THE MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INFLUENCE
In the last chapter we have seen the development of definite methods and
very positive successes, but everybody who deals with human beings
professionally—the educator, the criminologist, the statesman—feels that
he has no certain method for the control of behavior, that there are
obscure and incalculable elements, that the same procedure does not
secure the same results when applied to different individuals, that the
successes are often as unintelligible as the failures, and that such
successes as there are depend on common sense, personality, and trial
and error rather than on any known system of laws.
For example, among the social sciences criminology has a larger amount
of concrete material bearing on behavior, more printed and unprinted
cases than any of the others. Certainly there is the strongest possible
motive for understanding the criminal and reforming him, and preventing
crime in general. But a recent appeal to the public by the President of
the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology for funds to
study the effects of criminal procedure indicates how far criminology is
from being a science:
... The institute asks that special inquiry be made of the wisdom and
success of probation, parole, indeterminate sentence and the entire
handling of criminals after conviction; that present acute differences
of opinion among equally public-spirited citizens be clarified and sound
conclusions reached as to the treatment of convicted criminals, neither
in the interests of sentimentality nor of vindictive vengeance, but for
the better protection of the public and the promotion of law and order.
The public may be shocked to know that no one now has facts to answer
the above inquiries.[108]
The whole criminal procedure is based on punishment and yet we do not
even know that punishment deters from crime. Or rather, we know that it
sometimes deters and sometimes stimulates to further crime, but we do
not know the conditions under which it acts in the one way or the other.
Similarly the most successful workers with delinquent children report
that sometimes their charges reform themselves spontaneously and, so to
speak, in spite of the efforts of the institution.
In analyzing the process of our successes among the so-called delinquent
girl two types are of special interest—those who “make good” without any
special kind of treatment, who get well by themselves, that is to say,
those who would have succeeded in any case; and second, those who have
succeeded by some accident, some course of the girl’s own that ran
counter to our wishes, our routine and our expectation; in short, those
who “make good” in spite of us.
The second type, those who unexpectedly make good by their own plan,
which is not of our making, is of profound sociological significance.
“We possess only that which we set free”, said an old Chinese
philosopher. How many of us know girls whom we have not set free, but
who have taken the bit in their teeth and run away from us, later to
emerge decently clothed, resourceful, industrious, successful and
adjusted to life beyond our fondest hopes. Recently I visited some
thirty state institutions for the training of delinquent girls. Most of
the superintendents reported stories of rebellion, escape, followed by
the inexplicable “making good.” Many commented on fortunate marriages
contracted because the girl strayed in forbidden paths, dancehalls,
piers, rinks, cafés and other loafing places of Prince Charming. We are
more familiar with this type of fortuitous success in boys than in
girls, boys who flee from us to navy, army or wild west. Many a candid
probation officer will tell you that she has met with it in girls.[109]
Detective Burns, speaking of the counterfeiter Wilken, says below
(document No. 92, p. 236): “I have often wondered whether his talents
would have been smothered by convention if he had been kept in the
straight and narrow path. The most commonplace man becomes sometimes the
most startlingly original crook. The reformed crook, on the other hand,
turns to honesty and becomes duller than ditch-water.”
In the paper quoted above as document No. 88, p. 200, Jessie Taft says:
The intimate psychological or psychiatric interpretation, the
individual intensive treatment, are fundamental for solving the
problems of delinquency. No matter how ideal the social conditions,
no matter how farsighted the laws, there will always be compensatory
behavior in the lives of individuals, and some of this behavior is
bound to be unwholesome and socially undesirable. Instinctive
protective reactions on the part of society, even the more
enlightened mass treatment in institution, will bring results only
by accident.
What we need is a treatment of behavior so scientific that results
instead of being accidental will be subject to intention and
prediction. Biology studies the life-history of individual forms and
explains any particular details of their behavior in the light of
the life of the organism as a whole from birth to death. Where does
a similar case study of human beings belong? Without it there can be
no scientific solution of the problems of delinquency.
Our best efforts to reform the delinquent, or even to control the
behavior of the young child in such a way as to secure a balanced,
efficient, creative, and happy schematization of life are very
imperfect. The juvenile court and the experimental schools do not
completely realize the hopes they inspired. The most careful methods may
result in failure and the most imperfect methods and even neglect of
method may result in, or at least not prevent success. We sometimes see
a poor, obscure, and underfed boy assuming a definite life-direction,
planning to be something, and pursuing his aim with the certitude of the
homing instinct, while a boy with the choicest opportunities of
life—money, schools, tutors, and travel—remains a nonentity or becomes
demoralized.
Now the example of the physical and biological sciences shows that the
human mind has the power to work out schemes which secure an adequate
control over the material world and over animal and plant life by a
series of observations and experiments which have been sufficiently
thorough and detailed to discover series of facts and their causal
connections which lead to the establishment of general chemical,
physical, mechanical, and biological _laws_, and the same objective
methods will lead to similar results in the field of social theory and
practice.
There is, indeed, no sharp line between the common-sense method of the
average man in determining facts and causal relations and the method of
the scientist. When we have found that a certain effect is produced by a
certain cause the formulation of this causal dependence has in itself
the character of a law; we assume that whenever the cause repeats itself
the effect will necessarily follow. The agriculture of the peasant and
of the old-fashioned farmer was scientific to the degree that they had
observed a causal relation between manure, lime, moisture, seasonal
changes, varieties of soils, animal and plant pests, and the success or
failure of their crops. But science is superior to common sense in its
methods of experimentation, measurement, and comparison, in its
isolation and intensive study of problems from mere scientific
curiosity, without regard to the practical application of its results.
Science is called cold because it is objective, seeking the facts
without regard to whether they confirm or destroy existing moral and
practical systems.
But science is always eventually constructive. A large number of
specialists working in many fields, upon detached and often apparently
trivial problems—primroses, potato bugs, mosquitoes, light, sound,
electricity, heredity, radium, germs, atoms, etc.—establish a body of
facts and relationships the social meaning of which they do not
themselves suspect at the time, but which eventually find an application
in practical life,—in agriculture, medicine, mechanical invention.
Science accumulates facts and principles which could never be determined
by the common sense of the individual or community, and of so great a
variety and generality that some of them are constantly passing over
into practical life. The old farmer has learned the value of soil
analysis, though with reluctance and suspicion, and he has learned to
spray his orchards to preserve them from pests whose existence he did
not suspect. At this moment science is advising him to put a bounty on
the head of the turkey buzzard instead of imposing a fine for killing
it. His common sense had told him that the vulture was valuable as a
scavenger. Now science tells him that it is an ally of the paralysis fly
and carries cattle, hog, and other diseases over the country. “Probably
more than the income from a million dollars is spent each year in the
several marine biological institutions for the study of three lowly
forms,—the sea urchin and its progeny, the coral, and the jelly-fish.”
An American entomologist has spent many years in measuring the influence
of physical environment on potato bugs. He established colonies of these
insects in Mexico, moved them from one temperature to another, one
degree of humidity to another, one altitude to another, and recorded the
changes shown in the offspring. He then moved the new generations back
to the old environment and recorded the results,—whether the spots and
other acquired characters changed or remained. His object was to
determine certain laws of heredity,—whether and under what conditions
new species are produced, whether acquired characters are hereditary. To
common sense this procedure seems trivial, almost insane. But assuming
that a biologist determines a law of heredity, this will presumably have
a practical effect in the fields of agriculture, eugenics, crime, and
medicine.
These examples show that a science which results in a practical and
efficient technic is constituted by treating it as an end in itself, not
merely as a means to something else, and giving it time and opportunity
to develop along all the lines of investigation possible, even if we do
not know what will be the eventual applications of one or another of its
results. We can then take every one of its results and try where and in
what way they can be practically applied. We do not know what the future
science will be before it is constituted, and what may be the
applications of its discoveries before they are applied.
But, on the other hand, the scientist will naturally be influenced in
setting and solving his problems by the appreciation that if discoveries
are made in certain fields practical applications will follow. He may
know, for example, that if we can discover the scarlet fever germ we can
control this disease, and he may work on this problem, or he may suspect
that if we knew more of the chemistry of sugar we could control cancer,
and may work on that problem.
