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State of the Union Addresses of James Madison
The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***
Dates of addresses by James Madison in this eBook:
November 29, 1809
December 5, 1810
November 5, 1811
November 4, 1812
December 7, 1813
September 20, 1814
December 5, 1815
December 3, 1816
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
November 29, 1809
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
At the period of our last meeting I had the satisfaction of communicating
an adjustment with one of the principal belligerent nations, highly
important in itself, and still more so as presaging a more extended
accommodation. It is with deep concern I am now to inform you that the
favorable prospect has been over-clouded by a refusal of the British
Government to abide by the act of its minister plenipotentiary, and by its
ensuing policy toward the United States as seen through the communications
of the minister sent to replace him.
Whatever pleas may be urged for a disavowal of engagements formed by
diplomatic functionaries in cases where by the terms of the engagements a
mutual ratification is reserved, or where notice at the time may have been
given of a departure from instructions, or in extraordinary cases
essentially violating the principles of equity, a disavowal could not have
been apprehended in a case where no such notice or violation existed, where
no such ratification was reserved, and more especially where, as is now in
proof, an engagement to be executed without any such ratification was
contemplated by the instructions given, and where it had with good faith
been carried into immediate execution on the part of the United States.
These considerations not having restrained the British Government from
disavowing the arrangement by virtue of which its orders in council were to
be revoked, and the event authorizing the renewal of commercial intercourse
having thus not taken place, it necessarily became a question of equal
urgency and importance whether the act prohibiting that intercourse was not
to be considered as remaining in legal force. This question being, after
due deliberation, determined in the affirmative, a proclamation to that
effect was issued. It could not but happen, however, that a return to this
state of things from that which had followed an execution of the
arrangement by the United States would involve difficulties. With a view to
diminish these as much as possible, the instructions from the Secretary of
the Treasury now laid before you were transmitted to the collectors of the
several ports. If in permitting British vessels to depart without giving
bonds not to proceed to their own ports it should appear that the tenor of
legal authority has not been strictly pursued, it is to be ascribed to the
anxious desire which was felt that no individuals should be injured by so
unforeseen an occurrence; and I rely on the regard of Congress for the
equitable interests of our own citizens to adopt whatever further
provisions may be found requisite for a general remission of penalties
involuntarily incurred.
The recall of the disavowed minister having been followed by the
appointment of a successor, hopes were indulged that the new mission would
contribute to alleviate the disappointment which had been produced, and to
remove the causes which had so long embarrassed the good understanding of
the two nations. It could not be doubted that it would at least be charged
with conciliatory explanations of the step which had been taken and with
proposals to be substituted for the rejected arrangement.
Reasonable and universal as this expectation was, it also has not been
fulfilled. From the first official disclosures of the new minister it was
found that he had received no authority to enter into explanations relative
to either branch of the arrangement disavowed nor any authority to
substitute proposals as to that branch which concerned the British orders
in council, and, finally, that his proposals with regard to the other
branch, the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, were founded on a
presumption repeatedly declared to be inadmissible by the United States,
that the first step toward adjustment was due from them, the proposals
at the same time omitting even a reference to the officer answerable for
the murderous aggression, and asserting a claim not less contrary to the
British laws and British practice than to the principles and obligations
of the United States.
The correspondence between the Department of State and this minister will
show how unessentially the features presented in its commencement have been
varied in its progress. It will show also that, forgetting the respect due
to all governments, he did not refrain from imputations on this, which
required that no further communications should be received from him. The
necessity of this step will be made known to His Britannic Majesty through
the minister plenipotentiary of the United States in London; and it would
indicate a want of the confidence due to a Government which so well
understands and exacts what becomes foreign ministers near it not to infer
that the misconduct of its own representative will be viewed in the same
light in which it has been regarded here. The British Government will learn
at the same time that a ready attention will be given to communications
through any channel which may be substituted. It will be happy if the
change in this respect should be accompanied by a favorable revision of the
unfriendly policy which has been so long pursued toward the United States.
