CHAPTER II

THE PALE OF SETTLEMENT (1804-1882)

Gradually the provinces along the western frontier, stretching south

from Riga to the territories bordering on the Black Sea, became marked

off as a Pale of Settlement. Within these regions all the Jews of the

Empire were to be domiciled; saving merchants, bankers, scientists, and

eminent Hebrews whose wealth or accomplishments would outweigh in the

selfish plans of domestic government the anti-Semitic feeling which

appealed to the despotic expediency of exceptional laws. Inside this

economic Siberia, the poorer Jews would have their chances of employment

greatly diminished, while the struggle for existence must become by

degrees a contest between a growing population and a narrower area of

industrial opportunity.

Unnatural social and economic conditions necessarily engender

correlative abuses and evils. Poverty, illegal pursuits, the smuggling

and sale of liquor, evasion of coercive laws, bribery and corruption,

protested against the causes which begot them, until finally an Imperial

Commission had to be appointed to inquire into and report upon the

measures necessary to remedy this state of things. This Commission

issued its report in 1812. The report is so tersely summarised in Prince

Demidoff’s book, and the matters dealt with are so intimately connected

with the inherited injustices of the Russian Jew, that I cannot forbear

adding the following extract to this brief historic sketch of

anti-Semitic legislation and its results:

“Firstly, the Commission was of opinion that the impossibility of

carrying out the provisions of paragraph 34 of the Law of 1804 ‘did not

arise from the obstinacy of the Jews and remissness of the authorities,

but from the natural and political condition of those provinces to

which residence of the Jews is restricted.’ The report then states that

while the Jews retained their political independence and lived in their

own country, they were an agricultural people. Subsequently, when they

were dispersed over the whole world and everywhere subjected to the

bitterest persecution, unrecognised as regular citizens of the countries

in which they were domiciled, agriculture became to them an inaccessible

pursuit. They were thus necessarily obliged to have recourse to trade as

the sole means of occupation according with their new condition of life.

“In Poland the Jews were so numerous that the pursuit of trade alone was

insufficient for their subsistence. On the one hand, the Polish

landlords, owing to constant wars and internal strife, were not able to

manage their own estates in a proper manner. They were, therefore,

obliged to seek special means for increasing the revenue of their

properties, for instance, by distilling brandy, lease of farms, etc.

The correlation of these two causes led to the utilisation of the Jews

by the landed proprietors in their domestic concerns. The Jews became

indispensable to the landed proprietors, and as they did not possess the

right to acquire land and engage in agriculture, they were obliged,

while residing in villages, to confine themselves to a retail sale of

spirits as a main pursuit.

“When White Russia was annexed to Russia, the Russian Government

recognised all the previously existing rights of the Jews. The ukase of

the Senate of 1786 confirmed their right of residence in provincial

districts, and their faculty of holding estates on lease. The immediate

object of this law was the suppression of drunkenness among the rural

population. The distillation of brandy, however, is a privilege of all

landed proprietors, and forms a necessary adjunct to the process of

agriculture. With the departure [expulsion from villages] of the Jews

the retail sale of spirits would be carried on by tapsters of the

native rural class, so that drunkenness would not diminish, but only a

decrease would take place in the number of agriculturists. A peasant had

previously been in the habit of selling his corn on the spot to a Jew,

but now he was obliged to proceed to the nearest town, at a loss in time

and labour, to sell his produce to a Jew, and the money realised he

would still spend on brandy, bought from the same Jew. The same result

would ensue in the purchase by the peasant of articles required by him,

such as iron, salt, etc.

“The Commission also found it unadvisable to allow the Jews to reside in

villages under the prohibition of their not engaging in the retail sale

of brandy; this opinion being founded on the following consideration:

The Jews who inhabit the villages belong to the poorest class, and if

not allowed to sell spirits they would be deprived of all means of

subsistence. The poverty of the peasantry of White Russia is not caused

by the Jews, and this is proved by the fact that there are also many

Jews in the southwestern provinces, yet the peasantry there are in a

more prosperous condition than those populating White Russia. So long as

the landlords of this latter region continue to adhere to their present

system of working their estates, which encourages drunkenness, the evil

will spread, be the village tapster who he may, either Jew or peasant.