There is no question that a more rational and adequate control in the
field of human behavior is very desirable. And there are no powers of
the human mind necessary to the formation of a science in this field
which have not already been employed in the development of a science and
a corresponding practice in the material world. The chief obstacle to
the growth of a science of behavior has been our confidence that we had
an adequate system for the control of behavior in the customary and
common sense regulation of the wishes of the individual by family,
community, and church influences as outlined in Chapter II, if only we
applied the system successfully. And the old forms of control based on
the assumption of an essential stability of the whole social framework
were real so long as this stability was real.
But this stability is no longer a fact. Precisely the marvelous
development of the physical and biological sciences, as expressed in
communication in space and in the industrial system has made the world a
different place. The disharmony of the social world is in fact due to
the disproportionate rate of advance in the mechanical world. The
evolution of the material world, based on science, has been so rapid as
to disorganize the social world, based on common sense. If there had
been no development of mechanical inventions community life would have
remained stable. But even so, the life of the past was nothing we wish
to perpetuate.
Another cause of the backwardness of the science of society is our
emotional attachment to the old community standards or “norms.” I
described in Chapter II how much emotion enters into the formation of
everyday habits. It is well known that men have always objected to
change of any kind. There was strong condemnation, for example, of the
iron plow, invented late in the eighteenth century, on the ground that
it was an insult to God and therefore poisoned the ground and caused
weeds to grow. The man who first built a water-driven sawmill in England
was mobbed; the man who first used an umbrella in Philadelphia was
arrested. There was opposition to the telegraph, the telephone, the
illumination of city streets by gas, the introduction of stoves and
organs in churches, and until recent years it would be difficult to find
a single innovation that has not encountered opposition and ridicule.
This emotional prepossession for habitual ways of doing things enters
into and controls social investigations, particularly social reforms.
The Vice Commission of Chicago, for example, which undertook an
investigation of prostitution, was composed of thirty representative
men, including ministers, physicians, social workers, criminologists,
business men and university professors. In the introduction to its
report it was at pains to state that it was anxious to make no
discoveries and no recommendations which did not conform to standards
accepted by society. “[The Commission] has kept constantly in mind that
to offer a contribution of any value such an offering must be, first,
moral; second, reasonable and practical; third, possible under the
constitutional powers of our courts; fourth, that which will square with
the public conscience of the American people.” This commission made, in
fact, a very valuable report. It even included items of scientific value
concerning prostitution which led the federal authorities to exclude the
report from the mails (the decision was later reversed) but it had
determined beforehand the limitations and character of its investigation
and results, and excluded the possibility of a new determination of
behavior norms in this field.
A method of investigation which seeks to justify and enforce any given
norm of behavior ignores the fact that a social evolution is going on in
which not only activities are changing but the norms which regulate the
activities are also changing. Traditions and customs, definitions of the
situation, morality, and religion are undergoing an evolution, and a
society going on the assumption that a certain norm is valid and that
whatever does not comply with it is abnormal finds itself helpless when
it realizes that this norm has lost social significance and some other
norm has appeared in its place. Thus fifty years ago we recognized,
roughly speaking, two types of women, the one completely good and the
other completely bad,—what we now call the old-fashioned girl and the
girl who had sinned and been outlawed. At present we have several
intermediate types,—the occasional prostitute, the charity girl, the
demi-virgin, the equivocal flapper, and in addition girls with new but
social behavior norms who have adapted themselves to all kinds of work.
And some of this work is surprisingly efficient. Girls of twenty and
thereabouts are successfully competing in literature with the veteran
writers. But no one of these girls, neither the orderly nor the
disorderly, is conforming with the behavior norms of her grandmother.
All of them represent the same movement, which is a desire to realize
their wishes under the changing social conditions. The movement contains
disorganization and reorganization, but it is the same movement in both
cases. It is the release of important social energies which could not
find expression under the norms of the past. Any general movement away
from social standards implies that these standards are no longer
adequate.
A successful method of study will be wide and objective enough to
include both the individual and the norms as an evolving process, and
such a study must be made from case to case, comparatively and without
prejudice or indignation. Every new movement in society implies some
disorder, some random, exploratory movements preliminary to a different
type of organization answering to new conditions. Individualism is a
stage of transition between two types of social organization. No part of
the life of the individual should be studied as dissociated from the
whole of his life, the abnormal as separated from the normal, and
abnormal groups should be studied in comparison with the remaining
groups which we call normal. There is no break in continuity between the
normal and the abnormal in actual life that would permit the selection
of any exact bodies of corresponding materials, and the nature of the
normal and the abnormal can be understood only with the help of
comparison. When we have sufficiently determined causal relations we
shall probably find that there is no individual energy, no unrest, no
type of wish, which cannot be sublimated and made socially useful. From
this standpoint the problem is not the right of society to protect
itself from the disorderly and anti-social person, but the right of the
disorderly and anti-social person to be made orderly and socially
valuable.
But while we have prepossessions which have stood in the way of an
objective study of behavior there is no doubt that the main difficulty
at present is the lack of a concrete method of approach. This method
will have to be developed in detail in the course of many particular
investigations, as has been the case in the physical sciences, but the
approach to the problem of behavior lies in the study of the wishes of
the individual and of the conditions under which society, in view of its
power to give recognition, response, security, and new experience, can
limit and develop these wishes in socially desirable ways.
Correlated with the wishes of the individual are the values of society.
These are objects directly desired or means by which desired objects are
reached,—immediate values or instrumental values. Thus a coin, a
foodstuff, a machine, a poem, a school, a scientific principle, a trade
secret, a dress, a stick of rouge, a medal for bravery, the good will of
others, are values which the individual wishes or uses in realizing his
wishes. Money is the most generalized value; it is convertible into many
values which may be used in turn in pursuing the wishes. A value is thus
any object, real or imaginary, which has a meaning and which may be the
object of an activity. The sum total of the values of a society is its
culture. Any value may provoke in the individual a variety of tendencies
to action which we may call mental attitudes. Thus money as a value may
provoke one or another of the attitudes: work for it, save it, borrow
it, beg it, steal it, counterfeit it, get it by gambling or blackmail.
The attitude is thus the counterpart of the social value; activity, in
whatever form, is the bond between them.
The problem of society is to produce the right attitudes in its members,
so that the activity will take a socially desirable form. In Chapter II
we saw that society is more or less successful to the degree that it
makes its definitions of situations valid. If the members of a certain
group react in an identical way to certain values, it is because they
have been socially trained to react thus, because the traditional rules
of behavior predominant in the given group impose upon every member
certain ways of defining and solving the practical situations which he
meets in his life.
It is, of course, precisely in this connection that the struggle between
the individual and his society arises. Society is indispensable to the
individual because it possesses at a given moment an accumulation of
values, of plans and materials which the child could never accumulate
alone. For example, a boy can now construct a wireless plant or build an
engine, but he could never in his life accumulate the materials, devise
the principles alone. These are the results of the experience of the
entire past of a cultural society. But the individual is also
indispensable to society because by his activity and ingenuity he
creates all the material values, the whole fund of civilization. The
conflict arises from the fact that the individual introduces other
definitions of the situation and assumes other attitudes toward values
than the conventionalized ones and consequently tends to change plans of
action and introduce disorder, to derange the existing norms. A new plan
may be merely destructive of values and organization, as when a
counterfeiter imitates a bank note or a girl destroys her value and that
of her family by prostituting herself, or it may be temporarily
disorganizing but eventually organizing, as when an inventor displaces
the hand-loom by the power-loom or the biologist introduces a theory of
evolution which contradicts the theory of special creation. Society
desires stability and the individual desires new experience and
introduces change. But eventually all new values, all the new cultural
elements of a society are the result of the changes introduced by the
individual.
If now we examine the plans of action carried out by children and men
with reference to social values, whether they are good or mischievous,
we find that the general intellectual pattern of the plan, the quality
of ingenuity, is pretty much the same in any case. When, for example,
children have escapades, run away, lie, steal, plot, etc., they are
following some plan, pursuing some end, solving some problem as a result
of their own definition of the situation. The naughtiness consists in
doing something which is not allowed, or in ways which are not allowed.