With France, the other belligerent, whose trespasses on our commercial
rights have long been the subject of our just remonstrances, the posture of
our relations does not correspond with the measures taken on the part of
the United States to effect a favorable change. The result of the several
communications made to her Government, in pursuance of the authorities
vested by Congress in the Executive, is contained in the correspondence of
our minister at Paris now laid before you.
By some of the other belligerents, although professing just and amicable
dispositions, injuries materially affecting our commerce have not been duly
controlled or repressed. In these cases the interpositions deemed proper on
our part have not been omitted. But it well deserves the consideration of
the Legislature how far both the safety and the honor of the American flag
may be consulted, by adequate provisions against that collusive
prostitution of it by individuals unworthy of the American name which has
so much flavored the real or pretended suspicions under which the honest
commerce of their fellow citizens has suffered.
In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, nothing has occurred
which is not of a nature rather to inspire confidence than distrust as to
the continuance of the existing amity. With our Indian neighbors, the just
and benevolent system continued toward them has also preserved peace, and
is more and more advancing habits favorable to their civilization and
happiness.
From a statement which will be made by the Secretary of War it will be seen
that the fortifications on our maritime frontier are in many of the ports
completed, affording the defense which was contemplated, and that a further
time will be required to render complete the works in the harbor of New
York and in some other places. By the enlargement of the works and the
employment of a greater number of hands at the public armories the supply
of small arms of an improving quality appears to be annually increasing at
a rate that, with those made on private contract, may be expected to go far
toward providing for the public exigency.
The act of Congress providing for the equipment of our vessels of war
having been fully carried into execution, I refer to the statement of the
Secretary of the Navy for the information which may be proper on that
subject. To that statement is added a view of the transfers of
appropriations authorized by the act of the session preceding the last and
of the grounds on which the transfers were made.
Whatever may be the course of your deliberations on the subject of our
military establishments, I should fail in my duty in not recommending to
your serious attention the importance of giving to our militia, the great
bulwark of our security and resource of our power, an organization best
adapted to eventual situations for which the United States ought to be
prepared.
The sums which had been previously accumulated in the Treasury, together
with the receipts during the year ending on the 30th of September last (and
amounting to more than $9 millions), have enabled us to fulfill all our
engagements and to defray the current expenses of Government without
recurring to any loan. But the insecurity of our commerce and the
consequent diminution of the public revenue will probably produce a
deficiency in the receipts of the ensuing year, for which and for other
details I refer to the statements which will be transmitted from the
Treasury.
In the state which has been presented of our affairs with the great parties
to a disastrous and protracted war, carried on in a mode equally injurious
and unjust to the United States as a neutral nation, the wisdom of the
National Legislature will be again summoned to the important decision on
the alternatives before them. That these will be met in a spirit worthy the
councils of a nation conscious both of its rectitude and of its rights, and
careful as well of its honor as of its peace, I have an entire confidence;
and that the result will be stamped by a unanimity becoming the occasion,
and be supported by every portion of our citizens with a patriotism
enlightened and invigorated by experience, ought as little to be doubted.
In the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from external causes
there is much room for congratulation on the prosperity and happiness
flowing from our situation at home. The blessing of health has never been
more universal. The fruits of the seasons, though in particular articles
and districts short of their usual redundancy, are more than sufficient for
our wants and our comforts. The face of our country ever presents evidence
of laudable enterprise, of extensive capital, and of durable improvement.
In a cultivation of the materials and the extension of useful manufactures,
more especially in the general application to household fabrics, we behold
a rapid diminution of our dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it
unworthy of reflection that this revolution in our pursuits and habits is
in no slight degree a consequence of those impolitic and arbitrary edicts
by which the contending nations, in endeavoring each of them to obstruct
our trade with the other, have so far abridged our means of procuring the
productions and manufactures of which our own are now taking the place.
Recollecting always that for every advantage which may contribute to
distinguish our lot from that to which others are doomed by the unhappy
spirit of the times we are indebted to that Divine Providence whose
goodness has been so remarkably extended to this rising nation, it becomes
us to cherish a devout gratitude, and to implore from the same omnipotent
source a blessing on the consultations and measures about to be undertaken
for the welfare of our beloved country.