This is confirmed by the example of the provinces of Petersburg,

Livonia, and Esthonia, where there are no Jews and yet drunkenness is

very prevalent.

“Should the Government adopt the proper measures for making the sale of

brandy less lucrative, the Jews would be obliged to turn to other

pursuits, perhaps to those of husbandry, especially if they are accorded

the right of purchasing land. If the Jews be interdicted to sell brandy

such sale would be carried on by the peasants, who, in order to increase

their landlord’s revenue, will be obliged to do the same as the Jews.

It should also be borne in mind that the Jews, with all their aptitude

and experience in matters relating to the sale of spirits, never

enriched themselves by this calling, but only earned enough for their

subsistence. It would also be impossible to convert all Jews into

traders and artisans; firstly, because they would not find sufficient

occupation in the towns and hamlets, where there is no demand for a

great supply of services of this kind; and secondly, because great

injury would be inflicted on those Jews who are unable to find

alternative sources of livelihood. As a matter of fact the retail sale

of spirits in the western provinces is only carried on by those Jews who

are unable to find any other means of existence. The Jews adhere to

their present occupations because, owing to the want of means, the

Government is unable to effect any radical change in their condition.

Lastly, the Commission arrived at the conclusion that it was necessary

to rescind entirely paragraph 34 of the Law of 1804.”

This paragraph of the law thus cited ordered the removal of all Jews

from villages and hamlets into the towns.

The recommendation of the Commission was not acted upon. On the

contrary, the law of 1804 was continued. Though not vigorously enforced

it remained as a potential agency for rendering residence of employment

outside the Pale a source of insecurity to the Jews, and a means by

which police, business rivals, and others could at any time put the

ukase of expulsion in operation against them. Trading communities were

most active in appealing for the application of this law. Petitions

calling for expulsion from cities and towns in which Jews were rival

workers and dealers are constantly recurring features of the tyranny,

official and commercial, to which they were subjected during the next

half-century.

General Levashoff, Governor of Kiev, reporting to the Government in

1833 upon a petition asking for the banishment of all the Jews from that

important city, laid bare the motives and condemned the selfish purpose

of the petitioners, in honestly saying:

“It is desirable on the ground of public utility to allow the Jews to

remain in Kiev, where, by the simplicity and moderation of their mode of

life, they are able to sell commodities at a cheap rate. It may

positively be asserted that their expulsion would not only lead to an

enhancement of prices of many products and articles, but that it will

not be possible to obtain these at all. Under these circumstances the

interests of the mass of the inhabitants must be preferred to the

personal advantages which the Christian trading class would derive by

the ejection of the Jews.”[1]

Opposed in cities and towns in this manner, after being turned out of

country districts in obedience to a similar spirit, the authors of

these coercion laws began to find it a serious administrative problem

what to do with subjects for whose systematic oppression they were alone

responsible. Agricultural colonies were planned in Cherson (Southwestern

Russia) and even in Siberia, to which Jews were induced to go in order

to escape from the intolerable hardships of incessant wrong. Failure

followed these benevolent designs of the Government; not from the

reluctance or incapacity of the migrating Jews to work the land, but

owing to the corruption and incompetence of officials who were charged

with the superintendence of these colonies. Money advanced for the

building of dwellings and purchase of stock was disbursed in the

erection of unsuitable houses, in most unsanitary places, and in other

wasteful and ignorant directions. Great hardships were thus entailed

upon the unfortunate victims of this crass official stupidity; a cruelty

of deliberate neglect adding, in the instances of the migrations to

Siberia, its penalties of suffering and death to the bitter

disappointments and the blasting of hopes caused by the callous

miscarriage of the well-meant enterprise of the Government by its

blundering officials.