The intellectual pattern is the same whether they are solving a problem
in arithmetic, catching a fish, building a dog house, or planning some
deviltry. And the psychological pattern followed is the same as that
involved in the desire for new experience which I illustrated in
Pasteur’s pursuit of a problem, document No. 6, p. 10. From the
standpoint of _interest_ the nature of the problem and the means of its
pursuit and solution make no difference. The latter are moral questions.
The celebrated _Himmelsbriefe_ (correspondence with heaven) may be taken
as an example of an immoral scheme which is intellectually beyond
reproach. These letters are a pathetic and comic expression of the
ingenuity, artistic imagination, business enterprise and desire for
recognition of a young peasant girl. It will be seen that this
“correspondence” has a remarkable resemblance to the pages of Anatole
France; it lacks only the irony and the elaboration.
91. Cölestine Wurm, aged 13, was sick, bedridden, afflicted with
boils and oppressed by the feeling that she was a burden to her
parents. A neighboring family named Korn had lost a daughter named
Ursula. Cölestine represented that she had had a letter from the
dead daughter, who was then in purgatory and needed money to get
out. A sum was provided, 1,000 marks, and committed to Cölestine for
transmission. A letter was then received from Ursula describing
paradise, the joy of the saints, and how Mary, mother of Jesus, was
overjoyed with an oven Ursula had bought for her. In later letters
it appeared that Ursula was desirous of improving her status among
the saints and she requested money to buy a fine bed, some golden
buckets, kitchen utensils, etc., which were for sale dirt cheap.
Mary herself wrote a letter of appreciation to the parents of Ursula
informing them that they had been in danger of losing two valuable
cows through the machinations of the devil, but that out of
gratitude to Ursula and themselves, she had sent twenty angels to
guard them. Jesus also sent a letter, signing himself, “Your Son of
God, Jesus Christus.” First and last Cölestine collected 8,000 marks
on her enterprise.[110]
In more mature minds the socially unregulated scheme may be admirably
elaborated and executed, corresponding in ingenuity with the most
complete business or scientific plan and yet remain dangerously immoral
because its application is in a form not sanctioned by society. In the
following astonishing case we have an anti-social pursuit of a problem
executed with all the ardor and resources of a Pasteur. I call the case
astonishing because working under such handicaps, clandestinely,
stealing the values of society, this boy yet knew how to use these
values, the materials accumulated by society—the paper mill, the
library, the printing office—so much better than we have been able to
use them in an organized system of education. Pasteur’s scheme, and his
later schemes of the same pattern, were socially organizing because they
contributed to the development of medicine, agriculture, grape culture,
etc., while Wilken’s scheme was socially disorganizing and personally
demoralizing.
92. Henry Russell Wilken is the only man who has ever successfully
counterfeited the fabrics on which we print our paper money. He did
that so well that the people who make it for the Government accepted
it as genuine. Now that I’m out of the Government service I can grin
at what happened at that paper mill. He was a clever boy and a nice
one. You’d like him.
There have been counterfeiters and counterfeiters. Some were almost
brilliant. Others were plain dubs—clumsy lowbrows, who were clowns
at work that required delicate artistry. But here you have a boy who
had never seen an engraver at work, who knew no more about the
engraving and printing industry than he did about paper making and
chemistry. I assure you his knowledge of these industries, prior, of
course, to launching upon his great enterprise, amounted to nothing
at all. In fact, he told me, and I verified it, that he had never
been in an engraving or printing plant in his life before he decided
to compete with the United States Mint....
One morning in February, 1910, he came across a small item in a
Boston newspaper wherein it was stated that a milkman out in
Dorchester had found a packet of one dollar bills. The milkman took
them to a bank. The bank informed the milkman that the bills were
counterfeit, and very obvious counterfeits at that.
And there, on that morning in February, 1910, the criminal career of
Henry Wilken was launched. As he told us afterward, he gave the
matter much thought. Here he was earning $25 or $30 a week. There
was a girl he liked and who liked him. There were certain relations
who looked upon him as something of a castoff, a misfit, a
ne’er-do-well, a drifter. And there were clubs that rich young men
belonged to—rich young men who were not particularly top-heavy with
brains, but who had money, and lots of it. There was but one thing
for him to do—make money....
The boy was ambitious for success, for wealth, for position, for
luxury. At that particular moment Boston was being pestered by a
youth who lacked everything but several million dollars, and the
city knew him as “The Millionaire Kid.” Wilken had scraped
acquaintance with the Kid and the sight of the latter’s spending
orgies merely added fuel to the fierce desire for wealth.
I have told you that Wilken knew nothing about chemistry,
paper-making, engraving, printing, dyeing, and photography—all of
them necessary arts of the counterfeiter. I assure you he knew
absolutely nothing about any one of those things. But he did the
thing that must commend itself to all successful men.
He stuck to his advertising job by day and spent his nights in the
public libraries. He read every available technical volume treating
on engraving. Then he went out and bought the tools of the engraver.
Next he practiced until he became an engraver quite as clever as any
man in the Government service. That’s likely to stagger you. There
are folks who will not believe that. But here we have the records
and the confession. In a moment I shall tell you facts that will
indicate just how clever he really was....
He read chemistry and paper making until he was something of a
magazine of information on the subject. He limited his chemistry to
that part of the science that has to do with paper making. He read
volumes on dyeing and struck up an acquaintance with a well-known
printer in Boston. This printer did the better grade of work and was
so amused by Wilken’s enthusiastic desire for knowledge on the
subject that he permitted the young man to browse about his plant of
nights watching the various processes.
I merely mention all this detail to show you how, when Wilken set
out to make his first counterfeit bill, he had mastered every phase
of the complex industry. And all this studying took time, although
not so much time as you would think. Certainly it was not more than
a year. At any rate, he devoted himself for twelve months to the
study of how to make a one-dollar bill.
There is just one firm making bank note paper for the Government.
That firm turns out this paper in one factory. Government inspectors
are there to check up the product and there is never any surplus.
The mints [Bureau of Engraving and Printing] consume it as it is
turned out; or, rather, it is turned out as the mints need it.
This mill is located in Dalton, Mass. The firm takes a certain
amount of pride in it. Visitors are quite welcome, and there are
guides to take callers through the plant. In one batch of visitors
to this plant came Wilken.
He was about 26 years old at the time. I am ready to believe that he
could see more in a given time from a given point than any man I
ever knew. He had two exceedingly sharp eyes and a retentive memory.
He told me that he could read faster than most men he knew and
collect more in his fast reading than the majority of his
acquaintances could by attentive study. I don’t think he was
boasting. His was a remarkable mind.... It seems as though he had
been built by nature for the job. I have often wondered whether his
talents would have been smothered by convention had he been kept in
the straight and narrow path. The most commonplace man becomes
sometimes the most startlingly original crook. The reformed crook,
on the other hand, turns to honesty and becomes duller than
ditch-water.
Wilken went to that paper mill in Dalton three times. On each
occasion he went as a visitor, of course, and spent inside the mills
only the comparatively few minutes it takes the visitor to be
ushered from process to process and room to room. If you have ever
been conducted through an industrial plant you will realize how
little you actually see of processes....
Wilken left the paper mill convinced that he was quite ready to
start business. He moved to New York City and set up a studio at 250
West 125th Street. To make everything appear regular he got a job
with an advertising firm. He drew pictures of soap and suspenders,
and so on, and did rather good work arranging display type for
posters. That required only a small part of his time....
First he made the necessary paper. Just how well he worked will be
apparent in a few minutes. Then he set about utilizing his
book-learned etching and engraving. Little by little he added to his
equipment. He never used a camera. In this fact alone he stands
conspicuous among counterfeiters. So far as I know, he was the only
counterfeiter of any ability at all who did not first photograph the
bank note he was about to counterfeit and work from that.... [Then
he made one-dollar bills.] I must say to begin with that not all the
Wilken bills were detected. Really relatively few of them came into
our hands. We took several of the bills to the paper mill in Dalton.
