
save the lives of the wretched crew he sent. We have ever found that
the doing business for others is an office the most unthankful, and
equally unprofitable." In the same letter mention is made of the
arrival of Richard Shorne at St. John, with some families from New
York, to settle his own and other lands for which he was agent. It
appears that James Simonds introduced Richard Shorne to his friends at
Newburyport for in one of his letters he writes: "Mr. Shorne, the
bearer of this, is a Proprietor in our Lands and has left Ireland with
an intention of settling a number of Rights on this river and for that
purpose is invested with power from his friends to draw on them for
any sum that may be necessary. I must beg your kind assistance and
advice on his behalf as he does not appear to be much acquainted with
the settlement of Lands."
Still another extract--this time from a letter of Philip J. Livingston
to James Simonds, will throw additional light upon the story of the
townships.
"New York, September 12, 1769.
Sir, * * *
I intreated the favour of you last year to procure two families
for Sir Charles Dabers, who purchased the Right of James Allen,
No. 18, in Sunbury Township, and desired Peter Carr might be fixed
in that Township. If Sir Charles's families will accept of the
same quantity of land as Captain Spry's and Mr. Morris's have
done, I should be glad the lots were laid out in the same manner
for them. I have only to add with respect to Sir Charles's two
families that you will be pleased to furnish them with such
provisions as may be necessary for their subsistence and draw for
the amount. As to my families Hendrick and Baker, and West--who I
am desired to attend to and who I am informed talk of prosecuting
me--be pleased to furnish the ungrateful fellows, if they mend
their manners, in such manner as best consists with strict
frugality--for the large sums I have expended in the purchase of
my several Rights and in prosecuting schemes of settlement
(together with the sums I have been under the necessity of
advancing to the Society, and still must advance to discharge a
protested will of Glaziers, in this extreme scarcity of current
specie) makes such an order prudential.
I hope you have taken the cattle from Brooks, or received the
worth of them for me and be pleased to inform me particularly of
the state of the families. You no doubt will hear from Halifax of
our petitioning the Government to confirm our division of lands
and therefore shall say nothing about it but refer you to Capt.
Spry and Mr. Morris.
As soon as the committee of Montreal will be pleased to furnish us
with cash we shall write to you about finishing the Mills: till
then nothing need be said about it. I should however be glad to
know what sum you think would put the Mills in working order. I
intend, and it is my fixed resolve to be on St. John's River as
soon as the weather will permit in the Spring, which will be about
the 1st of May. If Mr. Ogilvie should not send you an order to
furnish James Marrington with provisions--who was to settle
General Burton's Right--I think it advisable to take that family
for Sir Charles Dabers, as General Burton is dead, and the family
without credit can't subsist.
I am, Sir,
Your Much Obliged
And Very Humble Servant,
PHILIP J. LIVINGSTON.
We may be pretty certain,that the complaints of the settlers mentioned
by Livingston were not entirely unreasonable. They had not anticipated
the hardships before them and were ill prepared to grapple with them.
Probably the attractions of the River St. John had been represented in
an exaggerated form, a circumstance not unknown in the case of
promoters of colonization of a more recent date than that we are at
present considering.
Peter Carr and Thomas Masterson, two of Livingston's tenants, settled
on the west side of the river opposite Musquash Island; both seem to
have proved good settlers. John Hendrick, one of Livingston's
"ungrateful fellows," was also a valuable settler; he was the father
of five sons and Major Studholme commended him in 1783 as "a good
subject, an old soldier and a very deserving man." Henry West, another
of Livingston's settlers, is also commended by Major Studholme as an
exceedingly good subject.
Notwithstanding the efforts of individuals, the progress made by the
Saint John's River Society in the settling of their townships was
unsatisfactory, and about this time Hazen & Jarvis expressed their
conviction that half of the proprietors would not settle their lands
at all; they therefore desired Simonds & White to take such measures
as would secure their own Rights in Sunbury and New-Town as well as
those of Moses Hazen and Governor Thomas Hutchinson--that of the
latter having been lately purchased for Mr. Jarvis. Simonds & White
seem to have agreed with their partners as to the improbability of
settling the townships, for in July, 1770, they write: "The Society's
Lands will be forfeited if not settled this year. We think it best to
engage as many families, and fix them in Conway, as will secure our
whole interest on the River, if they can be had." This advice was
based on the opinion of the authorities at Halifax that settling the
required number of families in one township would quite as effectively
protect the interests of the grantees as if they were dispersed over
the several tracts.