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
December 5, 1810
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
The embarrassments which have prevailed in our foreign relations, and so
much employed the deliberations of Congress, make it a primary duty in
meeting you to communicate whatever may have occurred in that branch of our
national affairs.
The act of the last session of Congress concerning the commercial
intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and
their dependencies having invited in a new form a termination of their
edicts against our neutral commerce, copies of the act were immediately
forwarded to our ministers at London and Paris, with a view that its object
might be within the early attention of the French and British Governments.
By the communication received through our minister at Paris it appeared
that knowledge of the act by the French Government was followed by a
declaration that the Berlin and Milan decrees were revoked, and would cease
to have effect on the first day of November ensuing. These being the only
known edicts of France within the description of the act, and the
revocation of them being such that they ceased at that date to violate our
neutral commerce, the fact, as prescribed by law, was announced by a
proclamation bearing date the 2nd of November.
It would have well accorded with the conciliatory views indicated by this
proceeding on the part of France to have extended them to all the grounds
of just complaint which now remain unadjusted with the United States. It
was particularly anticipated that, as a further evidence of just
dispositions toward them, restoration would have been immediately made of
the property of our citizens under a misapplication of the principle of
reprisals combined with a misconstruction of a law of the United States.
This expectation has not been fulfilled.
From the British Government no communication on the subject of the act has
been received. To a communication from our minister at London of a
revocation by the French Government of its Berlin and Milan decrees it was
answered that the British system would be relinquished as soon as the
repeal of the French decrees should have actually taken effect and the
commerce of neutral nations have been restored to the condition in which it
stood previously to the promulgation of those decrees. This pledge,
although it does not necessarily import, does not exclude the intention of
relinquishing, along with the others in council, the practice of those
novel blockades which have a like effect of interrupting our neutral
commerce, and this further justice to the United States is the rather to be
looked for, in as much as the blockades in question, being not more
contrary to the established law of nations than inconsistent with the rules
of blockade formally recognized by Great Britain herself, could have no
alleged basis other than the plea of retaliation alleged as the basis of
the orders in council.
Under the modification of the original orders of November, 1807, into the
orders of April, 1809, there is, indeed, scarcely a nominal distinction
between the orders and the blockades. One of those illegitimate blockades,
bearing date in May, 1806, having been expressly avowed to be still
unrescinded, and to be in effect comprehended in the orders in council, was
too distinctly brought within the purview of the act of Congress not to be
comprehended in the explanation of the requisites to a compliance with it.
The British Government was accordingly apprised by our minister near it
that such was the light in which the subject was to be regarded.
On the other important subjects depending between the United States and the
Government no progress has been made from which an early and satisfactory
result can be relied on.
In this new posture of our relations with those powers the consideration of
Congress will be properly turned to a removal of doubts which may occur in
the exposition and of difficulties in the execution of the act above
cited.
The commerce of the United States with the north of Europe, heretofore much
vexed by licentious cruisers, particularly under the Danish flag, has
latterly been visited with fresh and extensive depredations. The measures
pursued in behalf of our injured citizens not having obtained justice for
them, a further and more formal interposition with the Danish Government is
contemplated. The principles which have been maintained by that Government
in relation to neutral commerce, and the friendly professions of His Danish
Majesty toward the United States, are valuable pledges in favor of a
successful issue.
Among the events growing out of the state of the Spanish Monarchy, our
attention was imperiously attracted to the change developing itself in that
portion of West Florida which, though of right appertaining to the United
States, had remained in the possession of Spain awaiting the result of
negotiations for its actual delivery to them. The Spanish authority was
subverted and a situation produced exposing the country to ulterior events
which might essentially affect the rights and welfare of the Union. In such
a conjuncture I did not delay the interposition required for the occupancy
of the territory west of the river Perdido, to which the title of the
United States extends, and to which the laws provided for the Territory of
Orleans are applicable. With this view, the proclamation of which a copy is
laid before you was confided to the governor of that Territory to be
carried into effect. The legality and necessity of the course pursued
assure me of the favorable light in which it will present itself to the
Legislature, and of the promptitude with which they will supply whatever
provisions may be due to the essential rights and equitable interests of
the people thus brought into the bosom of the American family.