They declared the paper to be genuine! We looked back over the
production records and checked them against consumption. The two
figures balanced! In other words, the United States Mint had used
all that had been produced. There seemed to be nothing to do but
watch the factory. For six months we hung around and nothing
happened.
In a month or so Wilken, so we learned later, decided it was time to
go to work again. He did. He set up a studio in West Twenty-third
Street, New York City, and began to turn out ten dollar bills that
passed the tellers of some of the most important banks in America.
They even passed the scrutiny of experts in the Treasury Department.
I have samples of them here. They are magnificent frauds. I have
never seen finer engraving.
And to think that he learned this engraving in a public
library.[111]
And there are many cases in the records of courts and prisons showing a
high degree of imagination, ingenuity, constructive intelligence,
artistic ability, and careers as long continued in crime as legitimate
life careers in physics, engineering, or art.
93. Adrian Gorder, born in Holland, the son of a night watchman, set
about making of himself a counterfeit priest with as much
thoroughness as Wilken set about making counterfeit money. He
learned all the technique of the church service, including music and
church history, celebrated Mass perfectly, posed as member of
various religious orders, dressed richly, was poetic and plausible.
He visited, for example, Budapest, made certain representations of
himself to the clergy there, showed pictures of eminent
ecclesiastics and spoke of them as his friends. Talked intimately
about church affairs, celebrated Mass, borrowed money or cashed
worthless paper and disappeared. He was not so perfect a counterfeit
as Wilken’s bills because he had not completely mastered Latin as a
spoken tongue, but in spite of frequent incarcerations he operated
for twenty-five years over a large part of the world.[112]
All the types of wishes coexist in every person,—the vague desire for
new experience, for change, for the satisfaction of the appetites, for
pleasure; the new experience contained in a pursuit, as in the cases of
Pasteur and Wilken; the desire for response in personal relations
(“there was a girl Wilken liked and who liked him”); the desire for
recognition (Wilken was “ambitious for success, for wealth, for
position, for luxury”); and the desire for security,—the assurance of
the means and conditions for gratifying all the wishes indefinitely. And
all of these classes of wishes are general mental attitudes ready to
express themselves in schemes of action which utilize and are dependent
upon the existing social values. These values may be material, as when
Wilken used the library, the printing office, the paper mill, or they
may be the mental attitudes of others, as when a bogus nobleman imposes
on the desire for recognition of a bourgeois, or a scientist appeals to
a philanthropic person to endow an institution for medical research.
That is, the attitudes of one person are among the values of another
person.
The attitudes of a given person at a given moment are the result of his
original temperament, the definitions of situations given by society
during the course of his life, and his personal definitions of
situations derived from his experience and reflection. The character of
the individual depends on these factors.
Any mobilization of energies in a plan of action means that some
attitude (tendency to action) among the other attitudes has come to the
front and subordinated the other attitudes to itself for the moment, as
the result of a new definition of the situation. This definition may be
the counsel of a friend, an act of memory reviving a social definition
applicable to the situation, or an element of new experience defining
the situation. Thus in Wilken’s case the newspaper item stating that a
package of counterfeit money had been picked up identified itself with a
wish that was present and seeking expression; the fact that Wilken
already had some skill in drawing entered into the definition of the
situation, and the result was an attitude and a plan: get money by
counterfeiting.
The definition of the situation by Cölestine was determined by the death
of Ursula, and the scheme was made possible by the current theological
definition of heaven and the credulity of Ursula’s parents, used as
values by Ursula. In Gorder’s case we may assume that his observation of
the life of priests, and certainly some particular expression of this,
caught his attention and defined the situation for him. It may be
remarked that this whole process is similar to the steps in a mechanical
invention,—a particular datum working on a body of previous experience,
producing a new definition of the situation and a plan or theory.
The moral good or evil of a wish lies therefore not in the cleverness or
elaboration of the mental scheme through which it is expressed but in
its regard or disregard for existing social values. The same wish and
the same quality of mind may lead to totally different results. A
tendency to phantasy may make of the subject a scientist, a swindler, or
simply a liar. The urge to wandering and adventure may stop at
vagabondage, the life of a cowboy, missionary, geologist, or
ethnologist. The sporting interest may be gratified by shooting birds,
studying them with a camera, or pursuing a scientific theory. The desire
for response may be expressed in the Don Juan type of life, with many
love adventures, in stable family life, in love lyrics, or in the
relation of the prostitute to her pimp. The desire for recognition may
seek its gratification in ostentatious dress and luxury or in forms of
creative work. That is to say, a wish may have various psychologically
equivalent expressions. The problem is to define situations in such ways
as to produce attitudes which direct the action exclusively toward
fields yielding positive social values. The transfer of a wish from one
field of application to another field representing a higher level of
values is called the sublimation of the wish. This transfer is
accomplished by the fact of public recognition which attaches a feeling
of social sacredness to some schemes of action and their application in
comparison with others,—the activities of the scientist, physician, or
craftsman on the one hand and the activities of the adventurer, the
criminal, or the prostitute on the other. This feeling of sacredness
actually arises only in groups, and an individual can develop the
feeling only in association with a group which has definite standards of
sacredness. Practically, any plan which gets favorable public
recognition is morally good,—for the time being. And this is the only
practical basis of judgment of the moral quality of an act,—whether it
gets favorable or unfavorable recognition.
The problem of the desirable relation of individual wishes to social
values is thus twofold, containing (1) the problem of the dependence of
the individual upon social organization and culture, and (2) the problem
of the dependence of social organization and culture upon the
individual. In practice the first problem means: What social values and
how presented will produce the desirable mental attitudes in the members
of the social group? And the second problem means: What schematizations
of the wishes of the individual members of the group will produce the
desirable social values, promote the organization and culture of the
society?
The problem of the individual involves in its details the study of all
the social influences and institutions,—family, school, church, the law,
the newspaper, the story, the motion picture, the occupations, the
economic system, the unorganized personal relationships, the division of
life into work and leisure time, etc. But the human wish underlies all
social happenings and institutions, and human experiences constitute the
reality beneath the formal social organization and behind the
statistically formulated mass-phenomena. Taken in themselves statistics
are nothing more than symptoms of unknown causal processes. A social
institution can be understood and modified only if we do not limit
ourselves to the study of its formal organization but analyze the way in
which it appears in the personal experience of various members of the
group and follow the influence which it has on their lives. And an
individual can be understood only if we do not limit ourselves to a
cross-section of his life as revealed by a given act, a court record or
a confession, or to the determination of what type of life-organization
_exists_, but determine the means by which a certain life-organization
is _developed_.
In connection with this problem we may again refer to the natural and
biological sciences. These have obtained their results, the establishing
of laws, by the use of experiment. Having isolated a problem, say the
problem of heredity, they make conjectures as to what would happen under
changed conditions, and consciously introduce all changes which are
conceived as having a possible meaning for the problem. In these
sciences the experimenter is not hindered from introducing changes by
the consideration that he may spoil his materials. The chemist or
entomologist expects to spoil many materials in the course of his tests.
Human material is, however, so precious that the experimenter is not
justified in assuming the risk of spoiling it. The child is more
precious than the problem. The only field in which experiment on the
human being is recognized, or rather practiced without recognition, is
medicine, where the material is already threatened with destruction
through sickness, and the physician introduces an experimental change,
say the use of a serum, which gives a chance of preserving life and
restoring health.
Nevertheless, as the result of a series of experiments on the behavior
of animals, one of the psychologists assumed that similar work might be
done on the newborn child with no more discomfort than he suffers in
having his ears scrubbed and certainly no more damage than he receives
from the strains and distortions suffered in the act of being born. I
quote from the record of these experiments:
On the psychological side our knowledge of infant life is almost
nil.... A prominent professor of education once said to us, “You
will find when you have taught as many children as I have that you
can do nothing with a child until it is over five years of age.” Our
own view after studying many hundreds of infants is that one can
make or break the child so far as its personality is concerned long
before the age of five is reached. We believe that by the end of the
second year the pattern of the future individual is already laid
down. Many things which go into the making of this pattern are under
the control of the parents, but as yet they have not been made aware
of them. The question as to whether the child will possess a stable
or unstable personality, whether it is going to be timid and beset
with many fears and subject to rages and tantrums, whether it will
exhibit tendencies of general over or under emotionalism, and the
like, has been answered already by the end of the two year period.