One unexpected good result followed both to Russia and to large numbers

of Jews by the failure of these contemplated agricultural settlements in

the Governments of Cherson and Ekaterinoslav; where, at a later time,

similar colonies grew and flourished. Odessa, to-day the richest and

busiest maritime city of the Empire, owes its prosperity and progress

largely to Jewish enterprise. Both the forced and voluntary migration

from the north to the south of the Pale brought this resourceful race

near where they were to find an outlet in a young and rising commercial

centre for qualities essential to its rapid development which Russians

do not themselves possess in any marked degree,--commercial genius. The

city and its varied opportunities attracted both those who succeeded and

those who had obtained no fair chance of thriving as agriculturists,

and to-day over two hundred thousand of the Jewish population of Odessa

embrace the wealthiest and most enterprising bankers, merchants,

brokers, contractors, and business men of the Empire.

From the codification of the ukases and laws relating to Jews in 1835,

down to the Ignatieff or “May Laws” of 1882, the treatment of the Jews,

as regulated by these measures, is consistent with their experience as

already briefly described. In some of these laws, Jews would appear from

the text to be on a footing of theoretic equality with other citizens,

while again special provisions are made to limit the application of

these general rights to residence within the selected sphere of

domicile, and to be further curtailed within this area, in the light and

meaning of the law of 1804. There is a bewildering mass and maze of

contradictory purpose in this code of special laws which no summary can

hope intelligently to disentangle. It is obvious, however, that the

vigour of direct persecution is meant to be modified to the extent of

promoting the utilities of the State by Jewish abilities, while

reserving all the powers necessary to dispense with the objectionable

artisan, trader, or mechanic when his services or example are no longer

needed in hamlet or village. This is one of the most objectionable

features of indefensible laws. It wears a character of state meanness

which can well compare in odious rivalry with the methods and morals of

Jewish usury. The spirit of fair play is totally absent from regulations

which give the state, by virtue of permissive coercion, the benefits of

subjects’ services which are ultimately repaid in penalties and

expulsion.

In 1843 the Pale of Settlement was further contracted by a law

forbidding Jews to reside within a distance of fifty versts (about

thirty-three miles) of the Austrian or German frontiers. The necessity

for this regulation was said to be the smuggling operations of the Jews.

They probably excelled in this as in other illegal practices, to which

they were driven on being denied the chances of living by more reputable

means. The injustice of punishing thousands of families who had resided

in these frontier districts for generations, for the wrongdoing of a few

people, would not be calculated to lessen the feeling of settled

disloyalty which persistent oppression must inevitably create in the

minds of an intellectual race. And, these accumulating measures of an

insensate injustice are now responsible for the existence of four

millions of disaffected subjects adjacent to the frontiers of Russia’s

two most formidable rival powers, Germany and Austro-Hungary. The Pale

of Settlement has thus become, by the _lex talionis_ of a poetic

justice, the most vulnerable part of the Russian Empire. It is not alone

the seed-bed and centre of Socialism, born of persecution, it is a

military weakness well measured and noted in the army bureaus of Berlin

and Vienna.

Under the Emperor Alexander II., the emancipator of the serfs, the Jews

obtained a respite from many of the most oppressive and vexatious of the

penal ukases. Schools hitherto closed to Hebrew children were thrown

open to their admission. Restrictions upon attendance at fairs in the

interior were removed, while in many other respects the original plan

and purpose of the Pale were forgotten, and the dawn of happier days

began to rise above the troubled and darkened horizon of the Russian

Jew. The freedom of the peasants gave rise to the hope that the same

liberal-minded Tsar would break the bonds of his Semitic subjects, when

there fell upon all this promise of brighter times the bolt of Nihilist

vengeance, in the assassination of the best of Russia’s rulers. The

abominable deed, which shocked the world by its terrible character and

results, shattered the hopes of Hebrew emancipation, and led to the

savage onslaught which was made upon the objects of peasant fury in 1881

and 1882, in many parts of the Empire.