Our amity with the powers of Barbary, with the exception of a recent
occurrence at Tunis, of which an explanation is just received, appears to
have been uninterrupted and to have become more firmly established.
With the Indian tribes also the peace and friendship of the United States
are found to be so eligible that the general disposition to preserve both
continues to gain strength.
I feel particular satisfaction in remarking that an interior view of our
country presents us with grateful proofs of its substantial and increasing
prosperity. To a thriving agriculture and the improvements related to it is
added a highly interesting extension of useful manufactures, the combined
product of professional occupations and of household industry. Such indeed
is the experience of economy as well as of policy in these substitutes for
supplies heretofore obtained by foreign commerce that in a national view
the change is justly regarded as of itself more than a recompense for those
privations and losses resulting from foreign injustice which furnished the
general impulse required for its accomplishment. How far it may be
expedient to guard the infancy of this improvement in the distribution of
labor by regulations of the commercial tariff is a subject which can not
fail to suggest itself to your patriotic reflections.
It will rest with the consideration of Congress also whether a provident as
well as fair encouragement would not be given to our navigation by such
regulations as would place it on a level of competition with foreign
vessels, particularly in transporting the important and bulky productions
of our own soil. The failure of equality and reciprocity in the existing
regulations on this subject operates in our ports as a premium to foreign
competitors, and the inconvenience must increase as these may be multiplied
under more favorable circumstances by the more than countervailing
encouragements now given them by the laws of their respective countries.
Whilst it is universally admitted that a well-instructed people alone can
be permanently a free people, and whilst it is evident that the means of
diffusing and improving useful knowledge form so small a proportion of the
expenditures for national purposes, I can not presume it to be unseasonable
to invite your attention to the advantages of superadding to the means of
education provided by the several States a seminary of learning instituted
by the National Legislature within the limits of their exclusive
jurisdiction, the expense of which might be defrayed or reimbursed out of
the vacant grounds which have accrued to the nation within those limits.
Such an institution, though local in its legal character, would be
universal in its beneficial effects. By enlightening the opinions, by
expanding the patriotism, and by assimilating the principles, the
sentiments, and the manners of those who might resort to this temple of
science, to be redistributed in due time through every part of the
community, sources of jealousy and prejudice would be diminished, the
features of national character would be multiplied, and greater extent
given to social harmony. But, above all, a well-constituted seminary in
the center of the nation is recommended by the consideration that the
additional instruction emanating from it would contribute not less to
strengthen the foundations than to adorn the structure of our free and
happy system of government.
Among the commercial abuses still committed under the American flag, and
leaving in force my former reference to that subject, it appears that
American citizens are instrumental in carrying on a traffic in enslaved
Africans, equally in violation of the laws of humanity and in defiance of
those of their own country. The same just and benevolent motives which
produced interdiction in force against this criminal conduct will doubtless
be felt by Congress in devising further means of suppressing the evil.
In the midst of uncertainties necessarily connected with the great
interests of the United States, prudence requires a continuance of our
defensive and precautionary arrangement. The Secretary of War and Secretary
of the Navy will submit the statements and estimates which may aid Congress
in their ensuing provisions for the land and naval forces. The statements
of the latter will include a view of the transfers of appropriations in the
naval expenditures and in the grounds on which they were made.
The fortifications for the defense of our maritime frontier have been
prosecuted according to the plan laid down in 1808. The works, with some
exceptions, are completed and furnished with ordnance. Those for the
security of the city of New York, though far advanced toward completion,
will require a further time and appropriation. This is the case with a few
others, either not completed or in need of repairs.
The improvements in quality and quantity made in the manufacture of cannon
and small arms, both at the public armories and private factories, warrant
additional confidence in the competency of these resources for supplying
the public exigencies.