There are several reasons why the minute psychological study of
infant life is important.... (1) There are no standards of
behavior or conduct for young infants. Our experimental work,
which even at the end of two years is just beginning, has taught
us that the study of infant activity from birth onward will enable
us to tell with some accuracy what a normal child at three months
of age can and should do and what additional complexities in
behavior should appear as the months go by. Psychological
laboratories in many institutions ought to be able to make
cross-sections of the activity of any infant at any age and tell
whether the streams of activity are running their normal course,
and whether certain ones are lagging or have not even appeared.
After sufficient work has been done to enable us to have
confidence in our standards we should be able to detect
feeble-mindedness, deficiencies in habit, and deviations in
emotional life. If a proper analysis of the activity streams can
be made at a very early age the whole care of the child may be
altered with beneficial results.... At present we simply have not
the data for the enumeration of man’s original tendencies, and it
will be impossible to obtain those data until we have followed
through the development of the activity of many infants from birth
to advanced childhood. Children of five years of age and over are
enormously sophisticated. The home environment and outside
companions have so shaped them that the original tendencies cannot
be observed. The habits put on in such an environment quickly
overlay the primitive and hereditary equipment. A workable
psychology of human instincts and emotions can thus never be
attained by merely observing the behavior of the adult.... (2) By
reason of this defect the study of vocational and business
psychology is in a backward state. The attempt to select a
vocation for a boy or girl in the light of our present knowledge
of the original nature of man is little more than a leap in the
dark. High sounding names like the constructive instinct, the
instinct of workmanship, and the like, which are now so much used
by the sociologists and the economists, will remain empty phrases
until we have increased our knowledge of infancy and childhood.
The only reasonable way, it would seem to us, of ever determining
a satisfactory knowledge of the various original vocational bents
and capacities of the human race is for psychologists to bring up
under the supervision of medical men a large group of infants
under controlled but varied and sympathetic conditions. Children
begin to reach for, select, play with and to manipulate objects
from about the 150th day on. What objects they select day by day,
what form their manipulation takes, and what early habits develop
upon such primitive instinctive activity should be recorded day by
day in black and white. There will be marked individual
differences in the material selected, in the length of time any
type of material will be utilized, and in the early constructive
habits which will arise with respect to all materials worked with
by the infant. Without instruction one infant (eighteen to twenty
months in an observed case) will build a neat wall with her
blocks, with one color always facing her. If the block is turned
while she is not looking she will quickly change it and correct
the defect. In other children such a bit of behavior can be
inculcated only with the greatest difficulty. Still another child
cannot be made to play with blocks but will work with twigs and
sticks by the hour. Variations in the selection and use of
material are the rule in infancy, but until we have followed up
the future course of such variations upon _infants whose past we
have watched day by day_ we are in no position to make
generalizations about the original tendencies which underlie the
vocations. (3) Finally, until we have obtained data upon the
emotional life of the infant and the normal curve of instinctive
and habit activity at the various ages, new methods for correcting
deviations in emotional, instinctive and habit development cannot
be worked out. Let us take a concrete example. A certain child is
afraid of animals of every type, furry objects, the dark, etc.
These fears are not hereditary. Our experiments will be convincing
upon that point. What steps can we take to remove these fears
which, unless they are removed in infancy, may become an enduring
part of the child’s personality?[113]
It will be seen that the Watsons are here studying attitudes—what ones
appear, in what order they appear, what ones are universal, and what
ones are particular to certain children. They introduce values—the
materials and influences—only as means of determining the presence of
attitudes, of calling them into action, of modifying them, and of giving
them application in different fields. They consciously introduce change
on the basis of some hypothesis and measure the effect of the new
influences on personality development. Already in this brief passage and
this unfinished experiment they indicate methods of determining (1)
occupational aptitudes, (2) defective mental efficiency, (3) the age
levels at which influences are to be presented and the order of their
presentation, and (4) the conditions of stable or neurotic
personalities. Their task is the measurement of influence under
conditions which they prepare and control. All scientific
experimentation involves the measurement of influence. The chemist
measures the influence of a material, say coal tar; the technician uses
this influence in preparing a dye or a medicine. The measurement of the
influence is the definition of the situation preliminary to action.
Now the world in which we live presents to the child influences
comparable with those artificially prepared in this experiment, and the
first task of behavior studies is to measure these influences as shown
in their effect on personality development.
There are in society organized sources of influence, institutions, and
social agencies, including the family, the school, the community, the
reformatory, the penitentiary, the newspaper, the moving picture. These
are sources of mass influence and will naturally be the main objects of
study and change. But in order to supplement and make scientific these
studies and to give them an adequate method it is necessary to prepare
at the same time more complete records of the personal evolution of
individuals. Eventually the life of the individual is the measure of the
totality of social influence, and the institution should be studied in
the light of the personality development of the individual. And as we
accumulate records of personal evolution, with indications of the means
by which the wishes seek expression and of the conditions of their
normal satisfaction, we shall be in a better position to measure the
influence of particular institutions in the formation of character and
life-organization and to determine lines of change in the institutions
themselves.
The “human document”, prepared by the subject, on the basis of the
memory is one means of measuring social influence. It is capable of
presenting life as a connected whole and of showing the interplay of
influences, the action of values on attitudes. It can reveal the
predominant wishes in different temperaments, the incidents constituting
turning points in life, the processes of sublimation or transfer of
interest from one field to another, the effect of other personalities in
defining situations and the influence of social organizations like the
family, the school, the acquaintance group, in forming the different
patterns of life-organization. By comparing the histories of
personalities as determined by social influences and expressed in
various schemes of life we can establish a measure of the given
influences. The varieties of human experience will be innumerable in
their concrete details, but by the multiplication and analysis of life
records we may expect to determine typical lines of the genesis of
character as related to types of influence. It will be found that when
certain attitudes are present the presentation of certain values may be
relied upon to produce certain results.
Human experience and schemes of personal behavior are the most
interesting of all themes, as is evidenced by fiction, the drama,
biographies, and histories. And works of this kind contain materials
which will be given a scientific value as we analyze, compare, and
interpret them. Even fictitious representations are significant when
viewed as showing the tendency at a given moment to idealize certain
schematizations of life. The autobiography has a more positive value for
the student, but usually tends to approach the model of fiction,
idealizing certain situations and experiences and repressing others
totally. Incidentally one of the largest and most important bodies of
spontaneous material for the study of the personality and the wishes
passes through the mails. The letters of the Bedford girl, for example
(document No. 86, p. 172) appeal to me as the most significant document
in this volume, in spite of the fact that they relate to one incident
and cover a relatively short time. The short life-histories of
approximately six thousand Jews printed in the New York _Forward_, and
representing the effort to find new definitions of new situations on the
part of the million and a half Jewish immigrants in New York City, and
to some extent of the three million Jews in America, are a rich
contribution to the study of the wishes. These records, hidden from the
eye of the “_goi_” behind the Hebrew alphabet, have the intimacy and
naïveté of personal confessions.
Another type of behavior record is now being prepared by those social
workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists who have to handle the
problems of maladjustment in the courts, schools, and reformatories and
in private practice. Under the pressure of practical needs they have
already assumed the standpoint I have outlined and are studying the
evolution of personal life-organization and making the record as
complete as possible. They meet the individual at the point of some
crisis, some experience or breakdown calling for readjustment, but from
this point they work backward into the history of the case and follow
its development into the future. In the beginning they over-determined
the value of the psychometric test, because this was the only method
psychology had put in their hands, but at present the measurement of
intelligence is recognized as having a limited usefulness.