APPENDIX.
Halifax, 5th August, 1763.
Sir,--We beg leave to trouble you with a memorial of a number of
officers and disbanded soldiers, who came from New England, and
are settled on St. John's River. We were sent to them lately as a
Committee of Council, by order of the Lieut.-Governor, to inform
them that they could have no Grant of the Lands they were upon,
and that they must remove therefrom, as these Lands were reserved
by His Majesty for disbanded Troops. However, we are very
apprehensive that their case must by some means or other have been
misrepresented to the Lords of Trade, or not clearly understood.
They are chiefly American soldiers, officers or privates; they
have sold their Farms in New England, and have transported
themselves at their own expense; they have brought considerable
stock with them, and their Families, and if it is the intention of
the Ministry to settle disbanded Troops on that River, we are of
Opinion these people will be of use and service, as it cannot be
expected that English Soldiers can bring any great stock with
them. The removing these people now they are settled, will be
their utter ruin, the particular circumstances of which they have
set forth in their Memorial to the Lords of Trade, which we beg
the favor of you to present to them, and are with great Respect,
Sir, your most obedient and very Humble Servts.,
Chas. Morris,
Henry Newton.
Joshua Mauger, Esqr.
MEMORIAL.
To the Right Honourable and Honourable the Lords of Commissioners
of Trade and Plantations:
The Memorial of Francis Peabody, John Carlton, Jacob Barker,
Nicholas West and Israel Perley, late officers in the American
service and now Disbanded, In behalf of themselves and others
disbanded from the said service and now settled at St. John's
River in Nova Scotia, Humbly Sheweth:--
That your Memorialists, previous to their entering into his
Majesty's Service, among other Encouragements were induced thereto
by a Proclamation of his late Majesty promising that at the
Expiration of the service they should be entitled to a Grant of
Lands in any of his Majesty's colonies for them to Settle upon.
That they have many of them been in Service during this Present
war, and as Americans are not intitled to half pay, as his
Majesty's British Troops are, and therefore expected no other
Recompense than a Donation of Land agreeable to his late Majesty's
Promise to them.
That having been sollicited to settle in Nova Scotia, by Colonel
McNutt, who appeared to us to be authorized by your Lordships,
having produced to us an Instrument Signed by your Lordships and
under seal promising a Right of Land to each Settler equal to
those already Granted to Horton, Cornwallis and Falmouth, we were
induced to come into the colony of Nova Scotia, and accordingly
sent a Committee of us to view Lands proper for a Settlement. That
our Committee accordingly viewed several Tracts of Lands in Nova
Scotia at our Expense and advised us to settle upon St. John's
River about seventy miles from the Mouth in one of the Extreme
parts and Frontiers of Nova Scotia, that we therefore applyed to
the Governor and Council of Nova Scotia for a Grant of the Lands,
not doubting of having the same confirmed to us, as they had
Granted several Townships in this Province of Nova Scotia to other
New England Proprietors who had not been in the Service. That the
Governour and Councill of Nova Scotia gave your Memorialists
encouragement, by telling your Memorialists that the Lands about
St. John's River were reserved by your Lordships for disbanded
Troops and that they would refer your Memorialists' Petition to
your Lordships.
In confidence of this, and being ourselves Soldiers, we
apprehended we might with great safety prepare ourselves for
settling the Lands we Petitioned for, and accordingly sold our
Estates in New England, and have at near a Thousand Pounds
Sterling expence Transported ourselves, Families and Stock, and
are now Settled to the number of one Hundred persons, on St.
John's River seventy miles from the Mouth; and a large number of
disbanded officers and soldiers in confidence of the same
Encouragement have now sold all their Possessions in New England
and are hiring Vessels to Transport themselves and Settle among
us.
We were not a little astonished when we were informed by his
Majesty's Governor and Council here that we could not have a Grant
of the Lands we have settled ourselves upon.
We therefore humbly apply to your Lordships to Lay our Cause
before his most Gracious Majesty for whose service we have often
exposed our lives in America, that he would be pleased to direct
the Governor and Council here to Grant us these Lands, we are now
settled upon, as the Removal therefrom would prove our utter Ruin
and Destruction. We have been at no expence to the crown and
intend to be at none, and are settled two hundred miles from any
other English Settlement.
And your Memorialists as in duty bound shall ever pray.
Recd. & Read Decr. 16, 1763.