These preparations for arming the militia having thus far provided for one
of the objects contemplated by the power vested in Congress with respect
to that great bulwark of the public safety, it is for their consideration
whether further provisions are not requisite for the other contemplated
objects of organization and discipline. To give to this great mass of
physical and moral force the efficiency which it merits, and is capable of
receiving, it is indispensable that they should be instructed and practiced
in the rules by which they are to be governed. Toward an accomplishment of
this important work I recommend for the consideration of Congress the
expediency of instituting a system which shall in the first instance call
into the field at the public expense and for a given time certain portions
of the commissioned and non-commissioned officers. The instruction and
discipline thus acquired would gradually diffuse through the entire body of
the militia that practical knowledge and promptitude for active service
which are the great ends to be pursued. Experience has left no doubt either
of the necessity or of the efficacy of competent military skill in those
portions of an army in fitting it for the final duties which it may have to
perform.
The Corps of Engineers, with the Military Academy, are entitled to the
early attention of Congress. The buildings at the seat fixed by law for the
present Academy are so far in decay as not to afford the necessary
accommodation. But a revision of the law is recommended, principally with a
view to a more enlarged cultivation and diffusion of the advantages of such
institutions, by providing professorships for all the necessary branches of
military instruction, and by the establishment of an additional academy at
the seat of Government or elsewhere. The means by which war, as well for
defense as for offense, are now carried on render these schools of the more
scientific operations an indispensable part of every adequate system.
Even among nations whose large standing armies and frequent wars afford
every other opportunity of instruction these establishments are found to be
indispensable for the due attainment of the branches of military science
which require a regular course of study and experiment. In a government
happily without the other opportunities seminaries where the elementary
principles of the art of war can be taught without actual war, and without
the expense of extensive and standing armies, have the precious advantage
of uniting an essential preparation against external danger with a
scrupulous regard to internal safety. In no other way, probably, can a
provision of equal efficacy for the public defense be made at so little
expense or more consistently with the public liberty.
The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th of
September last (and amounting to more than $8.5 millions) have exceeded
the current expenses of the Government, including the interest on the
public debt. For the purpose of reimbursing at the end of the year $3.75
millions of the principal, a loan, as authorized by law, had been
negotiated to that amount, but has since been reduced to $2.75 millions,
the reduction being permitted by the state of the Treasury, in which there
will be a balance remaining at the end of the year estimated at $2
millions. For the probable receipts of the next year and other details I
refer to statements which will be transmitted from the Treasury, and which
will enable you to judge what further provisions may be necessary for the
ensuing years.
Reserving for future occasions in the course of the session whatever other
communications may claim your attention, I close the present by expressing
my reliance, under the blessing of Divine Providence, on the judgement and
patriotism which will guide your measures at a period particularly calling
for united councils and flexible exertions for the welfare of our country,
and by assuring you of the fidelity and alacrity with which my cooperation
will be afforded.
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
November 5, 1811
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
In calling you together sooner than a separation from your homes would
otherwise have been required I yielded to considerations drawn from the
posture of our foreign affairs, and in fixing the present for the time of
your meeting regard was had to the probability of further developments of
the policy of the belligerent powers toward this country which might the
more unite the national councils in the measures to be pursued.
At the close of the last session of Congress it was hoped that the
successive confirmations of the extinction of the French decrees, so far as
they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the Government of
Great Britain to repeal its orders in council, and thereby authorize a
removal of the existing obstructions to her commerce with the United
States.
Instead of this reasonable step toward satisfaction and friendship between
the two nations, the orders were, at a moment when least to have been
expected, put into more rigorous execution; and it was communicated through
the British envoy just arrived that whilst the revocation of the edicts of
France, as officially made known to the British Government, was denied to
have taken place, it was an indispensable condition of the repeal of the
British orders that commerce should be restored to a footing that would
admit the productions and manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by
neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy, the United States
being given to understand that in the mean time a continuance of their
nonimportation act would lead to measures of retaliation.