“Feeble-mindedness” is partly a classificatory term for those
personalities whose behavior we have not been able to conform to the
usual standards because of lack of knowledge and method. We shall not
know what conditions to call feeble-minded until we have determined the
limits of the social influences which we can apply. Certain social
workers are taking case after case pronounced subnormal by the
clinicists and developing in them activities which enable them to live
in a society where they could not live before, while a large proportion
of those now pursuing peaceful callings would be called morons if they
were rounded up and gathered into some of the clinics. The government
records determined that 47.3 per cent of all Americans called out in the
draft for enlistment in the war were mentally deficient. They showed the
mentality of a twelve-year-old child or less.[114] A report of this kind
really loses all significance, because it makes no provision for lack of
uniformity in the social influences. There are certainly cases of
constitutional inferiority, but the clinical psychologists are now
realizing that these must be studied, like the cases of the
maladjustment of the normal, in connection with life records showing the
social influences tending to organize or disorganize the personality.
These institutional records obtained by testing, observation, and
inquiry should be supplemented by a life-record written by the subject.
In many cases it is not difficult to obtain this, and wherever the
subject of the study participates, giving the incidents of life which
have been determining factors the record gains in value.
From this standpoint the merit of the psychoanalytic school of
psychiatrists consists in the study of the personality. I do not refer
to theories or cures but to the method of studying the life-organization
by an analysis of the wishes, by enlisting the participation of the
subject, and using a special technic to revive all possible trains of
memory. The defect of this particular practice has been its lack of
objectivity. The operator has been using an interesting theory—sex as
the basis of life-organization—and his methods have been adapted to the
confirmation of the theory. More recently “recognition” has assumed a
prominent place in the theory, lack of recognition being indicated as
the source of the “inferiority complex.” But taken simply as cases the
psychoanalytic records are increasingly important for the study of
behavior. And the general method of psychoanalysis, or at least methods
inspired by it, are being used with the best results in connection with
delinquent children in the psychological clinics and by case-workers, as
in documents No. 88 and No. 89.
But we cannot rely entirely on the spontaneous production of
autobiographies nor upon the efforts of practical workers who make
records with reference to equilibrating maladjusted personalities.
Research into behavior problems through the preparation of records,
including life-histories, should be associated with every institution
and agency handling human material from the standpoint of education or
reform, but in addition specialists in behavior, psychologists, social
psychologists, sociologists, psychiatrists, social workers, should
isolate and study selected personalities as the biologist studies
selected organisms. Ordinary and extraordinary personalities should be
included, the dull and the criminal, the philistine and the bohemian.
Scientifically the history of dull lives is quite as significant as that
of brilliant ones. The investigator may, of course, select cases having
special significance; for example, secure the life-histories of the
girls mentioned at the beginning of this chapter who were not influenced
by the institution but made good in spite of the institution. The
analysis, comparison, and publication of the various records would
continuously influence social practice, as in the case of medical and
technological research.
We saw in the records given at the end of the last chapter that very
rapid and positive gains are being made in the treatment of delinquency,
but for a fundamental control and the prevention of anti-social behavior
a change in the general attitudes and values of society will be
necessary.
Up to the present, society has not been able to control the direction of
its own evolution or even to determine the form of life and
relationships necessary to produce a world in which it is possible and
desirable for all to live. Common sense has not been adequate to these
problems. We have evidently overdetermined certain values and
underdetermined others, and many important situations are
undefined—without policy. The most general and particular studies of the
wishes and the determination of the laws by which attitudes are
influenced by values and values by attitudes, the development of a
technic for the transfer of the wishes from one field of application to
another, and the development of schemes by which not only the wishes of
the individual may be sublimated but the attitudes and values of whole
populations controlled will be necessary before we are able consciously
to control the evolution of society and to determine an ideal
organization of culture.
Among the general problems involved in the study of attitudes and
values—the history of personality development and the measurement of
social influences—are the following:
=1.= =The problem of abnormality—crime, vagabondage, prostitution,
alcoholism, etc.= How far is abnormality the unavoidable manifestation
of inborn tendencies of the individual, and how far is it a matter of
deficient social organization,—the failure of institutional influences?
There is a quantitative difference of efficiency between individuals,
but if there is hardly a human attitude which if properly controlled and
directed could not be used in a socially useful and productive way, must
there remain a permanent qualitative difference between socially normal
and anti-social actions?
=2.= =The problem of individualization.= How far is individualism
compatible with social cohesion? What forms of individualism may be
considered socially useful or socially harmful? What forms of
individualism may be useful in an organization based on a conscious
coöperation in view of a common aim?
=3.= =The problem of nationalities and cultures.= What new schemes of
attitudes and values, or what substitute for the isolated national state
as an instrument of cultural expansion, will stop the fight of
nationalities and cultures?
=4.= =The problem of the sexes.= In the relation between the sexes how
can a maximum of reciprocal response be secured with a minimum of
interference with personal interests? How is the general social
efficiency of a group affected by the various systems of relations
between man and woman? What forms of coöperation between the family and
society are most favorable to the normal development of children?
=5.= =The economic problem.= How shall we be able to develop attitudes
which will subordinate economic success to other values? How shall we
restore stimulation to labor? The bad family life constantly evident in
these pages and the consequent delinquency of children, as well as
crime, prostitution and alcoholism, are largely due to the
overdetermination of economic interests—to the tendency to produce or
acquire the largest possible amount of economic values—because these
interests are actually so universal and predominant and because economic
success is a value convertible into new experience, recognition,
response, and security.
The modern division and organization of labor brings a continually
growing quantitative prevalence of occupations which are almost
completely devoid of stimulation and therefore present little interest
for the workman. This fact affects human behavior and happiness
profoundly, and the restoration of stimulation to labor is among the
most important problems confronting society. The present industrial
organization tends also to develop a type of human being as abnormal in
its way as the opposite type of individual who gets the full amount of
occupational stimulation by taking a line of interest destructive of
social order,—the criminal or vagabond.
The moralist complains of the materialization of men and expects a
change of the social organization to be brought about by moral or
religious preaching; the economic determinist considers the whole social
organization as conditioned fundamentally and necessarily by economic
factors and expects an improvement exclusively from a possible
historically necessary modification of the economic organization itself.
From the viewpoint of behavior the problem is much more serious and
objective than the moralist conceives it, but much less limited and
determined than it appears to the economic determinist. The economic
interests are only one class of human attitudes among others, and every
attitude can be modified by an adequate social technic. The interest in
the nature of work is frequently as strong as or stronger than the
interest in the economic results of the work, and often finds an
objective expression in spite of the fact that actual social
organization has little place for it. The protests, in fact, represented
by William Morris mean that a certain class of work has visibly passed
from the stage where it was stimulating to a stage where it is not,—that
the handicrafts formerly expressed an interest in the work itself rather
than in the economic returns from the work. Since every attitude tends
to influence social institutions, we may expect that an organization and
a division of labor based on occupational interests may gradually
replace the present organization based on demands of economic
productivity. In other words, with the appropriate change of attitudes
and values all work may become artistic work. And with the appropriate
change of attitudes and values the recognition of economic success may
be subordinated to the recognition of human values.
INDEX
Abbott, Edith, 102, 211.
Abnormality, problem of, 255.
Addams, Jane, 31.
Additon, Henrietta, 212.
Alcoholism, problem of, 255.
Anger, emotion of, 2.
Attitudes, mental, 233.
Bedford Hills Reformatory, 172.
Behavior, a science of, 228.
Bentley, Mary Ide, 86.
Bohemian, 12.
Breckenridge, S. P., 102, 211.
Cabot, Hugh, 92.
Cadet, the, 141.
Character, definition of, 241.
Charity girl, 119.
Chicago Vice Commission, 229.
Church, Irish Catholic, 159;
Polish Catholic, 159.
Code, the social, 50.
Common sense _vs._ scientific procedure, 225.
Community, 43.
Crime, problem of, 255.
Crime and punishment, 223.
Criminology, procedure of, 222.
Culbert, Jane F., 216.
Cultures, problem of, 255.
Davis, Katherine B., 116, 117, 118.
Daydreaming, 35.
Deardorff, Neva R., 212.
Delinquency, beginning of, 109.
Delinquent, proportion of foreign born, 152.
Demi-virgin, 231.
Demoralization of girls, 98, 150.
Dostoievsky, F., 10.
Economic Determination, 118.
Economic interests, overdetermination of, 256.