Beyond doubt there were some Jews concerned in Nihilist plots. The man

who attempted to kill General Loris Melikoff was of Jewish blood. The

women Lewinsohn and Helfman, who were sent to Siberia for complicity in

murder conspiracies, were Jewesses, while several prominent Nihilists

were believed to be half Hebrew in parentage. But the history of human

oppression always explains, even where it may not justify, deeds of

savage political vengeance. No race can be denied the ordinary

franchises of personal freedom--the right to live secure from the insult

and intrusion of a tyrannical law, and the unfair infliction of

exceptional burdens--without rousing into dangerous activity passions

which appeal to the wild impulse of revenge. The assassination of

Alexander II. had nothing to do with the coercion of the Jews. He was

not their enemy; he was their friend. But the revolutionary spirit

which germinates under despotic rule is generally blind in selecting the

objects of its unreasoning fury; just as many Governments are deaf to

the pleadings of an enlightened justice in the rule of a country until

the shock of some desperate deed compels them to think of that which, if

listened to in time, would protect both subjects and monarchs from the

fear and consequences of criminal acts. If some Jews were guilty

accomplices in the murder of a humane Emperor, so were Russians. And it

would have been no greater wrong to punish guiltless peasants for the

acts of the Nihilists than to wreak vengeance upon equally innocent

Jews.

In Warsaw, Kiev, Rostov, and elsewhere Jews were killed, their houses

wrecked, and their shops looted. Outrages occurred throughout the whole

Pale of Settlement, and thousands of terrified people fled across the

frontiers into Germany, Bohemia, and Roumania. These outbreaks occurred

near the end of 1881 and early in the following year and, like the

recent massacres in Bessarabia, aroused a widespread expression of

sympathy in Europe and America for the hapless objects of Russian

popular fury. Manifestations of international feeling greatly impressed

the Tsar’s Government, and earnest efforts appeared to have been made to

curb the lawless conduct of the mobs. This action, however, instead of

being a promise of better things, turned out to be but a prelude to

sterner measures than ever against the victims of exceptional laws.

On the 3d of May, 1882, General Ignatieff obtained the Emperor’s

sanction and signature to what have since been known as the “May Laws”;

the purpose of these being to add more rigorous provisions, as a

supplement to the law of 1804. This latter law ordered all the Jews of

the Empire to retire within the Pale of Settlement, excepting those who

possessed special permits, passports, or privileges to live outside.

The May Laws ordered Jews living inside the Pale to remove from the

villages into the towns within that area. In a word, General Ignatieff

created a Pale within a Pale, and contracted the territory of life and

livelihood for upwards of four millions of people within the boundaries

of the cities and towns inside the already limited domain of legal

domicile. These measures read as follows:

“The Committee of Ministers, having heard the report of the Minister of

the Interior on the execution of the temporary orders concerning the

Jews, resolved:

“1. As a temporary measure, and until a general revision has been made

in a proper manner of the laws concerning the Jews, to forbid the Jews

henceforth to settle outside the towns and townlets, the only exceptions

admitted being in those Jewish colonies that have existed before and

whose inhabitants are agriculturists.

“2. To suspend temporarily the completion of instruments of purchase of

real property mortgages in the name of Jews; as also the registration

of Jews as lessees of landed estates, situated outside the precincts of

towns and townlets, and the issue of powers of attorney to enable them

to manage and dispose of such property.

“3. To forbid Jews to carry on business on Sundays and on Christian

holidays, and that the same laws in force, about the closing on such

days of places of business belonging to Christians, shall, in the same

way, apply to places of business owned by Jews.

“4. That the measures laid down in paragraphs 1, 2, and 3, apply only to

the Governments within the Pale of Jewish Settlement. His Majesty the

Emperor was graciously pleased to give his assent to the above

resolutions of the Committee of Ministers, on the 3d of May, 1882.”

These Laws did not apply to the Jews of Poland.

These “temporary measures” remain to-day the potential law of Russia

regarding Jews. They were not immediately enforced. Russia is never in

a hurry in matters of this kind. She waits and notes the material

results of such enactments at home, and the moral effects upon opinion

abroad. In the case of the May Laws, there was a universal chorus of

condemnation in Western Europe. It was felt everywhere that any attempt

to put such savage measures into operation must either lead to the

flight of hundreds of thousands of wretched Jews over the borders, or to

their death within the crowded towns of the Pale, from starvation

induced by an overwhelming congestion of labour without means of

employment. The laws were, therefore, left inoperative, but _in

terrorem_; General Ignatieff being conveniently superseded, while a

Commission presided over by Count Pahlen was appointed by the Emperor to

prepare a report upon the whole Jewish question.

Within the Pale: The True Story of Anti-Semitic Persecution in Russia · 第 2 / 7 章