At a later date it has indeed appeared that a communication to the British
Government of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French decrees against
our neutral trade was followed by an intimation that it had been
transmitted to the British plenipotentiary here in order that it might
receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This communication
appears not to have been received; but the transmission of it hither,
instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the orders or assurances that
the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change
in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory
proofs of such a change, and to proceed in the mean time in adapting our
measures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister will
best consult our whole duty.
In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures indemnity and redress for
other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths
of our harbors have again witnessed scenes not less derogatory to the
dearest of our national rights than vexation to the regular course of our
trade.
Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war
hovering on our coasts was an encounter between one of them and the
American frigate commanded by Captain Rodgers, rendered unavoidable on the
part of the latter by a fire commenced without cause by the former, whose
commander is therefore alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed
in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings of a court
of inquiry requested by Captain Rodgers are communicated, together with
the correspondence relating to the occurrence, between the Secretary of
State and His Britannic Majesty's envoy. To these are added the several
correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British orders in
council, and to both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, in which
Congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the
Government of Great Britain has thought proper to make against the
proceeding of the United States.
The justice and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United
States toward France, both before and since the revocation of her decrees,
authorized an expectation that her Government would have followed up that
measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as well as
dictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however, is yet given of an
intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States, and
particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and
condemned under edicts which, though not affecting our neutral relations,
and therefore not entering into questions between the United States and
other belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles
that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.
In addition to this and other demands of strict right on that nation, the
United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and
unexpected restrictions to which their trade with the French dominions has
been subjected, and which, if not discontinued, will require at least
corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United
States.
On all those subjects our minister plenipotentiary lately sent to Paris has
carried with him the necessary instructions, the result of which will be
communicated to you, by ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French
Government toward the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of
the United States toward France.
Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With Russia
they are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of Sweden have
afforded proofs of friendly dispositions toward our commerce in the
councils of that nation also, and the information from our special minister
to Denmark shews that the mission had been attended with valuable effects
to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and
endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag.
Under the ominous indications which commanded attention it became a duty to
exert the means committed to the executive department in providing for the
general security. The works of defense on our maritime frontier have
accordingly been prosecuted with an activity leaving little to be added for
the completion of the most important ones, and, as particularly suited for
cooperation in emergencies, a portion of the gun boats have in particular
harbors been ordered into use. The ships of war before in commission, with
the addition of a frigate, have been chiefly employed as a cruising guard
to the rights of our coast, and such a disposition has been made of our
land forces as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and
important.
In this disposition is included a force consisting of regulars and militia,
embodied in the Indiana Territory and marched toward our northwestern
frontier. This measure was made requisite by several murders and
depredations committed by Indians, but more especially by the menacing
preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash, under the
influence and direction of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With these
exceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions toward us,
and their usual pursuits.
I must now add that the period is arrived which claims from the legislative
guardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for
maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted
moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States to
substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries
all the mutual advantages of reestablished friendship and confidence, we
have seen that the British cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a
remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the
execution, brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures
which under existing circumstances have the character as well as the effect
of war on our lawful commerce.
With this evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights which no
independent nation can relinquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting
the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and
corresponding with the national spirit and expectations.
I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provisions be made for filling the
ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regular troops; for an
auxiliary force to be engaged for a more limited term; for the acceptance
of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in
urgent services; for detachments as they may be wanted of other portions of
the militia, and for such a preparation of the great body as will
proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion
fail to remind you of the importance of those military seminaries which in
every event will form a valuable and frugal part of our military
establishment.
The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success,
and the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to
emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Congress to authorize
an enlargement of them.
Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions on the subject of
our naval force as may be required for the services to which it may be best
adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also of an authority to
augment the stock of such materials as are imperishable in their nature, or
may not at once be attainable.
In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and
estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook
those developing themselves among the great communities which occupy the
southern portion of our own hemisphere and extend into our neighborhood. An
enlarged philanthropy and an enlightened forecast concur in imposing on the
national councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies,
to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will, to regard the progress of
events, and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be
ultimately established.