Economic problem, 256.
Eliot, Thomas D., 211.
Ellis, Havelock, 100.
El Retiro, 200.
Emotions, 2.
Engelgardt, A. N., 45.
Epithets, 49.
Experience, desire for new, 4.
Exploitation of girl by parents, 108.
Family, 43.
Fear, emotion of, 2.
Feeble-mindedness, 251.
Flapper, 231.
Flynn, Wm. J., 240.
Flynt, Josiah, 7.
Folkways, 44.
Gang, Influence on Girl, 142.
Girls’ Protective Bureau, 160.
Gossip, 49.
Group and individual, 70.
Hapgood, Hutchins, 21, 24.
Healy, William, 35.
Home, the demoralized, 209.
Hunting psychosis, 9.
Idealization of Girls, 125.
Individual and group, 70.
Individual and society, struggle between, 233.
Individualization, 70, 97, 255.
Influence, sources of, 249.
Immigrant, 39.
Instincts, 2.
Institutions and the family, 151.
Interest, hunting pattern of, 9.
Italians and white slavery, 145.
James, William, 22.
Jennings, H. S., 3, 217.
Jews and white slavery, 145.
Joy, emotion of, 3.
Juvenile Courts, establishment of, 194.
Kammerer, P. G., 132, 141.
Kneeland, George J., 144.
Krauss, F. S., 49.
Labor, Restoration of Stimulation to, 256.
Lashley, K. S., 80.
Legal system, 80.
Leibnitz, 219.
Love, emotion of, 2.
Lying, pathological, 35.
McAdoo, William, 11.
Marriage of illegal mothers, 141.
Mental attitudes, 233.
Meyer, A., 3.
Mir, 45.
Morris, Wm., 257.
Motherhood, illegal, 140.
Motion picture, 79, 83.
Nationalities, Problem of, 255.
Newspaper, 83.
Niceforo, A., 99.
Nightingale, Florence, 31.
Normal and abnormal, studies of, 231.
Occupations, Devoid of Stimulation, 256.
Ostwald, on great men, 219.
Pasteur, L., 10, 31, 32.
Penitentiary, 171.
Philistine, 12.
Pimp, the, 141.
Poverty and demoralization, 98.
Pratt, Anna B., 218.
Prostitute, schooling of, 116;
economic status of parents, 116;
wages of, 117;
the occasional, 119.
Prostitution, causes of, 117, 125;
problem of, 255.
Psychoanalysis as method, 253.
Punishment and crime, 223.
Rage, Emotion of, 2.
Recognition, desire for, 31.
Reflex, conditioned, 49.
Reform of child in spite of institution, 223.
Reformatory, 171.
Response, desire for, 17.
Reuter, E. B., 130.
Reynolds, James Bronson, 223.
Richards, Caroline C., 68.
Saleilles, R., 7.
Schematization of life, 225.
School, as substitute for juvenile court, 211.
School and community, 214.
School, measure of influence, 217;
as injurious to personality, 219.
Science, method of, 225;
as an end in itself, 227.
Security, desire for, 12.
Seduction of girls, 125.
Servant girls, 118.
Sexes, problem of the, 255.
Sexual desire as cause of demoralization, 109, 126.
Shop-girl, 119.
Situation, definition of, 42.
Smith, Edith L., 92, 125, 134, 136, 140.
Social agencies, 151.
Social change, rate of, 70, 78.
Social evolution, rate of, 230.
Social influence, measurement of, 222.
Social science, backwardness of, 229.
Social unrest, 72.
Social values, 232, 233.
Souteneur, the, 141.
Spiridonova, Maria, 31.
Statistics, as method, 244.
Sublimation of the wish, 243.
Success, two types of, 219.
Taft, Jessie, 34, 36, 200, 209, 221.
Temperament, 241.
Thomas, W. I., 3.
Thompson, Sir Wm., 219.
Thorndike, E. L., 17, 26.
Todd, Helen M., 218.
Train, A., 81.
True, Ruth, 13.
Unrest in Immigrants, 72.
Vagabondage, 6, 255.
Values, social, 232.
Van Waters, Miriam, 84, 195, 224.
Veblen, Thorstein, 31.
Venereal infections, 79.
Vice Commission of Chicago, 229.
Visiting teacher, 214.
Watson, J. B., 3, 9, 17, 80, 248.
Watson, Rosalie R., 248.
Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 99.
White slavers, methods of, 145.
White slavery, 141, 150.
Wishes, 1;
fixation of, 18;
over determination of, 18;
organization of, 39;
regulation of, 41;
transfer of, 243.
Women, types of, 230.
Wulffen, E., 236, 241.
Yerkes, Charles M., 252.
Zlatovratsky, N. N., 46.
-----
Footnote 1:
John B. Watson: “Practical and Theoretic Problems in Instinct and
Habits”, in “Suggestions of Modern Science Concerning Education”, by
H. S. Jennings, J. B. Watson, Adolf Meyer, W. I. Thomas, p. 63.
Footnote 2:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County (Illinois).
Footnote 3:
Josiah Flynt: “How Men Become Tramps”, _Century Magazine_, Vol. 50, p.
944 (October, 1895).
Footnote 4:
R. Saleilles: “The Individualization of Punishment”, p. 283.
Footnote 5:
Letter from “Railroad Jack” (Manuscript).
Footnote 6:
Records of the Girls’ Protective Bureau (Manuscript).
Footnote 7:
F. Dostoievsky: “The House of the Dead”, p. 25.
Footnote 8:
“Primary-Group Norms in Present-Day Society”, in “Suggestions of
Modern Science Concerning Education”, p. 162.
Footnote 9:
Chief City Magistrate William McAdoo, in _New York World_, December
18, 1920.
Footnote 10:
Ruth True: “The Neglected Girl”, p. 50.
Footnote 11:
W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki: “The Polish Peasant in Europe and
America”, in “Life Record of an Immigrant”, Vol. 3, pp. 246 and 251.
Footnote 12:
From the section entitled “A Bintel Brief” in _Forward_ (a New York
newspaper in the Yiddish language), April 12, 1920.
Footnote 13:
E. L. Thorndike: “The Original Nature of Man”, p. 81.
Footnote 14:
_Forward_, February 8, 1922.
Footnote 15:
_Forward_, March 8, 1922.
Footnote 16:
“Letters of William James”, p. 218. _The Atlantic Monthly Press._
Footnote 17:
Hutchins Hapgood: “The Marionette” (Manuscript).
Footnote 18:
_Forward_, December 17, 1920.
Footnote 19:
E. L. Thorndike: “The Original Nature of Man”, p. 87.
Footnote 20:
_Chicago American_, May 13, 1915.
Footnote 21:
Edith L. Smith, in collaboration with Hugh Cabot: “A Study in Sexual
Morality”, _Social Hygiene_, Vol. 2, p. 532.
Footnote 22:
Burr: “Religious Confession and Confessants”, p. 356.
Footnote 23:
“The Lady Bum”, by One of Them. _New York Times, Book Review and
Magazine_, January 1, 1922.
Footnote 24:
Jessie Taft: “Mental Hygiene Problems of Normal Adolescence”, _Mental
Hygiene_, Vol. 5, p. 746.
Footnote 25:
William Healy: “Mental Conflicts and Misconduct”, p. 217.
Footnote 26:
Jessie Taft: “Mental Hygiene Problems of Normal Adolescence”, _Mental
Hygiene_, Vol. 5, p. 750.
Footnote 27:
_Forward_, September 30, 1921.
Footnote 28:
A. N. Engelgardt: “Iz Derevni: 12 Pisem” (“From the Country; 12
Letters”), p. 315.
Footnote 29:
N. N. Zlatovratsky: “Ocherki Krestyanskoy Obshchiny” (“Sketches of the
Peasant Commune”), p. 127.
Footnote 30:
“V Volostnikh Pisaryakh” (“A Village Secretary”), p. 283.
Footnote 31:
F. S. Krauss: “Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven”, p. 103.
Footnote 32:
_Forward_, March 10, 1920.
Footnote 33:
_Forward_, January 22, 1921.
Footnote 34:
_Forward_, January 12, 1922.
Footnote 35:
_Forward_, July 9, 1920.
Footnote 36:
_Forward_, February 6, 1914.
Footnote 37:
_Forward_, November 26, 1920.
Footnote 38:
Caroline C. Richards: “Village Life in America”, pp. 21–138, _passim_.
New York, Henry Holt and Company. Reprinted by permission. Quoted by
R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess: “Introduction to the Science of
Sociology”, p. 305.
Footnote 39:
_Forward_, March 11, 1921.
Footnote 40:
Hutchins Hapgood: “At Christine’s” (Manuscript).
Footnote 41:
_Forward_, December 8, 1920.
Footnote 42:
Newspaper item.
Footnote 43:
Editorial in _The New Republic_, June 19, 1915.
Footnote 44:
These materials, edited by John B. Watson and K. S. Lashley, have been
printed in part in _Mental Hygiene_, Vol. 4, pp. 769–847.
Footnote 45:
A. Train: “The Prisoner at the Bar”, p. 6.
Footnote 46:
_N. Y. World_, February 4, 1922.
Footnote 47:
_Forward_, May 4, 1920.
Footnote 48:
Miriam Van Waters: “The True Value of Correctional Education.” Paper
read at the 51st American Prison Conference, November 1, 1921.
Footnote 49:
Editorial in the Brown University Daily Herald, quoted in the _New
York World_, February 3, 1921.
Footnote 50:
Mary Ide Bentley, Address at Berkeley, California. _New York Sun_,
February 7, 1922.
Footnote 51:
_New York American_, September 27, 1920.
Footnote 52:
_Forward_, January 1, 1920.
Footnote 53:
_Forward_, December 15, 1920.
Footnote 54:
Edith L. Smith, in Collaboration with Hugh Cabot: “A Study in Sexual
Morality”, _Social Hygiene_, Vol. 2, p. 537.
Footnote 55:
_New York World_, May 4, 1920.
Footnote 56:
Autobiography (Manuscript).
Footnote 57:
Résumé from A. Niceforo: “Les Classes Pauvres”, pp. 257–274.
Footnote 58:
Sidney and Beatrice Webb: “The Prevention of Destitution”, p. 306.
Footnote 59:
Havelock Ellis: “Studies in the Psychology of Sex”, Vol. 6. p. 275.
Footnote 60:
Sophonisba P. Breckenridge and Edith Abbott: “The Delinquent Child and
the Home”, pp. 74, 105.
Footnote 61:
Records of the Girls’ Protective Bureau.
Footnote 62:
Records of the Girls’ Protective Bureau.
Footnote 63:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County, Illinois.
Footnote 64:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County, Illinois.
Footnote 65:
Case Histories of 21 Women ... at Bedford Hills (Pamphlet) p. 3.
Footnote 66:
From the Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County.
Footnote 67:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County.
Footnote 68:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County.
Footnote 69:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County.
Footnote 70:
_New York American_, January 2, 1922.
Footnote 71:
Records of the Juvenile Court of Cook County.
Footnote 72:
Katharine Bement Davis: “A Study of Prostitutes Committed from New
York City.” Supplementary chapter in Kneeland’s “Commercialized
Prostitution in New York City”, p. 205.
Footnote 73:
Katharine Bement Davis: “A Study of Prostitutes Committed from New
York City.” Supplementary chapter in Kneeland’s “Commercialized
Prostitution in New York City”, p. 177.
Footnote 74:
_Ibid._, 221.
Footnote 75:
Katharine Bement Davis. _Op. cit._ pp. 145, 225.
Footnote 76:
“Histoire de la Prostitution” ... quoted by Ellis in “Studies in the
Psychology of Sex”, Vol. 6, p. 261.
Footnote 77:
“The Social Evil in Chicago” (Report of the Vice Commission of
Chicago), p. 80.
Footnote 78:
Edith L. Smith: “A Study in Sexual Morality”, “Social Hygiene”, Vol.
2, p. 541.
Footnote 79:
Records of the New York Probation Association.
Footnote 80:
From the manuscript of an autobiography and case study by Professor E.
B. Reuter.
Footnote 81:
P. G. Kammerer: “The Unmarried Mother”, p. 148.
Footnote 82:
Edith L. Smith: “A Study in Sexual Morality”, “Social Hygiene”, Vol.
2, p. 535.
Footnote 83:
Edith L. Smith: “A Study in Sexual Morality”, “Social Hygiene”, Vol.
2, p. 540.
Footnote 84:
Edith L. Smith, “A Study in Sexual Morality”, “Social Hygiene”, Vol.
2, p. 538.
Footnote 85:
P. G. Kammerer: “The Unmarried Mother”, p. 302.
Footnote 86:
“_Mutterschaft_”, p. 459.
Footnote 87:
_Forward_, November 18, 1913.
Footnote 88:
George J. Kneeland: “Commercialized Prostitution in New York City”, p.
90.
Footnote 89:
_New York World_, March 5, 1920.
Footnote 90:
Maud Miner: “The Slavery of Prostitution”, p. 105.
Footnote 91:
_Forward_, June 7, 1906.
Footnote 92:
See Breckenridge and Abbott: “The Delinquent Child and Home”, p. 59.
Footnote 93:
Records of the United Charities of Chicago.
Footnote 94:
Records of the Girls’ Protective Bureau.
Footnote 95:
Records of the Girls’ Protective Bureau.
Footnote 96:
“Where Girls Go Right”, _Survey Graphic_, June, 1922.
Footnote 97:
Miriam van Waters: “Juvenile Court Procedure as a Factor in
Diagnosis”, “Papers and Proceedings of the American Sociological
Society”, Vol. 16.
Footnote 98:
Jessie Taft: “Some Problems in Delinquency—Where Do They Belong?”
“Papers and Proceedings of the American Sociological Society”, Vol.
16.
Footnote 99:
Jessie Taft: “Some Problems in Delinquency—Where Do They Belong?”
“Papers and Proceedings of the American Sociological Society”, Vol.
16.
Footnote 100:
Sophonisba P. Breckenridge and Edith Abbott: “The Delinquent Child and
the Home”, p. 102.
Footnote 101:
Thomas D. Eliot: “The Juvenile Court and the Community.”
Footnote 102:
Henrietta Additon and Neva R. Deardorff: “That Child”, _The Survey_,
May 3, 1919.
Footnote 103:
Jane F. Culbert: “The Visiting Teacher”, _Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science: Child Welfare_, November,
1921, pp. 85, 87, 88.
Footnote 104:
Herbert S. Jennings: “The Biology of Children in Relation to
Education”, in “Suggestions of Modern Science Concerning Education”,
p. 15.
Footnote 105:
Helen M. Todd: “Why Children Work”, _McClure’s Magazine_, April, 1913.
Footnote 106:
Anna Beach Pratt: “The Relation of the Teacher and the Social Worker”,
_Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science: Child
Welfare_, November, 1921, p. 90.
Footnote 107:
Jessie Taft: “The Neurotic Girl”, _Modern Medicine_, Vol. 2, p. 162.
Footnote 108:
James Bronson Reynolds: Communication to the _New York World_, March
6, 1922.
Footnote 109:
Miriam van Waters: “The True Value of Correctional Education.” Paper
read at the 51st American Prison Congress, November 1, 1921.
Footnote 110:
Based on E. Wulffen: “Psychologie des Verbrechens”, Vol. 1, p. 173.
Footnote 111:
William J. Flynn, Former Chief of the United States Secret Service:
“My Ten Biggest Man Hunts”, _New York Herald_, January 29, 1922.
Footnote 112:
Based on E. Wulffen: “Psychologie des Verbrechens”, Vol. 2, p. 320.
Footnote 113:
John B. Watson and Rosalie Rayner Watson: “Studies in Infant
Psychology”, _Popular Science Monthly_, December, 1921, pp. 494, 515.
Footnote 114:
“Psychological Examining in the United States Army”. Report prepared
by Charles M. Yerkes, in “Memoirs of the National Academy of
Sciences”, Vol. 15.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.
2. Retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as
printed.
3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Unadjusted Girl, by William I. Thomas