Under another aspect of our situation the early attention of Congress will
be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and infractions
of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious
everywhere, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws
being made by all for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every
individual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt when it blends
with a pursuit of ignominious gain a treacherous subserviency, in the
transgressors, to a foreign policy adverse to that of their own country. It
is then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to
manifest itself through the regular animadversions of the most competent
laws.
To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest
interests which it covers, it is expedient also that it be made punishable
in our citizens to accept licenses from foreign governments for a trade
unlawfully interdicted by them to other American citizens, or to trade
under false colors or papers of any sort.
A prohibition is equally called for against the acceptance by our citizens
of special licenses to be used in a trade with the United States, and
against the admission into particular ports of the United States of vessels
from foreign countries authorized to trade with particular ports only.
Although other subjects will press more immediately on your deliberations,
a portion of them can not but be well bestowed on the just and sound policy
of securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are
still attaining, in some degree, under the impulse of causes not permanent,
and to our navigation, the fair extent of which is at present abridged by
the unequal regulations of foreign governments.
Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufactures from sacrifices which
a change of circumstances might bring on them, the national interest
requires that, with regard to such articles at least as belong to our
defense and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary
dependence on external supplies. And whilst foreign governments adhere to
the existing discriminations in their ports against our navigation, and
an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed by their navigation in
our ports, the effect can not be mistaken, because it has been seriously
felt by our shipping interests; and in proportion as this takes place the
advantages of an independent conveyance of our products to foreign
markets and of a growing body of mariners trained by their occupations for
the service of their country in times of danger must be diminished.
The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of
September last have exceeded $13.5 millions, and have enabled us to defray
the current expenses, including the interest on the public debt, and to
reimburse more than $5 millions of the principal without recurring to the
loan authorized by the act of the last session. The temporary loan
obtained in the latter end of the year 1810 has also been reimbursed, and
is not included in that amount.
The decrease of revenue arising from the situation of our commerce, and the
extraordinary expenses which have and may become necessary, must be taken
into view in making commensurate provisions for the ensuing year; and I
recommend to your consideration the propriety of insuring a sufficiency of
annual revenue at least to defray the ordinary expenses of Government, and
to pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which
may be authorized.
I can not close this communication without expressing my deep sense of the
crisis in which you are assembled, my confidence in a wise and honorable
result to your deliberations, and assurances of the faithful zeal with
which my cooperating duties will be discharged, invoking at the same time
the blessing of Heaven on our beloved country and on all the means that may
be employed in vindicating its rights and advancing its welfare.
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
November 4, 1812
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
On our present meeting it is my first duty to invite your attention to the
providential favors which our country has experienced in the unusual degree
of health dispensed to its inhabitants, and in the rich abundance with
which the earth has rewarded the labors bestowed on it. In the successful
cultivation of other branches of industry, and in the progress of general
improvement favorable to the national prosperity, there is just occasion
also for our mutual congratulations and thankfulness.
With these blessings are necessarily mingled the pressures and vicissitudes
incident to the state of war into which the United States have been forced
by the perseverance of a foreign power in its system of injustice and
aggression.
Previous to its declaration it was deemed proper, as a measure of
precaution and forecast, that a considerable force should be placed in the
Michigan Territory with a general view to its security, and, in the event
of war, to such operations in the uppermost Canada as would intercept the
hostile influence of Great Britain over the savages, obtain the command of
the lake on which that part of Canada borders, and maintain cooperating
relations with such forces as might be most conveniently employed against
other parts.
Brigadier-General Hull was charged with this provisional service, having
under his command a body of troops composed of regulars and of volunteers
from the State of Ohio. Having reached his destination after his knowledge
of the war, and possessing discretionary authority to act offensively, he
passed into the neighboring territory of the enemy with a prospect of easy
and victorious progress. The expedition, nevertheless, terminated
unfortunately, not only in a retreat to the town and fort of Detroit, but
in the surrender of both and of the gallant corps commanded by that
officer. The causes of this painful reverse will be investigated by a
military tribunal.
A distinguishing feature in the operations which preceded and followed this
adverse event is the use made by the enemy of the merciless savages under
their influence. Whilst the benevolent policy of the United States
invariably recommended peace and promoted civilization among that wretched
portion of the human race, and was making exertions to dissuade them from
taking either side in the war, the enemy has not scrupled to call to his
aid their ruthless ferocity, armed with the horrors of those instruments of
carnage and torture which are known to spare neither age nor sex. In this
outrage against the laws of honorable war and against the feelings sacred
to humanity the British commanders can not resort to a plea of retaliation,
for it is committed in the face of our example. They can not mitigate it by
calling it a self-defense against men in arms, for it embraces the most
shocking butcheries of defenseless families. Nor can it be pretended that
they are not answerable for the atrocities perpetrated, since the savages
are employed with a knowledge, and even with menaces, that their fury could
not be controlled. Such is the spectacle which the deputed authorities of a
nation boasting its religion and morality have not been restrained from
presenting to an enlightened age.
The misfortune at Detroit was not, however, without a consoling effect. It
was followed by signal proofs that the national spirit rises according to
the pressure on it. The loss of an important post and of the brave men
surrendered with it inspired everywhere new ardor and determination. In the
States and districts least remote it was no sooner known than every citizen
was ready to fly with his arms at once to protect his brethren against the
blood-thirsty savages let loose by the enemy on an extensive frontier, and
to convert a partial calamity into a source of invigorated efforts. This
patriotic zeal, which it was necessary rather to limit than excite, has
embodied an ample force from the States of Kentucky and Ohio and from parts
of Pennsylvania and Virginia. It is placed, with the addition of a few
regulars, under the command of Brigadier-General Harrison, who possesses
the entire confidence of his fellow soldiers, among whom are citizens, some
of them volunteers in the ranks, not less distinguished by their political
stations than by their personal merits. The greater portion of this force
is proceeding in relieving an important frontier post, and in several
incidental operations against hostile tribes of savages, rendered
indispensable by the subserviency into which they had been seduced by the
enemy--a seduction the more cruel as it could not fail to impose a
necessity of precautionary severities against those who yielded to it.
At a recent date an attack was made on a post of the enemy near Niagara by
a detachment of the regular and other forces under the command of
Major-General Van Rensselaer, of the militia of the State of New York. The
attack, it appears, was ordered in compliance with the ardor of the troops,
who executed it with distinguished gallantry, and were for a time
victorious; but not receiving the expected support, they were compelled to
yield to reenforcements of British regulars and savages. Our loss has been
considerable, and is deeply to be lamented. That of the enemy, less
ascertained, will be the more felt, as it includes among the killed the
commanding general, who was also the governor of the Province, and was
sustained by veteran troops from unexperienced soldiers, who must daily
improve in the duties of the field.
Our expectation of gaining the command of the Lakes by the invasion of
Canada from Detroit having been disappointed, measures were instantly taken
to provide on them a naval force superior to that of the enemy. From the
talents and activity of the officer charged with this object everything
that can be done may be expected. Should the present season not admit of
complete success, the progress made will insure for the next a naval
ascendancy where it is essential to our permanent peace with and control
over the savages.
Among the incidents to the measures of the war I am constrained to advert
to the refusal of the governors of Maine and Connecticut to furnish the
required detachments of militia toward the defense of the maritime
frontier. The refusal was founded on a novel and unfortunate exposition of
the provisions of the Constitution relating to the militia. The
correspondences which will be laid before you contain the requisite
information on the subject. It is obvious that if the authority of the
United States to call into service and command the militia for the public
defense can be thus frustrated, even in a state of declared war and of
course under apprehensions of invasion preceding war, they are not one
nation for the purpose most of all requiring it, and that the public safety
may have no other resource than in those large and permanent military
establishments which are forbidden by the principles of our free
government, and against the necessity of which the militia were meant to be
a constitutional bulwark.